case study on cultural diversity in india

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Exploring Linguistic Diversity in India: A Spatial Analysis

2019, Handbook of the Changing World Language Map

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IJIRT Journal

Cultural diversity in general and linguistic diversity in particular has increasingly gaining its importance due to accelerating mobility and agility of people all over the world. As a result of this human mobility, language diffusion is also taking place, which is adding new directions in framing education policy in different country. The present study revolves around the contemporary scenario of language diversity of India with special emphasis on West Bengal.

Bikram Lamba

Last week, Home Minister Amit Shah suggested that states should communicate with each other in Hindi instead of English. He also emphasized that Hindi should not be a substitute for local languages. "When citizens of other languages speaking states communicate with each other, it should be in the language of India," the home ministry quoted Shah as saying at a meeting of the Parliamentary Committee on Official Language.

International Encyclopedia of Linguistic Anthropology

Constantine V . Nakassis

In this essay, we reconsider the topic of "Linguistic Diversity in South Asia"-the title of the landmark 1960 volume edited by Charles Ferguson and John Gumperz-from the perspective of contemporary sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology. Reviewing a number of case studies, we argue that empirical and theoretical accounts of language, diversity, and South Asia cannot be disassociated from the ideologies and political projects that construe, objectify, and performatively realize such terms and their referents. At the same time, however, contemporary linguistic anthropology and sociolinguistics have not disposed of the questions that animated earlier generations' investigations into linguistic diversity in the subcontinent but have reinvigorated and transformed them in sophisticated ways that are empirically sensitive to the realities of social and linguistic life in all its complex reflexivity.

Economic & Political Weekly

T Ravi Kumar

Binay Pattanayak

Royal Class Academy | رويال كلاس للبحوث والدراسات العليا والتحليل الإحصائي بالكويت

India is an influential nation in South Asia is home to the world’s second largest population. It is a country of bulk variety, arguably the most sundry nation in the world, whether it concerns religious, cultural, or ethnic diversity. The climate and landscape throughout the Indian subcontinent ranges dramatically from arid deserts to tropical rainforests. India's cultural diversity is in many ways a reflection of its varied climate. Languages, food, clothing, customs, songs and literature differ throughout India's many regions. The notable aspects of India’s soft power cover as many different spheres as imaginably possible, from simple agriculture, to ritual religious practice, to quality technological services. With a rapidly growing consumer base, and a swiftly rising overall economic output fueled by its young and increasingly educated population, India has begin its trip on the path to becoming a dominant world power within the next century as opposed to the dormant role it has played so far.

International Journal of Research

shaista afzal

Multilingualism is a gift to India. Multilingualism means using several different languages. A multi-lingual person can speak two or more than two languages very well. In terms of heterogeneity, multilingualism can be explained properly .Five language families in India marked its linguistic heterogeneity. The multilingualism in India is multidimensional and intricate. There are many changes in every single language on the basis of caste, religion, gender, occupation, age etc. An individual may use different style of language at different places .It is present in the life of all citizens. Indian multilingualism became unique because of its dynamic relationship of its language. The present work is an attempt to find out the nature of multilingualism in India. It also aims to look into the different aspects of Indian multilingualism arising due to the high diversity of Indian societies.

Alkafil Choudhury , Juri Saikia

Philology Sciences

Giridhar Rao

India’s National Education Policy 2020 (NEP 2020) promotes mother-tongue based multilingual education. Welcoming this recommendation, this essay looks at the policy in the context of India’s linguistic diversity, and the already existing provisions for multilingual education. We list some of the conceptual and implementation challenges that the language-education recommendations in NEP 2020 face. The essay also overviews a few promising initiatives that show the way forward for a just, equitable, and sustainable policy for a mother-tongue based multilingual education in a democratic polity like India.

Dominated Languages in the 21st Century: Papers from the International Conference on Minority Languages XIV

Abhimanyu Sharma

The present paper deals with the status of linguistic minorities in India and tries to give an overview of the problems plaguing Indian language policy regarding minority languages. India represents a unique case in the current global linguistic scenario, as it is the only country in the world with 23 official languages (2 official cross-regional languages and 21 official regional languages). Despite this fact, minority languages in India cannot be regarded as well protected, as obvious from the high number of languages listed as ‘endangered’ by UNESCO. The paper looks into the various forms of domination and subordination that dictate the language policy and influence the various language communities in India, including linguistic minorities. Moreover, it undertakes an analysis of the various kinds of language conflicts prevalent in the Indian linguistic situation and examines whether the language conflicts emanate from group-specific dominance and unequal status ascriptions, and secondly, whether language is simply a secondary feature in conflicts that are mainly socially, economically and politically motivated. Lastly, the paper addresses the aspect which it sees as a highly questionable part of Indian language policy, i.e. the principle of ‘rationalization’, a method developed by the Government of India to take account of the number of ‘languages’ in India, but which has been widely criticized as a ‘reductionist’ policy because through the process of ‘rationalization’, smaller and minority languages are categorized as ‘dialects’ or ‘variants’ of the so-called major languages and are thus deprived of their own independent status and identity.

