research topics military psychology

Spotlight on Research

Welcome to the Spotlight on Research column. This column showcases research activities and projects underway in many of the research laboratories within the Department of Defense (DoD), partnering organizations and the academic and practitioner community in military psychology. Research featured in the column includes a wide variety of studies and programs, ranging from preliminary findings on single studies to more substantive summaries of programmatic efforts on targeted research topics. Research described in the column is inclusive of all disciplines relevant to military psychology—spanning the entire spectrum of psychology including clinical and experimental, as well as basic and applied. If you would like your work to be showcased in this column, please contact Colleen Varga .

This edition of the newsletter spotlights an area of psychology that is ripe for study. In the past few years, the demand for embedded psychological resources among special operations units has skyrocketed. This demand has stemmed from multiple factors, not least of which is an attempt to increase the likelihood that military members in high-risk and high ops tempo careers are getting care that they need when they need it and where they need it. This model embodies the therapeutic tenet of “meeting the client where they are at,” both literally and figuratively. The present article discusses the potential roles an embedded psychologist can fill, the characteristics that enable psychologists to be successful in this role, and the challenges associated with working in an embedded context.

Embedded Psychological Resources: A Model for Enhancing Individual and Organizational Resiliency Bringing the critical psychological support to the fight – resiliency at the tip of the spear By James A. Young , Chad E. Morrow, Mark A. Taylor, Jeffery J. Peterson, and Tatiana M. Soria

Research Overview The military has a long history of utilizing psychologists and psychological principles to bolster the resiliency of troops and strengthen the organizations to which they belong (Laurence & Mathews, 2012; Mathews, 2014). In fact, active duty military members have grown to expect easy access to psychological care both in garrison and in the deployed environment. Military members can easily find a clinic or hospital with a full array of mental health specialties such as psychiatry, psychology and social work on most military installations. With such easy access, why do they often choose not to utilize these resources? Rather, they frequently elect to struggle in silence with a variety of psychological issues.

As long as there have been available resources to help with psychological issues, there has been a corresponding stigma associated with utilizing this support (Hoge, 2010; Hoge et al., 2004). Having identified stigma as a significant barrier to receiving adequate care, the military has aggressively sought creative alternatives to decrease this stigma, with the ultimate goal of connecting all military personnel with the help they may need.

One such approach has been to embed psychological resources in primary care clinics, as it is the location where much of the behavioral health care takes place. Some estimates suggest that about half of all mental health care will be accomplished by primary care providers (Robinson & Reiter, 2007). Another tactic has been to make resources readily available in the community near the military installation, for example, through programs such as Military One Source. This option for off-base care is appealing for some military members as their concerns about career impact are too weighty for them to feel comfortable seeking care on the installation where they work. Another attempt to increase access is to place Military Family Life Counselors (MFLCs) on military installations, but external to clinics or hospitals. While MFLCs, most typically Masters-level clinicians, retain the requirement to report certain issues such as suicidality, homicidality and domestic violence, they are allowed to offer “non-medical counseling” without a requirement to document the session. This absence of documentation puts many military members at ease with regard to career limiting implications (e.g., flying status, security clearances, etc.) because concerns about confidentiality are mitigated (Hoyt, 2013).

Problem Statement Utilizing an approach farther removed from the traditional mental health model, the military has increasingly embedded psychological resources directly into the units where the military men and women work, such as special operations units; remotely piloted aircraft organizations; basic military training; survival, evasion, resistance and escape training units; and intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance units. Within this model, rather than going to another location on the military installation or somewhere in town, the military member receives support at the location where he or she works. Similar embedded models, albeit nonpsychological, have been utilized extensively in the military (e.g., chaplains, flight surgeons, independent duty medical technicians, etc.). There are many potential advantages and disadvantages of this model. Some of the advantages include easy access to psychological resources, greater potential for rapport because of familiarity, and the psychologist’s increased awareness of the work conditions associated with that person’s career field. Embedding these resources directly into the units will increase the frequency of nonthreatening contact and decrease stigma, thereby increasing the probability military personnel will feel comfortable asking for help before issues become unmanageable. Potential disadvantages might include loss of objectivity in dealing with unit members’ psychological problems, loss of professional identity, and a gradual drift from standards of practice and ethics.

Early indications suggest that military leaders see value in the embedded model. For example, Brigadier General Robert Armfield states, “Psychologists equip the operators with the mental skills to dominate the enemy on the battlefield, maintain high levels of psychological health throughout a career of brutal enemy engagements and thrive at home as they/their families cope with the reality of years of non-stop wartime deployments…The key to the success of this special tactics model is the embedded nature of the work they do” (Armfield, 2015). Another military leader, Colonel William Fischer, says the following about embedded psychologists within his organization: “The embedded psychologists in the 737 Training Group are directly impacting the quality of the Airmen entering the Air Force because they help ensure the professionalism of the training environment and our instructors.” He also states, “In the end, the embedded model of psychological and mental health support works. It not only provides oversight in mission execution and instructor effectiveness, but it also provides strategic insights to leaders when selecting instructors and revising policy” (Fischer, 2016).

We do not believe that all organizations are in need of embedded psychological support; rather, particular types of organizations are more likely to benefit from an embedded provider, in part because of the low probability its members will seek mental health care when offered solely in a traditional clinical setting. Often such organizations’ members are held to more stringent physical and psychological standards such as with special operations forces, aircrew, law enforcement, fire department, and intelligence communities; therefore, they may feel that they have a lot to lose by exposing themselves to what is often viewed as a mysterious mental health system. Individuals from these types of organizations are generally reluctant to see providers who are not familiar with the unit’s mission or who do not appreciate how the need for psychological treatment is perceived by the group’s members.

In the following sections we will briefly explore the following issues related to the embedded model:

Roles an embedded psychologist might fill
Qualities of psychologists who might do well in this environment
Unique challenges associated with working in this context

Additionally, we will offer a few general recommendations for successfully embedding psychologists within an organization.

Focus and Approach

Potential roles An overarching goal of embedding a psychologist in any organization is to optimize mission performance and enhance the resiliency of its members (Williams & Johnson, 2006). To achieve this, the embedded psychologist will employ a variety of tools to meet the commander’s intent and unit members’ needs. We believe Gardner and Moore’s (2005) Multilevel Classification System for Sport Psychology (MCS-SP) offers a good analog for how an embedded military provider can organize his or her activities. This model suggests the following four areas for sport psychologists to focus their activities:

Performance development (PD) focuses solely on improving athletic performance
Performance dysfunction (PDy) emphasizes alleviating minor to mild psychological impairments to performance
Performance impairment (PI) focuses on treatment of clinical issues
Performance termination (PT) addresses any issues related to termination of sporting activity

Borrowing from and modifying this multitiered model, we propose that engagement with the client (e.g., commander or active duty service member) would occur mostly in the following areas:

Performance Development/Enhancement
Consultation
Transition Support

Performance development and enhancement activities seek to improve individual and organizational performance and maintain high levels of resiliency throughout the unit. Examples of activities that fall within this category are personnel selection, performance enhancement interventions (e.g., helping someone learn and utilize controlled breathing to maximize success in a challenging course or event), and stress inoculation training (i.e., within the context of a deliberate stress inoculation program). Consultation with individuals would focus on the following types of issues: minor sleep difficulties (e.g., jet lag), increased hypervigilance/arousal, and relationship difficulties. The role of the embedded psychologist in this domain would be to provide psycho-education and recommendations on commonly occurring issues. Organizational consultation might be focused on issues such as operational tempo, work/rest cycle, morale and so forth.

Treatment is most similar to what one would find in the traditional mental health setting and, as such, has the goal of resolving clinical issues that directly impact performance and quality of life. This activity is similar to tertiary care; therefore, it is associated with documentation. Because of the established rapport, one might expect greater treatment compliance and improved treatment outcomes.

Transition Support has the primary goal of ensuring the unit member’s success in his or her transition to civilian life or another unit. This level of engagement addresses any of the normal psychological factors associated with a life transition. The focus is specific to the person and situation and could include discussions related to purpose, career/mission changes, and future goals. Again, we believe that an embedded provider may be in an ideal position to help with transition issues, in part because of their familiarity with the service member’s current job/roles and unique challenges.

Qualities of psychologists Several personal and professional qualities are important to consider for successful placement of psychologists within operational units. Training, personality and perspective are just a few such issues.

Training Successful psychologists will have a strong experience base in clinical applications, such as knowledge of psychopathology, diagnostic ability and treatment application (Staal & Stephenson, 2006). The possession of a strong clinical foundation allows the psychologist to recognize the distinction between relatively minor disruptions in functioning and those symptoms that require more intensive treatment. Additionally, robust clinical experience allows the psychologist to effectively educate the unit member and the commander on the treatment process and expected outcomes.

Personality The concept of “personality fit” refers to the ability of the psychologist to reflect the unit’s culture to such a degree as to be able to build relationships with its members and command in order to effectively apply behavioral science skills and knowledge. Thus, no particular personality profile will always produce success in an embedded position since different organizations possess unique cultures. In general, the embedded psychologist would be adept at managing stress and uncertainty effectively and building social connections, and possess a strong motivation for success.

Perspective This refers to how the psychologist views the unit, its members, and his or her role within the unit. Psychologists provide a specific skill set beneficial to the unit, and it is important to remember what that function is. While it may be appropriate to participate in many of the unit training activities in an effort to gain a greater understanding of the mission and unique stressors, it is equally important to not lose focus on the role of the psychologist by overidentifying with the operational members.

Unique Challenges of the Embedded Psychologist

Overcoming stigma The stigma of seeking mental health care by military members is well-established (Acosta et al., 2014; Britt et al., 2008; Britt, Jennings, Cheung, Pury, & Zinzow, 2015). This is promulgated in part by rumors, myths and partial truths—particularly with respect to concerns about confidentiality and negative career repercussions resulting from mental health care and medical documentation. Military members are apprehensive about seeking mental health treatment because of potential career limiting outcomes (e.g., loss of security clearance, duty restrictions, termination of military service). As a consequence, military members access care at a rate lower than may be indicated by need (Mental Health Advisory Team [MHAT]-V, 2008, as cited in Bryan & Morrow, 2011).

As an example, aviators generally do not trust mental health providers. For this reason, mental health providers must establish trust through consistent contact, rapport and well-suited psychological interventions. Young (2008) posits that pilots are reluctant to seek assistance when needed, thus making assessment and intervention difficult. As one pilot stated, “Aviators are notorious for avoiding flight surgeons and would disavow the very existence of mental health professionals if given the opportunity. Both occupations (flight surgeons and mental health professionals) represent a threat to a pilot’s flying status.”

Experts can extol the virtue of receiving care; however, a more persuasive argument comes from well-respected peers and leaders who personally advocate for support and treatment. As an example, within the SOF community, advocates such as Admiral William McCraven (Navy Ret.) and Sergeant Major Chris Farris (Army Ret.) spoke openly about the benefits of seeking care and actively promoted/funded embedded psychological resources through the Preservation of the Force and Family initiative. This high-level advocacy serves to normalize care, increases accessibility, and promote help seeking behavior.