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Religion in India: Tolerance and Segregation

Indians say it is important to respect all religions, but major religious groups see little in common and want to live separately, table of contents.

• The dimensions of Hindu nationalism in India
• India’s Muslims express pride in being Indian while identifying communal tensions, desiring segregation
• Muslims, Hindus diverge over legacy of Partition
• Religious conversion in India
• Religion very important across India’s religious groups
• Near-universal belief in God, but wide variation in how God is perceived
• Across India’s religious groups, widespread sharing of beliefs, practices, values
• Religious identity in India: Hindus divided on whether belief in God is required to be a Hindu, but most say eating beef is disqualifying
• Sikhs are proud to be Punjabi and Indian
• Most Indians say they and others are very free to practice their religion
• Most people do not see evidence of widespread religious discrimination in India
• Most Indians report no recent discrimination based on their religion
• In Northeast India, people perceive more religious discrimination
• Most Indians see communal violence as a very big problem in the country
• Indians divided on the legacy of Partition for Hindu-Muslim relations
• More Indians say religious diversity benefits their country than say it is harmful
• Indians are highly knowledgeable about their own religion, less so about other religions
• Substantial shares of Buddhists, Sikhs say they have worshipped at religious venues other than their own
• One-in-five Muslims in India participate in celebrations of Diwali
• Members of both large and small religious groups mostly keep friendships within religious lines
• Most Indians are willing to accept members of other religious communities as neighbors, but many express reservations
• Indians generally marry within same religion
• Most Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Jains strongly support stopping interreligious marriage
• India’s religious groups vary in their caste composition
• Indians in lower castes largely do not perceive widespread discrimination against their groups
• Most Indians do not have recent experience with caste discrimination
• Most Indians OK with Scheduled Caste neighbors
• Indians generally do not have many close friends in different castes
• Large shares of Indians say men, women should be stopped from marrying outside of their caste
• Most Indians say being a member of their religious group is not only about religion
• Common ground across major religious groups on what is essential to religious identity
• India’s religious groups vary on what disqualifies someone from their religion
• Hindus say eating beef, disrespecting India, celebrating Eid incompatible with being Hindu
• Muslims place stronger emphasis than Hindus on religious practices for identity
• Many Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists do not identify with a sect
• Sufism has at least some followers in every major Indian religious group
• Large majorities say Indian culture is superior to others
• What constitutes ‘true’ Indian identity?
• Large gaps between religious groups in 2019 election voting patterns
• No consensus on whether democracy or strong leader best suited to lead India
• Majorities support politicians being involved in religious matters
• Indian Muslims favor their own religious courts; other religious groups less supportive
• Most Indians do not support allowing triple talaq for Muslims
• Southern Indians least likely to say religion is very important in their life
• Most Indians give to charitable causes
• Majorities of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Jains in India pray daily
• More Indians practice puja at home than at temple
• Most Hindus do not read or listen to religious books frequently
• Most Indians have an altar or shrine in their home for worship
• Religious pilgrimages common across most religious groups in India
• Most Hindus say they have received purification from a holy body of water
• Roughly half of Indian adults meditate at least weekly
• Only about a third of Indians ever practice yoga
• Nearly three-quarters of Christians sing devotionally
• Most Muslims and few Jains say they have participated in or witnessed animal sacrifice for religious purposes
• Most Indians schedule key life events based on auspicious dates
• About half of Indians watch religious programs weekly
• For Hindus, nationalism associated with greater religious observance
• Indians value marking lifecycle events with religious rituals
• Most Indian parents say they are raising their children in a religion
• Fewer than half of Indian parents say their children receive religious instruction outside the home
• Vast majority of Sikhs say it is very important that their children keep their hair long
• Half or more of Hindus, Muslims and Christians wear religious pendants
• Most Hindu, Muslim and Sikh women cover their heads outside the home
• Slim majority of Hindu men say they wear a tilak, fewer wear a janeu
• Eight-in-ten Muslim men in India wear a skullcap
• Majority of Sikh men wear a turban
• Muslim and Sikh men generally keep beards
• Most Indians are not vegetarians, but majorities do follow at least some restrictions on meat in their diet
• One-in-five Hindus abstain from eating root vegetables
• Fewer than half of vegetarian Hindus willing to eat in non-vegetarian settings
• Indians evenly split about willingness to eat meals with hosts who have different religious rules about food
• Majority of Indians say they fast
• More Hindus say there are multiple ways to interpret Hinduism than say there is only one true way
• Most Indians across different religious groups believe in karma
• Most Hindus, Jains believe in Ganges’ power to purify
• Belief in reincarnation is not widespread in India
• More Hindus and Jains than Sikhs believe in moksha (liberation from the cycle of rebirth)
• Most Hindus, Muslims, Christians believe in heaven
• Nearly half of Indian Christians believe in miracles
• Most Muslims in India believe in Judgment Day
• Most Indians believe in fate, fewer believe in astrology
• Many Hindus and Muslims say magic, witchcraft or sorcery can influence people’s lives
• Roughly half of Indians trust religious ritual to treat health problems
• Lower-caste Christians much more likely than General Category Christians to hold both Christian and non-Christian beliefs
• Nearly all Indians believe in God
• Few Indians believe ‘there are many gods’
• Many Hindus feel close to Shiva
• Many Indians believe God can be manifested in other people
• Indians almost universally ask God for good health, prosperity, forgiveness
• Acknowledgments
• Questionnaire design
• Sample design and weighting
• Precision of estimates
• Response rates
• Significant events during fieldwork
• Appendix B: Index of religious segregation

This study is Pew Research Center’s most comprehensive, in-depth exploration of India to date. For this report, we surveyed 29,999 Indian adults (including 22,975 who identify as Hindu, 3,336 who identify as Muslim, 1,782 who identify as Sikh, 1,011 who identify as Christian, 719 who identify as Buddhist, 109 who identify as Jain and 67 who identify as belonging to another religion or as religiously unaffiliated). Interviews for this nationally representative survey were conducted face-to-face under the direction of RTI International from Nov. 17, 2019, to March 23, 2020.

To improve respondent comprehension of survey questions and to ensure all questions were culturally appropriate, Pew Research Center followed a multi-phase questionnaire development process that included expert review, focus groups, cognitive interviews, a pretest and a regional pilot survey before the national survey. The questionnaire was developed in English and translated into 16 languages, independently verified by professional linguists with native proficiency in regional dialects.

Respondents were selected using a probability-based sample design that would allow for robust analysis of all major religious groups in India – Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains – as well as all major regional zones. Data was weighted to account for the different probabilities of selection among respondents and to align with demographic benchmarks for the Indian adult population from the 2011 census. The survey is calculated to have covered 98% of Indians ages 18 and older and had an 86% national response rate.

For more information, see the  Methodology  for this report. The questions used in this analysis can be found  here .

More than 70 years after India became free from colonial rule, Indians generally feel their country has lived up to one of its post-independence ideals: a society where followers of many religions can live and practice freely.

India’s massive population is diverse as well as devout. Not only do most of the world’s Hindus, Jains and Sikhs live in India, but it also is home to one of the world’s largest Muslim populations and to millions of Christians and Buddhists.

A major new Pew Research Center survey of religion across India, based on nearly 30,000 face-to-face interviews of adults conducted in 17 languages between late 2019 and early 2020 (before the COVID-19 pandemic ), finds that Indians of all these religious backgrounds overwhelmingly say they are very free to practice their faiths.

Related India research

This is one in a series of Pew Research Center reports on India based on a survey of 29,999 Indian adults conducted Nov. 17, 2019, to March 23, 2020, as well as demographic data from the Indian Census and other government sources. Other reports can be found here:

• How Indians View Gender Roles in Families and Society
• Religious Composition of India
• India’s Sex Ratio at Birth Begins To Normalize

Indians see religious tolerance as a central part of who they are as a nation. Across the major religious groups, most people say it is very important to respect all religions to be “truly Indian.” And tolerance is a religious as well as civic value: Indians are united in the view that respecting other religions is a very important part of what it means to be a member of their own religious community.

These shared values are accompanied by a number of beliefs that cross religious lines. Not only do a majority of Hindus in India (77%) believe in karma, but an identical percentage of Muslims do, too. A third of Christians in India (32%) – together with 81% of Hindus – say they believe in the purifying power of the Ganges River, a central belief in Hinduism. In Northern India, 12% of Hindus and 10% of Sikhs, along with 37% of Muslims, identity with Sufism, a mystical tradition most closely associated with Islam. And the vast majority of Indians of all major religious backgrounds say that respecting elders is very important to their faith.

Yet, despite sharing certain values and religious beliefs – as well as living in the same country, under the same constitution – members of India’s major religious communities often don’t feel they have much in common with one another. The majority of Hindus see themselves as very different from Muslims (66%), and most Muslims return the sentiment, saying they are very different from Hindus (64%). There are a few exceptions: Two-thirds of Jains and about half of Sikhs say they have a lot in common with Hindus. But generally, people in India’s major religious communities tend to see themselves as very different from others.

This perception of difference is reflected in traditions and habits that maintain the separation of India’s religious groups. For example, marriages across religious lines – and, relatedly, religious conversions – are exceedingly rare (see Chapter 3 ). Many Indians, across a range of religious groups, say it is very important to stop people in their community from marrying into other religious groups. Roughly two-thirds of Hindus in India want to prevent interreligious marriages of Hindu women (67%) or Hindu men (65%). Even larger shares of Muslims feel similarly: 80% say it is very important to stop Muslim women from marrying outside their religion, and 76% say it is very important to stop Muslim men from doing so.

Moreover, Indians generally stick to their own religious group when it comes to their friends. Hindus overwhelmingly say that most or all of their close friends are also Hindu. Of course, Hindus make up the majority of the population, and as a result of sheer numbers, may be more likely to interact with fellow Hindus than with people of other religions. But even among Sikhs and Jains, who each form a sliver of the national population, a large majority say their friends come mainly or entirely from their small religious community.