Ethical consideration sIn the embedded model the persistent presence of providers poses unique ethical challenges to navigate with respect to confidentiality and dual relationships. By embedding a psychologist into the unit, familiarity and trust are gained; therefore, the distinct boundaries more easily maintained in traditional care settings can be blurred. Interactions are no longer limited to a far-removed clinic milieu with strict rules of engagement. While clear communication about confidentiality is necessary in traditional clinical relationships, the limits must be clearer when embedded. One suspected violation of trust can quickly impact trust among all members across the organization, essentially shutting down the business of the embedded provider.

For embedded providers, the nature of relationships with individuals, teams, and leadership is fluid. He or she may alternate among therapist, consultant, coach, team member, and mission support all in the same day. The ability to comfortably switch between roles while maintaining boundaries is critical to building effective relationships and staying true to psychologists’ ethical responsibilities.

Integration Perhaps the greatest challenge is being viewed as an integral member of the team, which requires progressing from an outside observer to a trusted insider at the individual, team, and organizational level. In many respects, the same skills used to build rapport within a therapeutic relationship are used by the embedded provider, to include acceptance, empathy, and active listening (Mozdzierz, Peluso, & Lisiecki, 2009). Critical in this process is for the embedded provider to be genuine while simultaneously blending into the unit, observing and absorbing as much as possible. The provider should not attempt to alter his or her personality to fit the culture as this would be rejected as disingenuous. Another challenge is to find ways to be useful, approachable, and present, while not being invasive. Over time, the embedded provider will begin to know the unit members (e.g., duties, skills, families, personalities), and perceptions of the psychologist’s trustworthiness will develop.

Recommendations and Implications

There are numerous ways to increase the probability of success as an embedded psychologist. First, it is paramount that the psychologist has already established strong foundational skills before he or she can expect to successfully embed in a unit. If he or she is not a competent and confident psychologist, it will be difficult to practice alone in austere environments, and the ability to provide meaningful and impactful recommendations to the unit leadership will be diminished.

Second, it is helpful to consistently study what your commanders or leaders and unit members are studying. This approach for an embedded psychologist will not only ensure he or she begins to understand how his or her client thinks and behaves (i.e., what his or her interests and/or motivations are), but it also allows the embedded psychologist to speak the same language and make “shop-talk,” both of which are influential in building rapport and relationships with unit members (Staal, 2015).

Finally, as much as possible, the embedded psychologist should be involved with unit activities. This could range from being in the gym working out with unit personnel, participating in training events, or traveling with unit members. Typically, the embedded psychologist who is present with unit members, regardless of the location, will be seen as a team member and will be more utilized than one who sits in the office waiting for business.

While there are clearly a variety of ways to enhance individual and organizational effectiveness and resiliency, we feel that the embedded model shows particular promise, especially with those individuals or organizations that are reluctant to utilize more traditional modalities. The greatest challenge is to figure when and where to utilize this model, balancing the desire to bring additional help to unique populations while taking care to maintain our identities as psychologists. Anecdotally, each author has seen an uptick in help seeking behaviors among the individuals they serve. Prior to embedding a provider in their respective units, very few unit members sought help from mental health resources. Within just a few years those rates have increased significantly for each of these units. It is reasonable to suggest this may reduce short- and long-term mental health symptoms and disorders; however, perhaps more importantly, we believe it will enhance the performance capabilities of highly trained and essential members for the current battle space.

While listing all of the potential challenges an embedded psychologist might face is beyond the scope of this paper, our goal was to highlight those that have been repeatedly faced by the authors. These challenges, if not managed well, have the greatest likelihood for diminished results and an uncomfortable embedded experience.

Because of the ambiguity associated with operating in unfamiliar territory, we acknowledge that the professional risks are potentially greater than those within the traditional psychologist setting; however, the need for additional assistance to these organizations is high and the personal and professional rewards for providing this assistance are substantial.

Contact For further information, please contact: Lt. Col. James Young .

Acosta, J. D., Becker, A., Cerully, J. L., Fisher, M. P., Martin, L. T., Vardavas, . . . Schell, T. L. (2014). Mental health stigma in the military . Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation. Armfield, R. G. (2015). Embedded model: Enhancing the resiliency of the force and families within Air Force special tactics. The Air Force Psychologist Newsletter, 6 . Advance online publication. Britt, T. W., Greene-Shortridge, T. M., Brink, S., Nguyen, Q. B., Rath, J., Cox, A. L., . . . Castro, C. A. (2008). Perceived stigma and barriers to care for psychological treatment: Implications for reactions to stressors in different contexts. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 27 , 317–335. Britt, T. W., Jennings, K. S., Cheung, J. H., Pury, C. L. S., & Zinzow, H. M. (2015, March). The role of different stigma perceptions in treatment seeking and dropout among active duty military personnel. Psychiatric Rehabilitation Journal , 38, 142–149. Bryan, C. J., & Morrow, C. E. (2011). Circumventing mental health stigma by embracing the warrior culture: Lessons learned from the Defender’s Edge program. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 42 , 16–23. Fischer, W. (2016). Heavy lifting requires the right tools: Embedding psychologists at BMT and Airman’s Week. The Air Force Psychologist Newsletter, 40 . Advance online publication. Gardner, F., & Moore, Z. (2005). Clinical sport psychology . Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Hoge, C. W. (2010). Once a warrior always a warrior: Navigating the transition from combat to home including combat stress, PTSD, and mTBI. Guilford, CT: Globe Pequot Press. Hoge, C. W., Castro, C. A., Messer, S. C., McGurk, D., Cotting, D. I., & Koffman, R. L. (2004). Combat duty in Iraq and Afghanistan, mental health problems, and barriers to care. New England Journal of Medicine, 351 , 13–22. Hoyt, T. (2013). Limits to confidentiality in U.S. army treatment settings. Military Psychology, 25 , 46–56. Laurence, J. H., & Mathews, M. D. (2012). The handbook of military psychology: An introduction. In J. H. Laurence & M. D. Mathews (Eds.) The Oxford handbook of military psychology . New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Mathews, M. D. (2014). Head strong: How psychology is revolutionizing war . New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Mozdzierz, G. J., Peluso, P. R., & Lisiecki, J. (2009). Principles of counseling and psychotherapy: Learning the essential domains and nonlinear thinking of master practitioners . New York, NY: Routledge. Robinson, P. J., & Reiter, J. T. (2007). Behavioral consultation and primary care: A guide to integrating services . New York, NY: Springer Science + Business Media. Staal, M. (2015). Improving military psychologist’s credibility within combat units. Military Psychologist, 30 , 7–10. Staal, M. A., & Stephenson, J. A. (2006). Operational psychology: An emerging subdiscipline. Military Psychology, 18 , 269–282. Williams, T. J., & Johnson, W. B. (2006). Introduction to the special issue: Operational psychology and clinical practice in operational environments. Military Psychology, 18 , 261–268. Young, J. A. (2008). The effects of life-stress on pilot performance . Moffett Field, CA: Ames Research Center.

December 2017 | Vol. 32, No. 3

July 2017 | vol. 32, no. 2, april 2017 | vol. 32, no. 1.

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Military Psychology by Updesh Kumar , Swati Mukherjee LAST REVIEWED: 29 November 2022 LAST MODIFIED: 29 November 2022 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199828340-0298

Military psychology is a specialized field of applied psychology that defines itself not through its subject content or methodological concerns, rather through its goal of optimally fulfilling the requirements of its end user, the armed forces. It is a distinctive domain where varied sub-disciplines of psychology converge in pursuance of ensuring efficiency, effectiveness, and sustained performance by the armed forces in specific contexts and under exceptional circumstances. It is focused on building, enhancing, and optimizing the human capital. Though psychological principles have always been used by humankind in warfare, military psychology as a modern discipline found expression as recently as the First World War. Remarkably, the relationship between military and psychology has been almost symbiotic, the two growing in tandem and benefitting mutually. While the German military was a pioneer in utilizing the expertise of psychologists in the war effort, using aptitude testing for recruitment into different occupation, during the First World War, utilization of psychological expertise by Britain and France remained limited. After entering the First World War in 1917 the United States effectively utilized psychological knowledge in recruitment, classification, and training. Large-scale use of psychology gave impetus to the growth of psychology and resulted in the establishment of the Division of Psychology in the office of the Surgeon General of the US Army in 1917. Psychology in the military grew exponentially during the years of the Second World War. Psychologists were recruited in various branches of the armed forces, overseeing personnel selection, health care, training, proficiency measurement, and leadership. The American Psychological Association recognized the contributions of psychology to the war effort by including the Division of Military Psychology (Division 19) as a formal sub-division in 1945. The psychologists gained a formal entry in the British civil services during the postwar period. As the world settled into an uneasy peace and a Cold War, military psychology found ever newer avenues. While ensuring person-job fit remained a prime domain, clinical intervention, human factor engineering, leadership, propaganda, and other social processes provided military psychologists with new research opportunities. In the current era of techno-centric warfare, military psychology is finding applications in varied domains of optimizing man-machine interface for enhanced operational efficiency, enhancing cognitive capabilities through artificial intelligence supported decision networks and an improved understanding of personality processes. Also, as the changing nature of warfare necessitates that the nations find alternative ways of securing their interests beyond war, military psychology today stands at a juncture facing not only methodological challenges, but also unprecedented challenges of an ethical nature.

Military psychology is a broad and complex domain. There are a number of handbooks and general overviews available that introduce the learner to the applications of psychological principles in the military. Gal and Mangelsdorf 1991 and Cronin 1998 , though a bit dated, provide a comprehensive introduction almost like a textbook. In a similar vein, Driskell and Olmstead 1989 elaborates upon the symbiotic relationship between military and the psychological science born out of the expediencies of the First World War and discusses three core areas of psychological research and applications in the military, namely, selection and classification, training, and human factors. A relatively contemporary overview of applications of psychology in the military is given by Laurence and Matthews 2012 , which describes various subfields and specialties within military psychology. Expanding beyond basic operational processes like selection and training, terror and counterterror measures, Kennedy and Zillmer 2022 provides a focused discussion on stress, trauma, injury, and other clinical issues and incorporates updated information on military mental health services and evidence-based treatments. Another recent review of history and development of military psychology is provided by Mastroianni 2022 that expounds upon the vibrancy of the discipline focusing upon a core set of stable areas of study, dynamically adapting to ever newer applications. Hacker Hughes, et al. 2019 traces the history of military psychology in the United Kingdom and reflects upon the contemporary issues of significance. Also includes relevant international illustrations. Bowles and Bartone 2017 reflects upon clinical and organizational practice in the military, extensively delves upon regular topics like role of psychology in selection and placement, well-being, and mental health. Also includes specialized areas like assault and sexual harassment in the military, use of virtual reality in military mental health programs. Kumar 2019 provides a wide-ranging overview of the discipline and also includes contributions from across the globe. Matthews and Laurence 2011 most elaborately includes expansive discussions on various aspects of research and practice in four volumes of military psychology.

Bowles, Stephen, and Paul T. Bartone, eds. 2017. Handbook of military psychology: Clinical and organizational practice . Cham, Switzerland: Springer International.

A compendium of articles on challenges faced by contemporary military psychologists at individual, social, and organizational levels in ensuring mental health and operational efficiency of the armed forces. Spread across thirty-six chapters divided into seven parts. Encompasses topics like soldier well-being and resilience, selection and assessment of service personnel, and pre- and post-deployment issues. Also reflects upon specialized domains like aeromedical psychology, virtual reality applications, and opportunities and challenges faced by military psychology students. Dedicates an entire section on international perspectives with contributions from India, China, Australia, Sweden, Singapore, and many more.