Fewer Indians go so far as to say that their neighborhoods should consist only of people from their own religious group. Still, many would prefer to keep people of certain religions out of their residential areas or villages. For example, many Hindus (45%) say they are fine with having neighbors of all other religions – be they Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist or Jain – but an identical share (45%) say they would not be willing to accept followers of at least one of these groups, including more than one-in-three Hindus (36%) who do not want a Muslim as a neighbor. Among Jains, a majority (61%) say they are unwilling to have neighbors from at least one of these groups, including 54% who would not accept a Muslim neighbor, although nearly all Jains (92%) say they would be willing to accept a Hindu neighbor.

Indians, then, simultaneously express enthusiasm for religious tolerance and a consistent preference for keeping their religious communities in segregated spheres – they live together separately . These two sentiments may seem paradoxical, but for many Indians they are not.

Indeed, many take both positions, saying it is important to be tolerant of others and expressing a desire to limit personal connections across religious lines. Indians who favor a religiously segregated society also overwhelmingly emphasize religious tolerance as a core value. For example, among Hindus who say it is very important to stop the interreligious marriage of Hindu women, 82% also say that respecting other religions is very important to what it means to be Hindu. This figure is nearly identical to the 85% who strongly value religious tolerance among those who are not at all concerned with stopping interreligious marriage.

In other words, Indians’ concept of religious tolerance does not necessarily involve the mixing of religious communities. While people in some countries may aspire to create a “melting pot” of different religious identities, many Indians seem to prefer a country more like a patchwork fabric, with clear lines between groups.

One of these religious fault lines – the relationship between India’s Hindu majority and the country’s smaller religious communities – has particular relevance in public life, especially in recent years under the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the BJP is often described as promoting a Hindu nationalist ideology .

The survey finds that Hindus tend to see their religious identity and Indian national identity as closely intertwined: Nearly two-thirds of Hindus (64%) say it is very important to be Hindu to be “truly” Indian.

Most Hindus (59%) also link Indian identity with being able to speak Hindi – one of dozens of languages that are widely spoken in India. And these two dimensions of national identity – being able to speak Hindi and being a Hindu – are closely connected. Among Hindus who say it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian, fully 80% also say it is very important to speak Hindi to be truly Indian.

The BJP’s appeal is greater among Hindus who closely associate their religious identity and the Hindi language with being “truly Indian.” In the 2019 national elections, 60% of Hindu voters who think it is very important to be Hindu and to speak Hindi to be truly Indian cast their vote for the BJP, compared with only a third among Hindu voters who feel less strongly about both these aspects of national identity.

Overall, among those who voted in the 2019 elections, three-in-ten Hindus take all three positions: saying it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian; saying the same about speaking Hindi; and casting their ballot for the BJP.

These views are considerably more common among Hindus in the largely Hindi-speaking Northern and Central regions of the country, where roughly half of all Hindu voters fall into this category, compared with just 5% in the South.

Whether Hindus who meet all three of these criteria qualify as “Hindu nationalists” may be debated, but they do express a heightened desire for maintaining clear lines between Hindus and other religious groups when it comes to whom they marry, who their friends are and whom they live among. For example, among Hindu BJP voters who link national identity with both religion and language, 83% say it is very important to stop Hindu women from marrying into another religion, compared with 61% among other Hindu voters.

This group also tends to be more religiously observant: 95% say religion is very important in their lives, and roughly three-quarters say they pray daily (73%). By comparison, among other Hindu voters, a smaller majority (80%) say religion is very important in their lives, and about half (53%) pray daily.

Even though Hindu BJP voters who link national identity with religion and language are more inclined to support a religiously segregated India, they also are  more  likely than other Hindu voters to express positive opinions about India’s religious diversity. Nearly two-thirds (65%) of this group – Hindus who say that being a Hindu and being able to speak Hindi are very important to be truly Indian  and  who voted for the BJP in 2019 – say religious diversity benefits India, compared with about half (47%) of other Hindu voters.

This finding suggests that for many Hindus, there is no contradiction between valuing religious diversity (at least in principle) and feeling that Hindus are somehow more authentically Indian than fellow citizens who follow other religions.

Among Indians overall, there is no overwhelming consensus on the benefits of religious diversity. On balance, more Indians see diversity as a benefit than view it as a liability for their country: Roughly half (53%) of Indian adults say India’s religious diversity benefits the country, while about a quarter (24%) see diversity as harmful, with similar figures among both Hindus and Muslims. But 24% of Indians do not take a clear position either way – they say diversity neither benefits nor harms the country, or they decline to answer the question. (See Chapter 2 for a discussion of attitudes toward diversity.)

India’s Muslim community, the second-largest religious group in the country, historically has had a complicated relationship with the Hindu majority. The two communities generally have lived peacefully side by side for centuries, but their shared history also is checkered by civil unrest and violence. Most recently, while the survey was being conducted, demonstrations broke out in parts of New Delhi and elsewhere over the government’s new citizenship law , which creates an expedited path to citizenship for immigrants from some neighboring countries – but not Muslims.

Today, India’s Muslims almost unanimously say they are very proud to be Indian (95%), and they express great enthusiasm for Indian culture: 85% agree with the statement that “Indian people are not perfect, but Indian culture is superior to others.”

Relatively few Muslims say their community faces “a lot” of discrimination in India (24%). In fact, the share of Muslims who see widespread discrimination against their community is similar to the share of Hindus who say Hindus face widespread religious discrimination in India (21%). (See Chapter 1 for a discussion of attitudes on religious discrimination.)

But personal experiences with discrimination among Muslims vary quite a bit regionally. Among Muslims in the North, 40% say they personally have faced religious discrimination in the last 12 months – much higher levels than reported in most other regions.

In addition, most Muslims across the country (65%), along with an identical share of Hindus (65%), see communal violence as a very big national problem. (See Chapter 1 for a discussion of Indians’ attitudes toward national problems.)

Like Hindus, Muslims prefer to live religiously segregated lives – not just when it comes to marriage and friendships, but also in some elements of public life. In particular, three-quarters of Muslims in India (74%) support having access to the existing system of Islamic courts, which handle family disputes (such as inheritance or divorce cases), in addition to the secular court system.

Muslims’ desire for religious segregation does not preclude tolerance of other groups – again similar to the pattern seen among Hindus. Indeed, a majority of Muslims who favor separate religious courts for their community say religious diversity benefits India (59%), compared with somewhat fewer of those who oppose religious courts for Muslims (50%).

Sidebar: Islamic courts in India

Since 1937, India’s Muslims have had the option of resolving family and inheritance-related cases in officially recognized Islamic courts, known as dar-ul-qaza. These courts are overseen by religious magistrates known as qazi and operate under Shariah principles . For example, while the rules of inheritance for most Indians are governed by the Indian Succession Act of 1925 and the Hindu Succession Act of 1956 (amended in 2005), Islamic inheritance practices differ in some ways, including who can be considered an heir and how much of the deceased person’s property they can inherit. India’s inheritance laws also take into account the differing traditions of other religious communities, such as Hindus and Christians, but their cases are handled in secular courts. Only the Muslim community has the option of having cases tried by a separate system of family courts. The decisions of the religious courts, however, are not legally binding , and the parties involved have the option of taking their case to secular courts if they are not satisfied with the decision of the religious court.

As of 2021, there are roughly 70 dar-ul-qaza in India. Most are in the states of Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh. Goa is the only state that does not recognize rulings by these courts, enforcing its own uniform civil code instead. Dar-ul-qaza are overseen by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board .

While these courts can grant divorces among Muslims, they are prohibited from approving divorces initiated through the practice known as triple talaq, in which a Muslim man instantly divorces his wife by saying the Arabic/Urdu word “talaq” (meaning “divorce”) three times. This practice was deemed unconstitutional by the Indian Supreme Court in 2017 and formally outlawed by the Lok Sabha, the lower house of India’s Parliament, in 2019. 1

Recent debates have emerged around Islamic courts. Some Indians have expressed concern that the rise of dar-ul-qaza could undermine the Indian judiciary, because a subset of the population is not bound to the same laws as everyone else. Others have argued that the rulings of Islamic courts are particularly unfair to women, although the prohibition of triple talaq may temper some of these criticisms. In its 2019 political manifesto , the BJP proclaimed a desire to create a national Uniform Civil Code, saying it would increase gender equality.

Some Indian commentators have voiced opposition to Islamic courts along with more broadly negative sentiments against Muslims, describing the rising numbers of dar-ul-qaza as the “Talibanization” of India , for example.

On the other hand, Muslim scholars have defended the dar-ul-qaza, saying they expedite justice because family disputes that would otherwise clog India’s courts can be handled separately, allowing the secular courts to focus their attention on other concerns.

Since 2018, the Hindu nationalist party Hindu Mahasabha (which does not hold any seats in Parliament) has tried to set up Hindu religious courts , known as Hindutva courts, aiming to play a role similar to dar-ul-qaza, only for the majority Hindu community. None of these courts have been recognized by the Indian government, and their rulings are not considered legally binding.

The seminal event in the modern history of Hindu-Muslim relations in the region was the partition of the subcontinent into Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan at the end of the British colonial period in 1947. Partition remains one of the largest movements of people across borders in recorded history, and in both countries the carving of new borders was accompanied by violence, rioting and looting .

More than seven decades later, the predominant view among Indian Muslims is that the partition of the subcontinent was “a bad thing” for Hindu-Muslim relations. Nearly half of Muslims say Partition hurt communal relations with Hindus (48%), while fewer say it was a good thing for Hindu-Muslim relations (30%). Among Muslims who prefer more religious segregation – that is, who say they would not accept a person of a different faith as a neighbor – an even higher share (60%) say Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations.

Sikhs, whose homeland of Punjab was split by Partition, are even more likely than Muslims to say Partition was a bad thing for Hindu-Muslim relations: Two-thirds of Sikhs (66%) take this position. And Sikhs ages 60 and older, whose parents most likely lived through Partition, are more inclined than younger Sikhs to say the partition of the country was bad for communal relations (74% vs. 64%).

While Sikhs and Muslims are more likely to say Partition was a bad thing than a good thing, Hindus lean in the opposite direction: 43% of Hindus say Partition was beneficial for Hindu-Muslim relations, while 37% see it as a bad thing.