Cronin, Christopher, ed. 1998. Military psychology: An introduction . Needham Height, MA: Simon & Schuster.

An introductory text tailored to the needs of an initial learner, highlights the areas that differentiate applications of psychology in the military from psychological practice in general. Includes chapters covering eight major domains, namely, selection, classification and assignment, human factors, environmental factors, leadership, individual and group behavior, training and education, manpower management decision making support, and clinical and consultative/organizational psychology.

Driskell, James E., and Beckett Olmstead. 1989. Psychology and the military: Research applications and trends. American Psychologist 44.1: 43–54.

DOI: 10.1037/0003-066X.44.1.43

A definitive text that traces the contours of military psychology in the United States through the two world wars and after 1945 until the late 20th century. Cites and provides references to the initial researches published in the domain. Narrates in detail the initial struggles of American military psychology to establish itself. Also discusses the contemporary research directions and funding within the defense establishment of the United States.

Gal, Reuven, and David Mangelsdorff, eds. 1991. Handbook of military psychology . New York. John Wiley & Sons.

Provides an exhaustive overview of goals and methods of military psychology. Divided into seven sections and thirty-nine chapters dealing with: selection, classification and placement in military services; human factors and military performance; environmental factors and military performance; leadership in military performance; individual and group behavior; clinical and consultative/organizational psychology; and special subjects and special situations. Also indicates toward evolving specializations within the field that have come to fruition since the publication of the volume.

Hacker Hughes, H. Jamie, M. McCauley, and L. Wilson. 2019. History of military psychology. BMJ Military Health 165: 68–70.

Provides an overview of the origins, history, and current composition of military psychology in the United Kingdom. Describes the major developments in research practices and applications of military psychology during the two world wars and thereafter. Focuses upon the growth of clinical domain within military psychology in the postwar years, especially since the late 20th century, and describes the modalities through which civilian and uniformed psychologists ensure technically sound and timely delivery of mental health services.

Kennedy, Carrie H., and Eric A. Zillmer, eds. 2022. Military psychology: Clinical and operational applications . 3d ed. New York: Guilford Press.

Significantly revised and updated edition covering contemporary issues and challenges in clinical practice and its operational application owing to the changing nature of warfare, prolonged deployments, counterterrorism and counterintelligence efforts, peacekeeping and negotiation strategies. Covers topics like assessment and selection of high-risk operational personnel, psychology of terrorists, and crisis and hostage negotiation and disaster mental health.

Kumar, U. 2019. Routledge international handbook of military psychology & mental health . London and New York: Routledge.

DOI: 10.4324/9780429281266

A compendium bringing forth the state of the art in military psychology theory, practice, and future prospects. With contributions spanning the globe, comprehensively elucidates international perspectives in three broad domains and thirty-five chapters. Discusses evolution of the discipline over the years; challenges to soldiering brought about by the changing nature of warfare; and mental health issues and prospects in the military.

Laurence, Janice H., and Michael D. Matthews. 2012. Oxford handbook of military psychology . New York and Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.

DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195399325.001.0001

Explores the critical link between psychology and military, covering a wide array of topics organized across five relevant sections: clinical psychology, general psychological contributions to eclectic emerging concerns, industrial/organizational psychology, applied experimental psychology, and social psychology. Provides an extensive overview of military applications of psychological science.

Mastroianni, George R. 2022. History and development of military psychology . In Handbook of military sciences . Edited by A. M. Sookermany. Cham, Switzerland: Springer.

Considers the historical connection between psychology and the military drawing from the ancient Greek scholars’ conceptualizations and places these in the contemporary context. Delves into selection and training, leadership, and combat trauma as three early domains of military psychology, and expands upon these to elaborate upon the contemporary applications and developments.

Matthews, Michael D., and Janice H. Laurence, eds. 2011. Military psychology (Reference Collection) . Los Angeles: SAGE.

A four-volume collection that aims to highlight significant developments in military psychology that have implications for psychological research and practice in general. The four volumes comprehensively bring together the scholarship on selection, training, and performance; applied experimental and engineering psychology; stress and resilience; leadership, culture and morale.

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Home » Blog » Dissertation » Topics » Psychology » Military Psychology » 80 Military Psychology Research Topics

80 Military Psychology Research Topics

FacebookXEmailWhatsAppRedditPinterestLinkedInIf you are a student seeking compelling research topics in Military Psychology, you have come to the right place. Researching military psychology topics for your thesis or dissertation can be an exciting yet challenging endeavor, especially if you’re pursuing an undergraduate, master’s, or doctoral degree. Whether you’re interested in understanding the psychological impact of combat, […]

If you are a student seeking compelling research topics in Military Psychology, you have come to the right place. Researching military psychology topics for your thesis or dissertation can be an exciting yet challenging endeavor, especially if you’re pursuing an undergraduate, master’s, or doctoral degree. Whether you’re interested in understanding the psychological impact of combat, improving mental health services for veterans, or exploring the intricacies of leadership within the military, there’s a vast array of research topics to explore. In this blog post, we will provide you with a comprehensive list of military psychology research topics suitable for different degree levels, helping you embark on your research journey.

Military Psychology, also known as “war psychology” or “combat psychology,” is a subfield of psychology that focuses on studying the psychological aspects of military personnel, veterans, and their families.

A List Of Potential Research Topics In Military Psychology:

Examining the effectiveness of resilience-building programs for military recruits.
Exploring the experiences of military caregivers and their mental health challenges.
Examining the psychological well-being of military personnel transitioning to civilian life.
Investigating the influence of military service on post-military career choices and mental well-being.
Examining the role of military chaplains in providing spiritual support to service members.
Investigating the psychological impact of military sexual trauma (MST) on survivors.
Investigating the psychological factors influencing military personnel’s adherence to physical fitness routines.
A systematic review of interventions for reducing PTSD symptoms in military veterans.
Examining the psychological impact of military personnel’s exposure to traumatic events during training.
Assessing the psychological effects of military personnel’s involvement in humanitarian missions.
Investigating the psychological consequences of military whistleblowing on service members.
Analyzing the role of pre-deployment psychological screening in predicting combat-related stress.
Investigating the impact of military service on family dynamics and psychological well-being.
Investigating the influence of cultural factors on the mental health experiences of international military personnel.
Examining the relationship between military service and substance abuse.
Analyzing the role of leadership styles in enhancing unit cohesion in the military.
Examining the psychological resilience of military personnel in high-stress environments: A blend of military psychology and industrial-organizational psychology.
Examining the relationship between military personnel’s childhood adversity and mental health outcomes.
Examining the influence of military culture on mental health stigma within the armed forces.
Assessing the use of canine therapy in improving the mental health of veterans with PTSD.
Investigating the use of telehealth services in providing mental health care to remote military locations.
Investigating the impact of Brexit on the psychological well-being of British armed forces.
Assessing the role of social media in military personnel’s mental health and well-being.
Assessing the effectiveness of art and creative therapies in promoting emotional expression among military personnel.
Assessing the effectiveness of mental health support programs within the UK military.
A review of the impact of military culture on mental health stigma.
Exploring the relationship between military leadership styles and job satisfaction among troops.
Examining the influence of pandemic-related stressors on military readiness.
An overview of the current state of telehealth services in military mental health care.
Assessing the effectiveness of mental health first aid training in the military.
Examining the psychological effects of repeated deployments on military personnel.
An examination of the historical trends in military psychology research.
Exploring the use of biofeedback and neurofeedback in enhancing mental performance in the military.
Exploring the role of gender and diversity in military leadership and its impact on unit effectiveness.
Assessing the impact of combat exposure on military families’ psychological well-being.
Analyzing the psychological factors that contribute to military personnel’s decision to leave the service.
Utilizing quantitative methods to assess the effectiveness of psychological interventions for combat veterans: An intersection of military psychology and quantitative psychology .
Assessing the effectiveness of equine therapy in treating veterans with PTSD.
Investigating the psychological impact of military cyber operations on personnel.
Exploring the relationship between military rank and mental health outcomes.
An overview of the evolution of military mental health care over the past decade.
Examining the role of cultural factors in mental health stigma in the UK armed forces.
A synthesis of research on the psychological challenges faced by military families.
Investigating the effectiveness of teletherapy for treating mental health issues among veterans during the pandemic.
Assessing the role of social support in mitigating the mental health challenges of military spouses.
Analyzing the mental health challenges unique to UK military personnel.
Exploring the effectiveness of peer support programs for military personnel with PTSD.
Investigating the impact of military culture on the willingness to seek mental health treatment.
A meta-analysis of studies on the effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions in the military.
Exploring the long-term effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on military mental health services.
Analyzing the role of leadership development programs in fostering military unit cohesion.
A review of the literature on the psychological consequences of military sexual trauma (MST).
Exploring the role of humor in coping with stress among military personnel.
Analyzing the impact of military leadership training on leadership effectiveness and mental resilience.
Investigating the psychological factors influencing military personnel’s decision-making in high-stress situations.
Exploring the effectiveness of virtual reality therapy in treating combat-related PTSD.
Examining the relationship between combat exposure and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in veterans.
Assessing the effectiveness of mindfulness-based interventions in reducing stress among military service members.
Exploring the use of AI and machine learning in predicting and preventing mental health issues in the military.
Examining the psychological factors that contribute to military personnel’s risk-taking behaviors.
Assessing the impact of military deployments on the psychological development of children in military families.
Analyzing the role of virtual support networks in maintaining the well-being of military families during lockdowns.
Examining the role of community-based mental health services in supporting military veterans.
Exploring the role of military resilience in mitigating the effects of combat-related trauma.
Enhancing the reintegration process of wounded warriors through the integration of military psychology and rehabilitation psychology.
Examining the relationship between military leadership styles and unit performance.
Investigating the experiences and mental health outcomes of LGBTQ+ individuals in the military.
Assessing the psychological challenges faced by military families during deployments.
Analyzing the psychological effects of military personnel’s exposure to chemical and biological hazards.
Exploring the experiences of UK military veterans in accessing mental health care.
Assessing the psychological impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on military personnel.
Investigating the impact of resilience training on military personnel’s mental health.
Assessing the effectiveness of peer counseling in preventing suicide among military service members.
Analyzing the impact of sleep deprivation on cognitive performance among military personnel.
Assessing the effectiveness of military support programs for veterans with traumatic brain injuries (TBI).
Investigating the factors influencing moral injury among military veterans.
A critical review of research on the psychological effects of military whistleblowing.
Analyzing the role of military chaplains in providing mental health support to troops.
Analyzing the role of post-traumatic growth in the recovery process of veterans with PTSD.
Examining the impact of military training on resilience and mental toughness.

In conclusion, conducting research in military psychology offers an opportunity to contribute to a crucial field that serves those who have served our nation. With the diverse range of research topics available, you can explore various aspects of military psychology that align with your interests and academic level. Whether you’re seeking to make a difference in the lives of veterans, enhance the well-being of active-duty service members, or simply gain a deeper understanding of the unique challenges they face, these research topics provide a solid foundation for your thesis or dissertation journey.