Context for the survey

Interviews were conducted after the conclusion of the 2019 national parliamentary elections and after the revocation of Jammu and Kashmir’s special status under the Indian Constitution. In December 2019, protests against the country’s new citizenship law broke out in several regions.

Fieldwork could not be conducted in the Kashmir Valley and a few districts elsewhere due to security concerns. These locations include some heavily Muslim areas, which is part of the reason why Muslims make up 11% of the survey’s total sample, while India’s adult population is roughly 13% Muslim, according to the most recent census data that is publicly available, from 2011. In addition, it is possible that in some other parts of the country, interreligious tensions over the new citizenship law may have slightly depressed participation in the survey by potential Muslim respondents.

Nevertheless, the survey’s estimates of religious beliefs, behaviors and attitudes can be reported with a high degree of confidence for India’s total population, because the number of people living in the excluded areas (Manipur, Sikkim, the Kashmir Valley and a few other districts) is not large enough to affect the overall results at the national level. About 98% of India’s total population had a chance of being selected for this survey.

Greater caution is warranted when looking at India’s Muslims separately, as a distinct population. The survey cannot speak to the experiences and views of Kashmiri Muslims. Still, the survey does represent the beliefs, behaviors and attitudes of around 95% of India’s overall Muslim population.

These are among the key findings of a Pew Research Center survey conducted face-to-face nationally among 29,999 Indian adults. Local interviewers administered the survey between Nov. 17, 2019, and March 23, 2020, in 17 languages. The survey covered all states and union territories of India, with the exceptions of Manipur and Sikkim, where the rapidly developing COVID-19 situation prevented fieldwork from starting in the spring of 2020, and the remote territories of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep; these areas are home to about a quarter of 1% of the Indian population. The union territory of Jammu and Kashmir was covered by the survey, though no fieldwork was conducted in the Kashmir region itself due to security concerns.

This study, funded by The Pew Charitable Trusts and the John Templeton Foundation, is part of a larger effort by Pew Research Center to understand religious change and its impact on societies around the world. The Center previously has conducted religion-focused surveys across sub-Saharan Africa ; the Middle East-North Africa region and many other countries with large Muslim populations ; Latin America ; Israel ; Central and Eastern Europe ; Western Europe ; and the United States .

The rest of this Overview covers attitudes on five broad topics: caste and discrimination; religious conversion; religious observances and beliefs; how people define their religious identity, including what kind of behavior is considered acceptable to be a Hindu or a Muslim; and the connection between economic development and religious observance.

Caste is another dividing line in Indian society, and not just among Hindus

Religion is not the only fault line in Indian society. In some regions of the country, significant shares of people perceive widespread, caste-based discrimination.

The caste system is an ancient social hierarchy based on occupation and economic status. People are born into a particular caste and tend to keep many aspects of their social life within its boundaries, including whom they marry. Even though the system’s origins are in historical Hindu writings , today Indians nearly universally identify with a caste, regardless of whether they are Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh, Buddhist or Jain.

Overall, the majority of Indian adults say they are a member of a Scheduled Caste (SC) – often referred to as Dalits (25%) – Scheduled Tribe (ST) (9%) or Other Backward Class (OBC) (35%). 2

Buddhists in India nearly universally identify themselves in these categories, including 89% who are Dalits (sometimes referred to by the pejorative term “untouchables”).

Members of SC/ST/OBC groups traditionally formed the lower social and economic rungs of Indian society, and historically they have faced discrimination and unequal economic opportunities . The practice of untouchability in India ostracizes members of many of these communities, especially Dalits, although the Indian Constitution prohibits caste-based discrimination, including untouchability, and in recent decades the government has enacted economic advancement policies like reserved seats in universities and government jobs for Dalits, Scheduled Tribes and OBC communities.

Roughly 30% of Indians do not belong to these protected groups and are classified as “General Category.” This includes higher castes such as Brahmins (4%), traditionally the priestly caste. Indeed, each broad category includes several sub-castes – sometimes hundreds – with their own social and economic hierarchies.

Three-quarters of Jains (76%) identify with General Category castes, as do 46% of both Muslims and Sikhs.

Caste-based discrimination, as well as the government’s efforts to compensate for past discrimination, are politically charged topics in India . But the survey finds that most Indians do not perceive widespread caste-based discrimination. Just one-in-five Indians say there is a lot of discrimination against members of SCs, while 19% say there is a lot of discrimination against STs and somewhat fewer (16%) see high levels of discrimination against OBCs. Members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are slightly more likely than others to perceive widespread discrimination against their two groups. Still, large majorities of people in these categories do not think they face a lot of discrimination.

These attitudes vary by region, however. Among Southern Indians, for example, 30% see widespread discrimination against Dalits, compared with 13% in the Central part of the country. And among the Dalit community in the South, even more (43%) say their community faces a lot of discrimination, compared with 27% among Southern Indians in the General Category who say the Dalit community faces widespread discrimination in India.

A higher share of Dalits in the South and Northeast than elsewhere in the country say they, personally, have faced discrimination in the last 12 months because of their caste: 30% of Dalits in the South say this, as do 38% in the Northeast.