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The Role of Military Training in Improving Psychological Resilience and Reducing Depression Among College Freshmen

1 Department of Psychiatry, The Second Xiangya Hospital, Central South University, Changsha, China

2 National Clinical Research Center for Mental Disorders, Changsha, China

3 National Technology Institute on Mental Disorders, Changsha, China

Zhening Liu

Haojuan tao, associated data.

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Background: Military training plays an important protective role in enhancing mental health. However, the effects of military training on psychological resilience and depression among college freshmen in China remain unclear. The present study aimed to evaluate changes in psychological resilience and depression through military training among college freshmen, and to investigate associated psychosocial factors including childhood trauma that may influence its effects on psychological resilience.

Methods: A prospective and self-comparison study design was employed. College freshmen who received 3 weeks of military training were recruited. Socio-demographic variables were collected and childhood trauma exposure was estimated by the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ). The Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale (CD-RISC) and Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) were used to assess psychological resilience and depression before and after the military-style training.

Results: The military training significantly increased the total and subscale scores of CD-RISC ( p < 0.001), and decreased the PHQ-9 score ( p < 0.001). The proportion of students with clinical depression reduced from 10.5% at baseline to 7.2% after the training ( p < 0.001). Improvement of CD-RISC scores was positively affected by male gender and urban area, while negatively affected by older age, and higher baseline scores of PHQ-9 and CTQ. A significant correlation was found between changes in scores of CD-RISC and PHQ-9 through the training ( r = −0.238, p < 0.001).

Conclusions: Military training may have a positive effect on increasing psychological resilience and reducing depressive symptoms among college freshmen, especially in male students and those from an urban area, while older age, childhood trauma, higher depression levels, and resilience at baseline may weaken, or even mask its positive effect. Follow-up research should be considered for the long-term effects of military-style training.

Introduction

Military training, known as junxun in Chinese, is a combination of both theoretical teaching and physical training at schools in which students follow a soldier's daily routine and go through intensive formation training ( 1 ). Apart from basic movements such as stand at attention, stand at ease, footwork, salute, and review, some other important skills are also introduced during military training, including emergency evacuation, combat skills, self-defense, and national defense methods ( 2 ). First introduced in 1955, military training has become compulsory for all high school and university students in China since 2001. According to the Law of the People's Republic of China on National Defense Education, middle school students and undergraduates are required to have military training either before school starts in September or after National Day in October. Each year, more than 6 million college freshmen participate in mandatory military training before academic studies. Although content (physical training, cultural activities, life skills, etc.) and length of military training (2–3 weeks) may vary in different schools, their training purposes are basically identical for most students: to improve physical fitness, to enhance willpower, to develop persistence and endurance, to bear hardships, and to lead a disciplined life ( 1 , 2 ). Apart from benefits for students' own growth and development, military training also promotes team spirit and team cooperation, and facilitates students' better integration and adaptation to new school life ( 2 ).

Although military training among students has sparked doubts and complaints in China, evidence from a large body of research among other populations in other countries suggests that military training plays an important protective role in enhancing resilience and reducing psychologic distress such as depression by promoting physical fitness ( 3 – 5 ). As the largest nonprofit institution on military health research policy in the US, the RAND Corporation has been focusing on promoting psychological resilience in the U.S. Military ( 3 ). In their recent reviews of literature, physical fitness through military training has been identified as one of the key individual factors that promote resilience ( 3 ). Similarly, several reviews and meta-analyses have also shown evidence of decreased depression associated with increased physical activities through military training ( 4 , 5 ). For instance, Crowley et al. ( 6 ) examined the association between physical fitness and depressive symptoms in 300 soldiers and found a decreased risk of depression of 60% among soldiers with high physical fitness from military training. Although robust evidence has shown the benefits of military training in improving resilience and decreasing depression, little is known about its impact on the mental health of students in China.

The psychological problems of college students are an important public health issue that attracts increasing research attention ( 7 , 8 ). College is a critical transitory period during which students are growing from adolescents to adults and may encounter many challenges and difficulties that render them at high risk of developing mental health problems ( 9 ). Many patients with mental disorders experienced their first psychiatric episodes while in college, and 12–18% of college students have a diagnosable mental disorder ( 10 ). Among all mental disorders reported in college campuses, depression has been one of the most frequently mentioned in previous research ( 11 – 14 ). For instance, a prevalence rate of 34.5% was reported for depression in one study in America ( 11 ), while another study in China reported a prevalence rate of 11.7% for depressive symptoms and 4.0% for major depressive disorder ( 15 ). It is estimated that the prevalence of depression in China is still on the rise ( 16 ). In this case, effective mental health promotion strategies to improve resilience and reduce depression among college freshmen are in urgent need.

Military training could be considered as a form of hardiness training in college freshmen. Previous studies have found that hardiness training could improve psychological resilience in the general population and contribute to mental health ( 17 – 19 ). Furthermore, it may have a positive impact on the prevention and treatment of depression, reducing suicide ideation, and improving the quality of life among depressed patients ( 17 , 20 ). In brief, resilience-enhancing interventions including hardiness training is expected to be one of the most effective strategies of prevention and treatment of depression ( 17 ). Nevertheless, the effects of military training on psychological resilience and depression among college freshmen remain unclear. Besides, many studies suggested childhood trauma as a key risk factor of low resilience and high depression ( 21 ).

Childhood trauma refers to any physical and psychological harm suffered during childhood, which includes emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, as well as emotional and physical neglect ( 22 , 23 ). Childhood trauma has been widely acknowledged as a significant risk factor for adverse mental health outcomes such as depression in later life ( 24 ). Abundant evidence has also shown that people who experienced childhood trauma have impaired resilience, and that resilience plays a mediating role between childhood trauma and depression ( 25 ). It is thus important to study the impact of military training on resilience and depression, while also taking into account childhood trauma.

To our knowledge, there are no studies that have examined the impact of military training on resilience and depression, while also considering childhood trauma in a military training sample among college freshmen in China. Given the rising trend in the incidence of mental disorders among college freshmen and the widely implemented military training programs in colleges, it is necessary to examine the effectiveness and clinical significance of military training on mental health. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effect of military training on psychological resilience and depression among college freshmen, and to investigate associated psychosocial factors that may influence such an effect, as well as to explore the relationship between the changes of resilience and depression during the training. The findings of our study may provide valuable information and important guidance for educational management agencies in China.

Participants

This self-comparison design study was conducted in two universities in Changsha city of Hunan Province—Changsha College and Central South University. Our target subjects were all freshmen enlisted in military training. Eligible participants were required to be freshmen admitted to the above-mentioned two universities, who participated in the military training, and were able to read and write. Those who had serious physical or mental illnesses and thus not able to attend military training, and those who were unable to understand and communicate were excluded from our study. Finally, we recruited 8,529 college freshmen, with 2,546 from Changsha College, and 5,983 from Central South University.

All study procedures were approved by the medical ethics committee of the Second Xiangya Hospital, Central South University. Our research team went to each class of each university to explain the study purpose, procedures, benefits, and risk in detail. Informed written consent was obtained from all participants (or their guardians, if necessary) for the study. All eligible students were invited to fill in paper-based questionnaires both before participating in military training and after finishing the training. The surveys were distributed in small groups and self-administered with one investigator monitoring. Information on socio-demographic variables including gender, age, years of education, and hometown area (rural or urban) as well as childhood trauma were collected at baseline. Resilience and depression were assessed at 2 days prior to, as well as 2 days after the military training. All study procedures were conducted in strict accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. All information relating to personal privacy was kept completely confidential.

Intervention

All participants received 3-week military training, which started from 9 am to 5 pm every day including weekends. Participants were trained in small groups of 20–30 members. Each group was led by a professional instructor who was a real soldier from the army. The military instructor was in charge of the whole group and was responsible for teaching students basic movements such as stand at attention, stand at ease, footwork, salute, and review during daily training. In addition, the students also followed the lifestyle routine of the instructor, including getting up early, making up beds, making their room tidy and clean, eating food quickly, using the bathroom quickly, taking a bath quickly, obeying commands, and displaying military discipline, etc. In order to promote group cohesion and student integration, some cultural activities were also added to the daily training, such as learning military songs in a group and individual talent shows.

Psychological Resilience

The Connor-Davidson Resilience scale (CD-RISC) was used to measure psychological resilience ( 26 ). This scale consists of 25 questions and each question is scored from zero to four. Consequently, the total score ranges from zero to 100, with higher scores indicating greater resilience. The CD-RISC contains five factors as follows: personal competence, trust in own intuition, positive acceptance of change, control, and spiritual influence. The CD-RISC is considered a reliable and valid instrument for measuring psychological resilience ( 26 ). In the present study, resilience was assessed by the Chinese version of CD-RISC ( 27 ) which has demonstrated adequate psychometric properties and could be a reliable and valid measurement for evaluating resilience with Chinese people ( 27 ).

The Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) was used to assess depression before and after the training. This self-administered screening instrument ( 28 ) consists of nine items, which parallel each of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition, text revision (DSM-IV-TR)-defined symptoms of major depressive disorder. To be consistent with the DSM-IV-TR major depressive disorder criteria, each of the nine depression items are rated from 0 (not at all) to 3 (nearly every day) according to symptoms in the past 2 weeks. The total scores range from 0 to 27, with higher scores indicating more severe depressive symptoms. The PHQ-9 has previously showed good internal consistency and test-retest reliability ( 29 ). In this study, we used the score of 10 as a cut-off value to estimate the prevalence of clinical depression ( 29 , 30 ).

Childhood Trauma

The history of childhood trauma was evaluated by the Childhood Trauma Questionnaire (CTQ) ( 31 ). Content validity and reliability of the CTQ have been well-demonstrated and can be used in different populations throughout the world ( 32 – 34 ). It is recommended for use among adults as well as adolescents, and assesses all five types of childhood maltreatment, including emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, and emotional and physical neglect. The scale consists of 28 items, 25 of which are used to measure the five maltreatment constructs (five items for each subscale), and the other three items are used to detect cases with minimization and denial of childhood problems. In our study, history of childhood trauma was evaluated by the Chinese version of CTQ, which was demonstrated to be a reliable and valid measurement of childhood trauma in Chinese people ( 35 ). Participants were determined to have experienced childhood trauma according to the following cut-off points: ≥13 for emotional abuse; ≥10 for physical abuse; ≥8 for sexual abuse; ≥15 for emotional neglect; and ≥10 for physical neglect. Scores above these levels were considered indicative of the presence of childhood trauma. Participants were further divided into two groups—those who had experienced at least one type of abuse or neglect were designated as “traumatized,” and those who had not experienced any were designated as “not traumatized.”

Data Analyses

All statistical analysis was performed with IBM SPSS Statistics version 20.0. Descriptive statistics were provided for socio-demographic data. Comparisons between the scores before and after the training were made for the CD-RISC and PHQ-9 through the paired t -test. And then the whole sample was divided into the traumatized and not traumatized groups according to the CTQ scores and the depressed and non-depressed groups according to the PHQ-9 scores at baseline. Changes in scores of the CD-RISC and PHQ-9 through the training were compared within and between different subgroups through ANOVA for repeated measurement (different genders, different traumatized status, and different clinical depression status). The proportion of students with clinical depression before and after the training were compared through the chi-square test.