Although caste discrimination may not be perceived as widespread nationally, caste remains a potent factor in Indian society. Most Indians from other castes say they would be willing to have someone belonging to a Scheduled Caste as a neighbor (72%). But a similarly large majority of Indians overall (70%) say that most or all of their close friends share their caste. And Indians tend to object to marriages across caste lines, much as they object to interreligious marriages. 3

Overall, 64% of Indians say it is very important to stop women in their community from marrying into other castes, and about the same share (62%) say it is very important to stop men in their community from marrying into other castes. These figures vary only modestly across members of different castes. For example, nearly identical shares of Dalits and members of General Category castes say stopping inter-caste marriages is very important.

Majorities of Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Jains consider stopping inter-caste marriage of both men and women a high priority. By comparison, fewer Buddhists and Christians say it is very important to stop such marriages – although for majorities of both groups, stopping people from marrying outside their caste is at least “somewhat” important.

People surveyed in India’s South and Northeast see greater caste discrimination in their communities, and they also raise fewer objections to inter-caste marriages than do Indians overall. Meanwhile, college-educated Indians are less likely than those with less education to say stopping inter-caste marriages is a high priority. But, even within the most highly educated group, roughly half say preventing such marriages is very important. (See Chapter 4 for more analysis of Indians’ views on caste.)

In recent years, conversion of people belonging to lower castes (including Dalits) away from Hinduism – a traditionally non-proselytizing religion – to proselytizing religions, especially Christianity, has been a contentious political issue in India. As of early 2021, nine states have enacted laws against proselytism , and some previous surveys have shown that half of Indians support legal bans on religious conversions. 4

This survey, though, finds that religious switching, or conversion, has a minimal impact on the overall size of India’s religious groups. For example, according to the survey, 82% of Indians say they were raised Hindu, and a nearly identical share say they are currently Hindu, showing no net losses for the group through conversion to other religions. Other groups display similar levels of stability.

Changes in India’s religious landscape over time are largely a result of differences in fertility rates among religious groups, not conversion.

Respondents were asked two separate questions to measure religious switching: “What is your present religion, if any?” and, later in the survey, “In what religion were you raised, if any?” Overall, 98% of respondents give the same answer to both these questions.

An overall pattern of stability in the share of religious groups is accompanied by little net gain from movement into, or out of, most religious groups. Among Hindus, for instance, any conversion out of the group is matched by conversion into the group: 0.7% of respondents say they were raised Hindu but now identify as something else, and although Hindu texts and traditions do not agree on any formal process for conversion into the religion, roughly the same share (0.8%) say they were  not raised Hindu but now identify as Hindu. 5  Most of these new followers of Hinduism are married to Hindus.

Similarly, 0.3% of respondents have left Islam since childhood, matched by an identical share who say they were raised in other religions (or had no childhood religion) and have since become Muslim.

For Christians, however, there are some net gains from conversion: 0.4% of survey respondents are former Hindus who now identify as Christian, while 0.1% are former Christians.

Three-quarters of India’s Hindu converts to Christianity (74%) are concentrated in the Southern part of the country – the region with the largest Christian population. As a result, the Christian population of the South shows a slight increase within the lifetime of survey respondents: 6% of Southern Indians say they were raised Christian, while 7% say they are currently Christian.

Some Christian converts (16%) reside in the East as well (the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha and West Bengal); about two-thirds of all Christians in the East (64%) belong to Scheduled Tribes.

Nationally, the vast majority of former Hindus who are now Christian belong to Scheduled Castes (48%), Scheduled Tribes (14%) or Other Backward Classes (26%). And former Hindus are much more likely than the Indian population overall to say there is a lot of discrimination against lower castes in India. For example, nearly half of converts to Christianity (47%) say there is a lot of discrimination against Scheduled Castes in India, compared with 20% of the overall population who perceive this level of discrimination against Scheduled Castes. Still, relatively few converts say they, personally, have faced discrimination due to their caste in the last 12 months (12%).

Though their specific practices and beliefs may vary, all of India’s major religious communities are highly observant by standard measures. For instance, the vast majority of Indians, across all major faiths, say that religion is very important in their lives. And at least three-quarters of each major religion’s followers say they know a great deal about their own religion and its practices. For example, 81% of Indian Buddhists claim a great deal of knowledge about the Buddhist religion and its practices.

Indian Muslims are slightly more likely than Hindus to consider religion very important in their lives (91% vs. 84%). Muslims also are modestly more likely than Hindus to say they know a great deal about their own religion (84% vs. 75%).

Significant portions of each religious group also pray daily, with Christians among the most likely to do so (77%) – even though Christians are the least likely of the six groups to say religion is very important in their lives (76%). Most Hindus and Jains also pray daily (59% and 73%, respectively) and say they perform puja daily (57% and 81%), either at home or at a temple. 6

Generally, younger and older Indians, those with different educational backgrounds, and men and women are similar in their levels of religious observance. South Indians are the least likely to say religion is very important in their lives (69%), and the South is the only region where fewer than half of people report praying daily (37%). While Hindus, Muslims and Christians in the South are all less likely than their counterparts elsewhere in India to say religion is very important to them, the lower rate of prayer in the South is driven mainly by Hindus: Three-in-ten Southern Hindus report that they pray daily (30%), compared with roughly two-thirds (68%) of Hindus in the rest of the country (see “ People in the South differ from rest of the country in their views of religion, national identity ” below for further discussion of religious differences in Southern India).