To investigate the predictors of improvement in resilience through the training, we conducted multivariate linear regression analyses to calculate unstandardized coefficients (B), 95% confidence intervals for B (95% CI), and standardized coefficients (β). We entered age, gender, years of education, hometown, and scores of the CD-RISC, PHQ-9, and CTQ at baseline as independent variables, with changes in scores of the CD-RISC before and after the training as dependent variable. Correlation analysis was used to assess the relationship between changes in scores of the CD-RISC and PHQ-9 before and after the training through Spearman's correlation coefficient. We considered a p < 0.05 to be statistically significant.

Description of the Sample

From the initial sample, 1,620 were excluded from analysis, with 416 refusing to participate in the study, and 1,204 failing to complete the questionnaires. A total of 6,909 valid responses were obtained. The mean age of the sample was 18.34 ± 0.92 years old, ranging from 16 to 24. More than half of the students were male (63.8%) and from rural areas (50.3%). The total years of education were 12.21 ± 0.64.

Comparisons Between Scores of CD-RISC and PHQ-9 Before and After Military Training

After the training, the total and each subscale scores of the CD-RISC were significantly improved ( t = −25.89, p < 0.001), while the average scores of the PHQ-9 significantly decreased ( t = 24.54, p < 0.001) ( Table 1 ). Additionally, the number of students with clinical depression decreased from 725 to 497 (χ 2 = 46.67, p < 0.001) ( Table 2 ).

Comparisons of scores of the CD-RISC and PHQ-9 before and after military-style training.

CD-RISC, the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale; PHQ-9, Patient Health Questionnaire-9 .

Comparisons of changes in scores of the CD-RISC and PHQ-9 in different groups through military-style training.

CD-RISC, the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale; PHQ-9, the Patient Health Questionnaire-9; CTQ, Childhood Trauma Questionnaire .

Comparisons of Changes in Scores of CD-RISC and PHQ-9 Between Different Groups

No significant differences were found between male and female students in total scores of the CD-RISC, while the improvement in scores of the CD-RISC was much more pronounced in those without childhood trauma. No significant differences were observed in changes of scores of the PHQ-9 across genders or between the traumatized and non-traumatized groups. Participants who were not clinically depressed at baseline had greater changes in scores of CD-RISC and PHQ-9 through the training. Furthermore, changes in total and each subscale scores of the CD-RISC and PHQ-9 were all significant within each subgroup ( Table 2 ).

Factors Associated With Changes in Scores of CD-RISC Through the Training

No potential multicollinearity of all variables was found, with variance inflation factor values of 1.154 and below. The model was found significant ( p < 0.001). In the multiple linear regression analysis, male gender and urban area were found to be positive factors while older age, and higher scores of the PHQ-9, CD-RISC, and CTQ at baseline played negative roles. This model accounted for 39.0% of the variance in the improvement of the CD-RISC total scores through military-style training. The CD-RISC scores at baseline were the most powerful predictors for the changes in resilience through the training ( Table 3 ).

Independent predictors of changes in scores of CD-RISC through military-style training.

CTQ, Childhood Trauma Questionnaire; PHQ-9, Patient Health Questionnaire; CD-RISC, the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale; df, differences of post-training scores relative to the baseline (before training) .

Changes in scores of the CD-RISC were significantly associated with changes in scores of the PHQ-9 through the training ( r = −0.238, p < 0.001) ( Figure 1 ).

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Correlation between changes scores of CD-RISC and PHQ-9 through training ( r = −0.238, p < 0.001). CD-RISC, the Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale; PHQ-9, the Patient Health Questionnaire-9; df, differences of post-training scores relative to baseline scores (before training).

Military training has been conducted in colleges and universities in China for over 30 years. Although the training has been proven to improve physical strength and to discipline behaviors ( 36 ), most of its benefits to mental health have been theoretical. The results of this study supported our hypothesis that military training may effectively increase psychological resilience and mitigate depressive symptoms independent of gender, trauma status, or status of clinical depression, although there are different levels of effectiveness in different subgroups.

Our main finding was that military training was effective in enhancing psychological resilience and decreasing depression. This finding adds further support to the previous reviews and meta-analyses showing the significant positive effects of physical fitness through military training on improving resilience and decreasing depression ( 3 – 5 ). Through military training, students develop good and healthy lifestyles such as sleeping early and getting up early, eating healthy food, and exercising intensively ( 37 ). These healthy lifestyles all help students maintain physical fitness and wellbeing, which contribute to better resilience and lower depression. In addition, one core element of military training was team building, where students may gain peer support from each other, which is also a well-known protective factor for resilience and depression ( 38 ). This finding is also consistent with a recent review on interventions to build resilience among young people ( 39 ). Among a range of interventions listed, school-based exercise programs such as military training has been proven to show significant positive effects in either enhancing resilience or preventing mental health problems ( 39 ). The study results provide support for military training as a beneficial aspect of resilience intervention and should be continued for college freshmen to improve their mental health. Another implication is that future intervention programs targeted at improving resilience and decreasing depression among college students and other populations may also consider adding and adapting some elements from military training.

Compared with students without clinical depression at baseline, those with clinical depression had less of an improvement in resilience and a smaller decrease in depression. In logistic regression, a higher level of baseline depression was also found to be a negative factor in resilience improvement. As we all know, severe depression is hard to cure without antidepressant drugs ( 40 ). Military training, as a kind of psychotherapy, may only play a limited role in improving severe depression. Students with severe depression may show a lower degree of coordination in military training, as well as less of an involvement in activities and interpersonal interaction. All of these factors will not be conducive to the establishment of a good interpersonal relationship, and thus affects the improvement of resilience. This finding indicates the necessity and importance of combining pharmaceutical treatment with military training for students with severe depression to improve their resilience.

Resilience is defined by the American Psychological Association as the process of adapting well in the face of adversity, trauma, tragedy, threats, or even significant sources of threat, and is often used to evaluate individual's social adaptive capacity and mental health ( 41 ). Previous research has found the importance of childhood rearing in resilience building ( 42 ). In our study, childhood trauma was further found to pose an obstacle to resilience despite military-style training, which suggests its long-term negative effect on mental health. In addition, although the severity of childhood trauma is correlated with the severity of depressive symptoms ( 43 , 44 ), no significant differences were found in changes of depression between the two groups, which may indicate different mechanisms of improving resilience and reducing depression. Further studies are needed to investigate the associations among military training, childhood trauma, resilience, and depression.

Male gender was found to be a positive factor in improving resilience, while a critical p -value was found in the comparison of changes in scores of the CD-RISC, which may be caused by other confounding factors. Male students tended to be more active and to establish better relationships in the training, which may explain the positive impact. However, further research is needed to examine the long-term effect and the potential mechanism. Urban area seemed to be a protective factor, which may be explained by better adaptive ability and more familiarity with the environment. However, older age seemed to be a risk factor, which may come from more pressure and stability of the formed personality.

Another important finding is the association between resilience and depression. Alleviation of the depressive symptoms along with increased resilience through training may suggest an anti-depressive effect of resilience, which has been found in previous research ( 17 ). However, we can only partly attribute the decrease of depressive symptoms to the improvement of resilience as the changes of resilience and depressive symptoms were inconsistent in different subgroups, and the correlation coefficient between them was only 0.238. Therefore, there should be other ways to reduce depression through the training, apart from improving resilience. The development of depression has been linked to a stress-diathesis hypothesis ( 33 ), so increasing hardiness and decreasing perceived stress levels may be another way to reduce depression according to previous studies on hardness training ( 28 ).

Our study has several limitations. One major limitation is the pre-post study design which measured outcomes before and after an intervention in the same group of subjects. Without a comparison group, conclusions of this study design were solely based on the temporal relationship of the measurements to the interventions ( 45 ). Such a design may be biased since other changes occurred at the same time, or simply just the natural changes of time, may also cause changes in the outcomes, instead of the intervention ( 45 ). As a result, the observed improvements in resilience and depression in the current study may not be reliably attributed to the intervention alone, making this a weaker design than a randomized controlled study design (RCT) that uses a comparison group to control for all potential confounders. However, since military training is mandated by law in almost all higher education institutions in China, it is difficult to set up a control group who did not participate in the training. In addition, such a pre-post study design is not uncommon in public health research ( 46 – 48 ), we believe our study still provides useful information to guide future studies. Another solution may be using a stepped randomized controlled study design where one group received military training, while the other group delayed their training until after the study ends. Secondly, while it is promising that military training can have an immediate positive impact on resilience and depression in our study, it is unknown how long the effect can last. Long-term follow-up will be required. Thirdly, although the military training for college freshmen is similar throughout China, the training duration and the specific course arrangement may differ in different schools. So it can be argued that our results may not be available in other parts of the country. Finally, all the questionnaires were self-reported without further interview, which may weaken the accuracy of the results.

In conclusion, the present results have important implications for mental health and education promotion in colleges. Military training might play an important role in improving resilience and reduce depressive symptoms among college students. This finding provides support for military training as a beneficial aspect of resilience and depression interventions and should be continued for college freshmen. Military training also shows a potential to be adapted in other intervention programs targeted to improve resilience and mental health in other populations. Intervention effect was positively affected by male gender and urban area, while negatively affected by older age, childhood trauma, higher depression levels, and resilience at baseline. These findings suggest the need of taking into account all of these factors while developing and evaluating military training for college students, with alternative interventions provided to students with specific needs such as medication for those with severe depression. Besides, long-term effects remain uncertain, which warrants further research efforts.

Data Availability Statement

Ethics statement.

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by The medical ethics committee of the Second Xiangya Hospital, Central South University, China. Written informed consent to participate in this study was provided by the participants' legal guardian/next of kin.

Author Contributions

RG, MS, and ZF: data collection. RG, MS, and HT: methodology. RG: writing (original draft preparation). RG, MS, CZ, ZF, ZL, and HT: writing (review and editing). HT and ZL: project administration. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Funding. This study was supported by the China Precision Medicine Initiative (2016YFC0906300), the National Natural Science Foundation of China (81671335, 81701325, 81801353, 82071506), and the Natural Science Foundation of Hunan Province, China (grant number 2019JJ50848).

History and Development of Military Psychology

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George R. Mastroianni 2

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Psychology is widely thought to have emerged as a scientific discipline only quite recently: at the end of the nineteenth century. Psychological thinking had nevertheless been occurring for millennia, and such thinking formed a significant element of Greek philosophy in the centuries before the Common Era. The Greeks, no strangers to war, applied this thinking to military matters, such as learning, motivation, and the roles of environment and heredity in human development. From these beginnings, the systematic study of the unique considerations that arise when humans come together in military undertakings began. The industrialization of warfare that began in the nineteenth century added new questions and problems, problems which became more urgent just as the novel application of the methods of science to human psychology became institutionalized in universities in the decades before World War I. Today, military psychology is a vibrant and dynamic field that focuses on a core set of stable and enduring areas of study that include leadership, personnel selection, training, human factors, human performance, and clinical psychology. As military technology and the nature of warfare continue to evolve within the context of national and social institutions that are themselves constantly in flux, military psychology will adapt to encompass the new questions and problems brought by these changes.

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Development of Military Psychology in China

Military psychology in the singapore armed forces, military psychology at us military service academies.

Military psychology
Military history
Military medicine
Human factors
Human engineering

Introduction

Psychologists around the world contribute to military institutions and operations as serving members of military forces, as civilian members of defense establishments, and as a broader community of scholars, researchers, and practitioners. Psychology now plays an essential role in many areas of military life, and the discipline is institutionalized in most military establishments. Before exploring the scope and nature of the roles played by military psychology today, it is worthwhile to briefly consider the connection between psychology and the military in historical context.

Most introductory psychology textbooks date the origins of psychology as a scientific discipline to 1876 (or thereabouts), the year that Wilhelm Wundt founded his psychology laboratory in Leipzig. William James’ Principles of Psychology appeared in 1890 and became an early and influential work defining the boundaries of the new field. If psychology itself only coalesced as a field in the late-nineteenth century, it stands to reason that there could have been no military psychology before that date because there was no psychology . But if we take a broader view, and accept the long history of reflection about human nature and the practical knowledge about human conduct and affairs accumulated over the centuries as a kind of psychology, then we can identify connections between psychology and military life and affairs long before the end of the nineteenth century.

History of Military Psychology

One of the earliest sustained discussions of the psychology of military members occurred more than 2000 years ago in several of Plato’s dialogues, especially the Republic , which lays out a basic psychology and the psychological development of a military guardian class within the context of an idealized city-state (see Carpenter 2010 ; Robinson 1995 ). Plato (trans. 1969 ) divides the psyche into three parts: a rational part (reason) and two irrational parts, the emotions and the appetites. Reason, the weakest part, Plato compares to a charioteer being pulled by the two horses of emotion and appetite. Emotions are distinguished from appetites to the extent that some emotions – e.g., the desire for honors, a sense of pride and shame – act as countervailing forces to the appetites. Self-restraint, for example, is understood as the work of emotions like shame or pride subordinating the appetites. While everyone has all three parts of the psyche, one part tends to dominate the other two and motivate one’s life course. For most people, the appetites dominate, and they will seek out a pleasant life. Only a tiny minority are ruled by reason, and they will seek out a life of quiet contemplation. But there is a small group in whom the emotions dominate, and they will seek out a life of honor and social status.

In Plato’s city, that smaller group in whom emotion rules and who seek a life of honor is selected and trained from a young age to become members of the military guardian class. In addition to physical and martial training, members of the guardian class receive a moral education that satisfies their longing for honors through an identity as guardians of the state and its laws. Their guardian identity would be reinforced and protected from temptation by social arrangements that played double-duty as reinforcers of group solidarity and morale. The guardian class would live communally in common barracks devoid of luxuries and private property and with women and children of the class being held in common. It is worth noting, as feminist scholars have (e.g., Tuana 1994 ), that women were also members of the guardian class to be selected, educated, and trained with the men. Finally, any child born into the guardian class without the requisite psychological disposition would be demoted to the appetitive (civilian) class; anyone born to the civilian class who displayed the psychology of a guardian would be promoted into the guardian class.

We can see in Plato’s account echoes of the selection, education, and training of today’s military professional. Obviously, modern militaries are subordinated to civilian governments, and military members are not forced to live communally. But they are segregated from civilian society during their formative period to develop a military identity that includes distinctive dress, symbols, codes of conduct, ceremonies, and histories. They are encouraged to internalize a specifically military ethos defined by duty, honor, self-discipline, service before self, and to think of themselves as guardians of the state, its people, and its laws (Plato, trans. 1969 ).

The guardians of Plato’s Republic bear a strong resemblance to the ruling class of Sparta, the leader of a coalition of city-states that defeated Athens in the Peloponnesian War. Like all Greeks, the Spartans fought in the phalanx formation, the integrity and success of which depended heavily on the social and psychological bonds between soldiers. The life of every soldier depended on the actions of the soldier to his immediate right. The success of Greek arms was determined in part by the maneuvers taken on the day of battle. But the larger part of the iceberg lay in the years of social, psychological, and cultural conditioning every Spartan soldier experienced. Unlike other Greek city-states, whose armies were composed of citizen-soldiers, Sparta had a professional army (Marrou 1956 ). At the age of seven, young male Spartiates (members of the military ruling class) were initiated into the agoge , a brutal physical training regimen that prepared them for military training when they became adults. The boys lived in barracks with a troop of other boys on a poor diet to encourage them to steal and hunt for food. Once they reached adulthood, the young men were inducted into the Spartan army where they began military training and where they would remain until they were 60 (Cartledge 2003 ). Contemporaries observed that the long years of martial training made Spartans into a more resilient and disciplined fighting force capable of campaigning longer and harder and performing maneuvers that other Greek armies could not (see, e.g., Xenophon, trans. 1925 ). The legend of Spartan culture and character have come down through the ages as illustrating the putative ennobling benefits of rigorous discipline, directly connecting individual and social development with military prowess. The very word “Spartan” conjures images of discipline and asceticism, and “laconic” (derived from Laconia, the region in which Sparta was located) describes terse and economical speech for which the Spartans were famous.

The Greeks also understood the effects of warfare on soldiers. Jonathan Shay sees in the Homeric epics an understanding of the effects of combat trauma on soldiers today. Achilles in Vietnam (Shay 1994 ) and Odysseus in America (Shay 2003 ) use these ancient texts to explore moral injury (Shay’s term) experienced by some veterans as a result of their experiences in battle. Shay’s integration of these ideas into therapeutic approaches to help struggling veterans is a direct connection between modern and ancient understandings of military psychology.

Even before the rise of scientific psychology in the late nineteenth century, recognizably psychological principles and practices were applied to military problems. Principles of learning, for example, were applied to ensure the development of needed skills: Repetition and automatization guaranteed that soldiers could still perform under the stress of combat. The Greeks understood that warfare demanded certain concessions to human nature, and they developed efficient and effective fighting forces by integrating military service into a fabric of social, political, and legal systems that enmeshed the individual in a web of relationships that justified, validated, and determined each soldier’s role.

Leadership has always been an essential element of a military. Leadership includes motivating soldiers, persuading them of the value of the things for which they are asked to fight, equipping them with the mental and physical tools they need to fight and win. As we have seen, leaders have, since ancient Greek times, used political, social, and cultural bonds to establish the psychological conditions that make the management of fighting forces possible. That fundamentally psychological aspect of warfare continued to be vital after psychology emerged as a scientific discipline in the late nineteenth century. Technological, economic, and political developments that gathered steam at about the same time as psychology’s institutionalization would lead to an expansion of psychology’s role in selecting, training, and preparing soldiers for military service and war as the twentieth century progressed. While technological developments have played some role in the development of clinical approaches to help soldiers affected by their wartime experiences, Shay’s work illustrates the essential continuity between ancient and modern times in terms of the psychological effects of combat trauma on soldiers and those around them.

Kurt Lewin, sometimes regarded as the father of modern social psychology, initiated experimental studies of leadership in the late 1930s (Lewin and Lippitt 1938 ; Lippit 1940 ). The formal study of leadership as a multi-disciplinary academic subject began to take shape after World War II. An excellent historical summary and survey of contemporary leadership theory may be found in Leadership: Theory and Practice by Peter C. Northouse ( 2018 ).

Before the emergence of scientific psychology in the late nineteenth century, there existed at least three domains in military affairs in which pre-scientific psychological thinking and practice were employed: (1) the selection, training, and preparation of soldiers, (2) the use of psychological and social influence to create and sustain cohesive, committed fighting forces (leadership), and (3) an understanding of the effects of combat trauma on soldiers and approaches to ameliorate those effects. We shall see that the disciplinary portfolio of modern military psychology now encompasses an even broader range of concerns, but that these three early areas of military psychological interest remain firmly embedded in modern approaches, as well.

The Industrialization of Warfare and the Growth of Scientific Military Psychology

Industrialization in the nineteenth century and the mechanization in the twentieth century dramatically transformed warfare. This transformation occurred more quickly and completely in some places than others, but the American Civil War and the First World War were early steps on a trajectory of technological change that would, within the space of little more than a century, move the warrior’s perspective from the back of a horse to the seat of a supersonic jet fighter and put levels of destructive power that once could only be amassed by nations at the fingertips of single individuals. It was during the early years of this transition, between the end of the American Civil War and the beginning of the First World War, that scientific psychology became institutionalized.

A comparison of the American Civil War with the First World War reveals the staggering scope of technical innovation in the machinery and methods of war that were underway as psychology was emerging as a scientific discipline. The muzzle-loading muskets of the American Civil War were replaced by small-caliber, high-velocity breech-loading bolt-action small arms that could be accurately employed at substantial ranges and could fire several shots without reloading, a process that could be accomplished autonomously by the individual soldier. Machine-guns capable of firing several hundred rounds per minute became available. Balloons were used in a very limited way for aerial observation in the American Civil War, but by the time of the First World War, there was a sophisticated aerial warfare program that included tactical and strategic bombing and aerial operations against naval targets. Railways were used to move troops during the American Civil War, but by the First World War the invention of internal combustion engines led to trucks for mobility and tanks for offensive action, though horses continued to play a significant role in warfare through the end of World War II. Poison gas was used as a weapon on a large scale in the First World War.

The Development of Military Psychology as a Field and Present Applications

The field that we know as military psychology began with the First World War. While the role played by psychologists in World War I was relatively limited, it set the stage for a dramatic expansion of participation by psychologists in the Second World War. Psychology was growing as an academic and scientific discipline, the pace of change in technologies that would soon be applied to military problems was accelerating, and the staggering scope and scale of the conflict ensured that there would be ample opportunity for psychologists to apply their knowledge and skills in the war effort.

By the end of World War II, the general contours of the discipline of military psychology would emerge. It is important to bear in mind that military psychology is a naturally dynamic field. There are core problems and concerns that have always been and will always be part of military psychology, such as human performance under stress. But social and cultural change led to intense interest in racial and gender integration in the military as social and political progress opened military service to groups that had hitherto been excluded. Technological progress has naturally shaped those areas of the discipline that are concerned with the soldier-machine interface. During World War II, these concerns centered on military hardware: “software” as we know it today did not exist then, but producing software that soldiers can use effectively in combat today is an important task to which military psychologists contribute. The very nature of warfare itself shifted after World War II, as large-scale conventional conflict gave way to so-called brushfire wars during the Cold War, limited wars that would not trigger global nuclear conflict. These wars brought new ways of fighting, and new problems to military psychologists. This is all as one would expect, because military psychology is an applied discipline. While there may be (and is) a core set of stable questions and problems confronting military organizations and personnel amenable to psychological study, there will also be questions and problems coming and going as political, social, economic, and technical change alter the military landscape.

What follows is a brief discussion of the core areas of military psychology that arose (or continued to develop) during World War II. The questions, problems, demands, and issues associated with these areas helped frame the development of military laboratories and other organizations, and civilian academic programs related to military psychology in the decades after the war. These areas represent the stable core of issues that have defined military psychology since its emergence as a discipline, and are likely to remain key foci of the discipline for the indefinite future. Military psychology is what military psychologists do, and what military psychologists do is determined by military needs. Military needs change in unpredictable ways. Military psychology, then, is the institutionalized capability to apply specialized skills and knowledge to military problems.

Technical innovations in the first half of the twentieth century created new demands on the military personnel who would employ the new weapons and tools of warfare. Existing technologies already required a range of skills and abilities. Nearly four million men entered the military as part of mobilization for World War I in the United States. For example, the US population at the time was a bit over 100 million. The diversity in background, health, education, literacy, and social experience in these four million was staggering. Military leaders needed to match this diverse group to a diverse set of jobs as quickly as possible.

The contribution to World War I for which psychologists are best remembered is in the area of personnel selection. In the United States, many prominent psychologists joined the war effort. A group led by Robert Yerkes produced a series of intelligence tests modeled on those developed by Alfred Binet that were administered to large numbers of soldiers upon entry into the service. These tests were called the Army Alpha and Beta tests. The Army Alpha Test was administered to literate soldiers, while those who could not read or write were administered the Beta Test. There was also a provision for individual examination. The intelligence tests produced for the American armed forces were used extensively in schools in the decades after World War I. Psychologists helped in selection efforts elsewhere, as well: Paul Fitts reported that “the first psychological testing center for the armed forces was established in Germany in 1915 for the selection of motor transport drivers” (Koonce 1984 ).

Aviation was a prominent and visible example of a new military capability that introduced an unfamiliar and comparatively complex technology into warfare, a technology that made significant demands on its human users. It became clear quite early that while a fairly large proportion of recruits and draftees might be trained to load and fire rifle, flying an airplane was a different matter: Some were much more likely to be successful than others, and the cost of putting the wrong person in the cockpit could be quite high. The involvement of psychologists in the selection and training of aircrew occurred as early as the World War I (Monacis 2007 ) and aviation psychology remains today one of the major subfields of military psychology.

As military technology became ever more complex, the development of effective and efficient training systems became more and more important. Training methods were developed and evaluated by psychologists, and programs of instruction were optimized to produce the best performance with the lowest investment in time, money, and personnel. Defense establishments expanded dramatically in a very short time during World War II, placing staggering demands on training systems and organizations to satisfy the demands of the rapidly growing forces. Technological innovation continued to create new equipment and systems that brought new training demands: Radios were not widely used in World War I by ground or air forces, but provided the backbone for tactical communication in World War II, for example. The war years produced a blizzard of innovative new technology: Devices like radar and sonar were brought into service as practical and valuable equipment, but each new invention or development brought with it demands for new training.

Psychologists contributed new technologies to training: Fred Keller, a close associate of B. F. Skinner, designed operant-learning-based training programs for learning of Morse Code, for example. Such reward-based systems, in which the learner typically works through training materials that break the tasks to be learned into manageable sub-tasks that must be mastered before moving on to the next, may now be found in many e-learning applications. Keller’s Personalized Systems of Instruction, or PSI, also called the Keller Plan (Eyre 2007 ), which incorporated principles derived from studies of operant conditioning, later saw limited use in education. While PSI never achieved significant penetration in education, elements of the system are often found in military training programs and settings.

Human Factors

Psychologists played an important role in the selection and training of personnel, and often the roles for which individuals were being selected and trained involved the use and operation of equipment of various degrees of novelty and complexity. In general, the equipment development process did not provide a role for the participation of psychologists or others whose expertise lay with those factors related to the utilization of the equipment by the intended user rather than the equipment itself. During and after World War II, however, the equipment design and testing process in many military establishments began to include a consideration of the “human factor.” The logic of this development was simple. Adapting and matching the features of a device or piece of equipment to the user early in the development process (rather than trying to adapt the user to the equipment after the fact) resulted in better performance and safety. Out of this consideration have emerged several fields of specialization related to human factors, human engineering, human factors engineering, and ergonomics (Casey, 1998 ; Norman, 1988 ).

Controls and displays were an early area of emphasis, sometimes leading to the pejorative characterization of early human factors efforts as “knobology.” The configuration and placement of switches, knobs, dials, levers, buttons and so on chosen for a piece of equipment can have dramatic effects on both safety and performance. Human sensory capabilities are such that information displays, such as gauges, indicator lights, and computer screens, must be carefully configured to ensure that the size, color, clarity, contrast, are such that human beings can process the information needed form them under operational conditions.

Operating complex equipment involves perception and motor input and responses that interact directly with the design of controls and displays, but there is also an important cognitive element that must be taken into account. Human information-processing structures our interaction with equipment. Some items of information may need to be checked or monitored more often than others, for example. Information may be needed and responses may need to be organized into sequences that would make some structural and functional features more congruent with human cognitive processing than others.

Aircraft displays offer an excellent illustration of these considerations. Operating an aircraft involves the simultaneous monitoring and management of many systems: flight controls, engine status, fuel management, and navigation, to name only a few. The “real estate” on an aircraft instrument panel is crowded with controls and displays related to these and other systems. How should these displays be configured? Maintaining control of the attitude, altitude, and speed of the aircraft are very high on the pilot’s to-do list, and so the primary flight instruments providing information on these parameters are normally presented prominently and centrally in the pilot’s view, often in the same spatial relationship to one another across aircraft types. This makes it easy for pilots to develop a habitual and repetitive cross-check to maintain situational awareness of these vital parameters.

Other systems may be just as important contributors to flight safety, but may monitor items that change much more slowly than aircraft flight parameters. Certain engine-status indicators may be examples of items that are checked less often, and so may occupy a more peripheral location. Modern aircraft contain elaborate warning systems that alert pilots when values begin to deviate from the desired range. The pilot’s attention will be drawn to the appropriate information, which might provoke a look at a related instrument: this natural sequence of actions should be supported by a deliberate placement of sources of information that will facilitate, rather than hinder, the acquisition of needed information quickly.

Human Performance

World War I was the first major conflict to occur after scientific psychology appeared, and the earliest instance of psychologists officially recruited to support the military and the war effort. But the roles played by psychologists were still quite limited. World War II brought about a massive mobilization of all sectors of society in support of the war effort. Psychologists were part of this total effort, and the breadth of contributions of psychologists during the war laid the foundations for the development of military psychology once victory had been achieved.

World War II was a global war, fought in a wide range of climatic and environmental conditions, year-round for nearly 6 years. The explosion in new technology placed soldiers in conditions in which humans had previously had little or no experience: Aviation and submarine warfare had been in their infancy during World War I, for example, but played important roles in World War II. The effects of factors such as altitude, isolation, prolonged exposure to heat, cold, humidity, aridity, and a host of other environmental and physical stressors on human performance came to be of great interest to a military establishment confronted with the need to conduct world-wide operations. Since World War II, military forces have engaged in more varied conflicts in diverse climates and environments, such as Korea, Vietnam, the Middle east, and Southwest Asia.

Planning and preparing for operations in diverse environments requires information about the performance capabilities of soldiers in these different circumstances. Soldiers operating in very hot environments, for example, face significant physical challenges. Understanding how these challenges may affect soldier performance is crucial to leaders who must plan operations that are consistent with soldier capabilities. Soldiers operating in severe cold have nutritional requirements that are significantly different from those of soldiers working in warmer conditions: leaders must be aware of these special requirements and incorporate these considerations into their planning. In the United States, the US Army Research Institute for Environmental Medicine operates specialized facilities that permit the recreation of extreme climatic conditions in the laboratory, permitting researchers to study the effects of environmental stressors on human performance. Similarly, Defense Research and Development Canada uses specialized facilities that can simulate extreme environmental conditions varying in altitude and temperature, among others, to enable the study of the impact of a wide array of stressors on human performance in operationally relevant scenarios. Such studies are used to develop models of human performance that can help leaders ensure that soldiers are properly equipped and supplied for the demands that they face, and that operational plans are formulated with a clear view of human performance capabilities in mind.

Clinical Psychology

Military service, and especially the experience of combat, can lead to positive personal growth. Many people who experience war integrate their experiences into positive and productive lives. But many also suffer devastating and long-lasting consequences as a result of their experiences in the military. We have already mentioned Jonathan Shay’s use of Homer as a way of addressing some of these consequences in a contemporary context. The now-common term posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which became an official diagnosis in 1980, had its origins in attempts to understand the struggles of Holocaust survivors and later Vietnam veterans (Herzog 2019 ). But we can also identify earlier attempts to grapple with the mental health consequences of the experience of combat and trauma.

During the American Civil War, soldiers who suffered from mental and behavioral symptoms that we might now suspect as symptoms of PTSD were thought to have something called “soldier’s heart” or “nostalgia.” During World War I, soldiers with such symptoms were described as suffering from “shell shock.” In World War II, “battle fatigue” or “combat fatigue” were terms often applied in these circumstances. These terms suggest that the emergence of these symptoms in soldiers was often attributed to organic causes: physical damage associated with the experience of warfare. Sometimes, though, the soldier himself was blamed, as these symptoms were interpreted as signs of weakness, laziness, or feeble-mindedness. Psychiatric casualties, as they were sometimes called, were treated far forward, rather than evacuated to the rear, with the goal of rapidly returning them to duty. Psychologizing or medicalizing the soldier’s symptoms was thought to prolong and intensify the episode and to impede eventual recovery. The term “battle fatigue” implied a reversible state brought on by prolonged stress, and treatment was organized along these lines.

Clinical psychology did not really become well-institutionalized until after World War II, and disciplinary boundaries were not as rigid then as they seem to be now. Gustave Gilbert, the psychologist who administered Rorschach tests to the war criminals at Nuremberg, for example, was trained in experimental psychology. Many initiatives that would now seem firmly related to clinical psychology were undertaken by a more varied group of professionals then. Psychiatrists, psychologists, and others, for example, were sometimes called upon to offer psychological assessments of foreign leaders or culture. At least two such efforts to analyze Adolf Hitler were commissioned, one of which led to the eventual publication of the somewhat sensational book The Mind of Adolf Hitler .

The Office of War Information orchestrated information campaigns within the United States and in the theaters of war. These efforts straddled the boundaries of what we might now think of as social psychology and clinical psychology. Films, posters, and other publications were created to buttress and sustain morale on the home front and among the fighting troops and to erode morale in enemy societies and formations. The dominance of Freudian thinking at the time ensured that these efforts were guided in part by psychoanalytic formulations.

Social psychologists were drawn into this effort to monitor opinions and attitudes, again both on the home front and overseas. Before and after the end of the war, psychologists interviewed German prisoners of war to assess morale and attitudes, helped guide the Military Government rebuilding of Germany, and studied the effects of the strategic bombing campaign on German citizens and society.

Military Psychology Research

The five areas discussed above constitute the core of military psychology. In many countries there is an elaborate infrastructure of military-oriented research establishments that address these specific areas. In the United States, many (though certainly not all) of the research institutions and laboratories that address military psychology-related issues are part of the military medical research establishment. This is especially true of the human performance, some human factors, and clinical domains. Others, such as selection and training, are more likely to be integrated into personnel-related institutions and laboratories. These are broad generalizations, and there are many exceptions. The specific circumstances and challenges faced by countries may help shape the contours of their research infrastructure.

Military Psychology Today

The topic areas listed in the foregoing section can still be considered an accurate summary of the main areas of interest in military psychology. There has nevertheless been a great deal of change in military affairs since World War II. The rise of irregular warfare that occurred as the Cold War rendered general conflict unthinkable, followed by the emergence of terrorism or asymmetric warfare as a global threat have brought new problems and questions to the table. Racial and gender integration have altered military organizations, many of which are now smaller and are often all-volunteer forces. Family issues, the integration of LGBT service members, deployment and re-integration, suicide, PTSD, traumatic brain injury, remote warfare – these are challenges that confront contemporary military psychologists that were not on the radar at the turn of the twenty-first century, let alone the middle of the twentieth century.

Military psychologists continue to work in core issue areas, but now also address themselves to new problems. One way to track these evolutionary changes in military psychology is to examine the contents of handbooks of the discipline periodically produced by major academic publishers. Such handbooks generally include a guess at the future of military psychology but are especially useful as snapshots in time, opening a window onto the topics confronting military psychologists in the years immediately preceding the publication of the handbook.

The 1992 Handbook of Military Psychology edited by Reuven Gal and David Mangelsdorff offers a look at the field at the end of its first half-century, before the attacks of September 11, 2001, would set in motion a chain of events that would inevitably expand the scope of military psychology. The topics covered in this 1992 handbook exhibit considerable continuity with the topics that had their origins in World War II and before. The section headings in this volume were selection, classification and placement, human factors, environmental factors, individual and group behavior, clinical and organizational applications, and special issues. These section headings track well with the major areas of military psychologists at the end of World War II.

A pair of handbooks published two decades later illustrate the changes in military psychology occasioned by the evolving global war on terror. The Oxford Handbook of Military Psychology (Laurence and Matthews, 2012) and Military Psychology: Clinical and Operational Applications (Kennedy and Zillmer, 2012 ) included several topics which had not appeared in earlier handbooks. The Oxford Handbook , for example, included ethics in interrogation, terrorism, LGBT issues, and families, in addition to the more traditional topics addressed in military psychology. These additions reflect some changes in military establishments themselves, such as the opening of service to LGBT personnel that has now taken place in most Western militaries and growing recognition of the role of families in military life, as increasing professionalization and decreasing reliance on draftees or conscripts in many services has increased the proportion of service members with families.

These changes also reflect the changing character of military operations after September 11, 2001. Terrorism and terrorists naturally have become an object of interest to military psychologists, and the involvement of psychologists in the interrogation process provoked a searching appraisal and evaluation of the role played by military and civilian psychologists in these interrogations. The Oxford volume included a chapter on suicide prevention. International concern with the problem of military suicide has led to increased efforts by military psychologists to better understand this tragic phenomenon (NATO, 2018 ).

Three more recent handbooks, the Military Psychologists’s Desk Reference (Moore and Barnett, 2013 ), the Handbook of Military Psychology: Clinical and Organizational Practice (Bowles and Bartone, 2017 ), and the Routledge International Handbook of Military Psychology and Mental Health (Kumar, 2019 ) address suicide in the military, family issues, and issues related to the service of women in military organizations. The Military Psychologist’s Desk Reference contains 67 chapters organized into four areas: history and culture, specialties and programs, ethical and professional issues, and clinical research and practice. The 2017 handbook by Bowles and Bartone also addresses the issue of sexual assault in military forces, a problem that has attracted more attention from military psychologists. This book also contains a very useful series of summaries of developments in military psychology from several different nations.

The Future of Military Psychology

Because military psychology is an applied discipline, military psychology is what military psychologists do. Some of the things that military psychologists do today are things that they have been doing from the very beginning of the discipline. Selection, classification, and training, and human factors and human engineering continue to be important parts of military psychology because the problems they address are essential: Militaries will always need to bring personnel into their organizations, will always need to classify, assign, train, evaluate, and promote them, and will always need new technology. The problems confronting military personnel psychologists may change, both because of changing military needs and because of the dynamic nature of the societies from which those militaries are drawn, but the general issues remain the same.

Human factors, human engineering, environmental factors, and human performance are likewise areas that have exhibited considerable stability as components of military psychology. Technology continues to evolve, and the military continues to be a major contributor to technical change and a major consumer of new technology. Technology changes, but new technology must still be effectively integrated into military services.

Other things military psychologists do are responsive to changes in military affairs – for example, suicide, sexual assault, LGBT issues, families, torture, and terror. Sometimes entirely new issues arise to confront military psychologists. The introduction of unmanned aerial vehicles, or remotely-piloted aircraft, for example, brought both traditional issues, such as human factors, to military psychologists, but also new problems associated with service members sometimes performing wartime functions in peacetime environments. What new issues and problems will challenge military psychologists in the future cannot be known, but we can expect that military psychologists will apply the time-tested methods and approaches to address those issues and problems.

While military psychology only became formally institutionalized in the early twentieth century, we can trace interest in many of the core issues in the discipline back to antiquity. Changes in the nature of warfare and technological developments have altered and expanded the topics addressed by military psychologists. Military psychology began a dramatic expansion and institutionalization during and after the First World War. As an applied discipline, military psychology is what military psychologists do, and what military psychologists do is dictated by the constantly changing demands placed on military organizations and individuals as warfare and technology continue to evolve.

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Suggestions for Further Reading

Bowles, S., & Bartone, P. T. (Eds.). (2017). Handbook of military psychology: Clinical and organizational practice . Berlin: Springer.

Gal, R., & Mangelsdorff, D. (Eds.). (1992). Handbook of military psychology . Chichester: Wiley.

Kennedy, C. H., & Zillmer, E. A. (2012). Military psychology: Clinical and operational applications . New York: Guilford Press.

Koonce, J. M. (1984). A brief history of aviation psychology. Human Factors, 26 (5), 499–508.

Kumar, U. (Ed.). (2019). Routledge international handbook of military psychology and mental health . Abingdon-on-Thames: Routledge Publishers.

Monacis, L. (2007). Psychology and the armed forces. Revista de Historia de la Psicologia, 28 (2/3), 167–172.

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Mastroianni, G.R. (2022). History and Development of Military Psychology. In: Sookermany, A.M. (eds) Handbook of Military Sciences. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02866-4_55-1

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Mental health and the pandemic: What U.S. surveys have found

The coronavirus pandemic has been associated with worsening mental health among people in the United States and around the world . In the U.S, the COVID-19 outbreak in early 2020 caused widespread lockdowns and disruptions in daily life while triggering a short but severe economic recession that resulted in widespread unemployment. Three years later, Americans have largely returned to normal activities, but challenges with mental health remain.

Here’s a look at what surveys by Pew Research Center and other organizations have found about Americans’ mental health during the pandemic. These findings reflect a snapshot in time, and it’s possible that attitudes and experiences may have changed since these surveys were fielded. It’s also important to note that concerns about mental health were common in the U.S. long before the arrival of COVID-19 .

Three years into the COVID-19 outbreak in the United States , Pew Research Center published this collection of survey findings about Americans’ challenges with mental health during the pandemic. All findings are previously published. Methodological information about each survey cited here, including the sample sizes and field dates, can be found by following the links in the text.

The research behind the first item in this analysis, examining Americans’ experiences with psychological distress, benefited from the advice and counsel of the COVID-19 and mental health measurement group at Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health.

At least four-in-ten U.S. adults (41%) have experienced high levels of psychological distress at some point during the pandemic, according to four Pew Research Center surveys conducted between March 2020 and September 2022.

A bar chart showing that young adults are especially likely to have experienced high psychological distress since March 2020

Young adults are especially likely to have faced high levels of psychological distress since the COVID-19 outbreak began: 58% of Americans ages 18 to 29 fall into this category, based on their answers in at least one of these four surveys.

Women are much more likely than men to have experienced high psychological distress (48% vs. 32%), as are people in lower-income households (53%) when compared with those in middle-income (38%) or upper-income (30%) households.

In addition, roughly two-thirds (66%) of adults who have a disability or health condition that prevents them from participating fully in work, school, housework or other activities have experienced a high level of distress during the pandemic.

The Center measured Americans’ psychological distress by asking them a series of five questions on subjects including loneliness, anxiety and trouble sleeping in the past week. The questions are not a clinical measure, nor a diagnostic tool. Instead, they describe people’s emotional experiences during the week before being surveyed.

While these questions did not ask specifically about the pandemic, a sixth question did, inquiring whether respondents had “had physical reactions, such as sweating, trouble breathing, nausea, or a pounding heart” when thinking about their experience with the coronavirus outbreak. In September 2022, the most recent time this question was asked, 14% of Americans said they’d experienced this at least some or a little of the time in the past seven days.

More than a third of high school students have reported mental health challenges during the pandemic. In a survey conducted by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention from January to June 2021, 37% of students at public and private high schools said their mental health was not good most or all of the time during the pandemic. That included roughly half of girls (49%) and about a quarter of boys (24%).

In the same survey, an even larger share of high school students (44%) said that at some point during the previous 12 months, they had felt sad or hopeless almost every day for two or more weeks in a row – to the point where they had stopped doing some usual activities. Roughly six-in-ten high school girls (57%) said this, as did 31% of boys.

A bar chart showing that Among U.S. high schoolers in 2021, girls and LGB students were most likely to report feeling sad or hopeless in the past year

On both questions, high school students who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, other or questioning were far more likely than heterosexual students to report negative experiences related to their mental health.

A bar chart showing that Mental health tops the list of parental concerns, including kids being bullied, kidnapped or abducted, attacked and more

Mental health tops the list of worries that U.S. parents express about their kids’ well-being, according to a fall 2022 Pew Research Center survey of parents with children younger than 18. In that survey, four-in-ten U.S. parents said they’re extremely or very worried about their children struggling with anxiety or depression. That was greater than the share of parents who expressed high levels of concern over seven other dangers asked about.

While the fall 2022 survey was fielded amid the coronavirus outbreak, it did not ask about parental worries in the specific context of the pandemic. It’s also important to note that parental concerns about their kids struggling with anxiety and depression were common long before the pandemic, too . (Due to changes in question wording, the results from the fall 2022 survey of parents are not directly comparable with those from an earlier Center survey of parents, conducted in 2015.)

Among parents of teenagers, roughly three-in-ten (28%) are extremely or very worried that their teen’s use of social media could lead to problems with anxiety or depression, according to a spring 2022 survey of parents with children ages 13 to 17 . Parents of teen girls were more likely than parents of teen boys to be extremely or very worried on this front (32% vs. 24%). And Hispanic parents (37%) were more likely than those who are Black or White (26% each) to express a great deal of concern about this. (There were not enough Asian American parents in the sample to analyze separately. This survey also did not ask about parental concerns specifically in the context of the pandemic.)

A bar chart showing that on balance, K-12 parents say the first year of COVID had a negative impact on their kids’ education, emotional well-being

Looking back, many K-12 parents say the first year of the coronavirus pandemic had a negative effect on their children’s emotional health. In a fall 2022 survey of parents with K-12 children , 48% said the first year of the pandemic had a very or somewhat negative impact on their children’s emotional well-being, while 39% said it had neither a positive nor negative effect. A small share of parents (7%) said the first year of the pandemic had a very or somewhat positive effect in this regard.

White parents and those from upper-income households were especially likely to say the first year of the pandemic had a negative emotional impact on their K-12 children.

While around half of K-12 parents said the first year of the pandemic had a negative emotional impact on their kids, a larger share (61%) said it had a negative effect on their children’s education.

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Online religious services appeal to many americans, but going in person remains more popular, about a third of u.s. workers who can work from home now do so all the time, how the pandemic has affected attendance at u.s. religious services, economy remains the public’s top policy priority; covid-19 concerns decline again, most popular.

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Military Psychology by Updesh Kumar , Swati Mukherjee LAST REVIEWED: 29 November 2022 LAST MODIFIED: 29 November 2022 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199828340-0298

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