The survey also asked about three rites of passage: religious ceremonies for birth (or infancy), marriage and death. Members of all of India’s major religious communities tend to see these rites as highly important. For example, the vast majority of Muslims (92%), Christians (86%) and Hindus (85%) say it is very important to have a religious burial or cremation for their loved ones.

The survey also asked about practices specific to particular religions, such as whether people have received purification by bathing in holy bodies of water, like the Ganges River, a rite closely associated with Hinduism. About two-thirds of Hindus have done this (65%). Most Hindus also have holy basil (the tulsi plant) in their homes, as do most Jains (72% and 62%, respectively). And about three-quarters of Sikhs follow the Sikh practice of keeping their hair long (76%).

For more on religious practices across India’s religious groups, see Chapter 7 .

Nearly all Indians say they believe in God (97%), and roughly 80% of people in most religious groups say they are absolutely certain that God exists. The main exception is Buddhists, one-third of whom say they do not believe in God. Still, among Buddhists who do think there is a God, most say they are absolutely certain in this belief.

While belief in God is close to universal in India, the survey finds a wide range of views about the type of deity or deities that Indians believe in. The prevailing view is that there is one God “with many manifestations” (54%). But about one-third of the public says simply: “There is only one God” (35%). Far fewer say there are many gods (6%).

Even though Hinduism is sometimes referred to as a polytheistic religion , very few Hindus (7%) take the position that there are multiple gods. Instead, the most common position among Hindus (as well as among Jains) is that there is “only one God with many manifestations” (61% among Hindus and 54% among Jains).

Among Hindus, those who say religion is very important in their lives are more likely than other Hindus to believe in one God with many manifestations (63% vs. 50%) and less likely to say there are many gods (6% vs. 12%).

By contrast, majorities of Muslims, Christians and Sikhs say there is only one God. And among Buddhists, the most common response is also a belief in one God. Among all these groups, however, about one-in-five or more say God has many manifestations, a position closer to their Hindu compatriots’ concept of God.

Most Hindus feel close to multiple gods, but Shiva, Hanuman and Ganesha are most popular

Traditionally, many Hindus have a “personal god,” or  ishta devata:  A particular god or goddess with whom they feel a personal connection. The survey asked all Indian Hindus who say they believe in God which god they feel closest to – showing them 15 images of gods on a card as possible options – and the vast majority of Hindus selected more than one god or indicated that they have many personal gods (84%). 7  This is true not only among Hindus who say they believe in many gods (90%) or in one God with many manifestations (87%), but also among those who say there is only one God (82%).

The god that Hindus most commonly feel close to is Shiva (44%). In addition, about one-third of Hindus feel close to Hanuman or Ganesha (35% and 32%, respectively).

There is great regional variation in how close India’s Hindus feel to some gods. For example, 46% of Hindus in India’s West feel close to Ganesha, but only 15% feel this way in the Northeast. And 46% of Hindus in the Northeast feel close to Krishna, while just 14% in the South say the same.

Feelings of closeness for Lord Ram are especially strong in the Central region (27%), which includes what Hindus claim is his ancient birthplace , Ayodhya. The location in Ayodhya where many Hindus believe Ram was born has been a source of controversy: Hindu mobs demolished a mosque on the site in 1992, claiming that a Hindu temple originally existed there. In 2019, the Indian Supreme Court ruled that the demolished mosque had been built on top of a preexisting non-Islamic structure and that the land should be given to Hindus to build a temple, with another location in the area given to the Muslim community to build a new mosque. (For additional findings on belief in God, see Chapter 12 .)

Sidebar: Despite economic advancement, few signs that importance of religion is declining

A prominent theory in the social sciences hypothesizes that as countries advance economically, their populations tend to become less religious, often leading to wider social change. Known as “secularization theory,” it particularly reflects the experience of Western European countries from the end of World War II to the present.

Despite rapid economic growth, India’s population so far shows few, if any, signs of losing its religion. For instance, both the Indian census and the new survey find virtually no growth in the minuscule share of people who claim no religious identity. And religion is prominent in the lives of Indians regardless of their socioeconomic status. Generally, across the country, there is little difference in personal religious observance between urban and rural residents or between those who are college educated versus those who are not. Overwhelming shares among all these groups say that religion is very important in their lives, that they pray regularly and that they believe in God.

Nearly all religious groups show the same patterns. The biggest exception is Christians, among whom those with higher education and those who reside in urban areas show somewhat lower levels of observance. For example, among Christians who have a college degree, 59% say religion is very important in their life, compared with 78% among those who have less education.

The survey does show a slight decline in the perceived importance of religion during the lifetime of respondents, though the vast majority of Indians indicate that religion remains central to their lives, and this is true among both younger and older adults.

Nearly nine-in-ten Indian adults say religion was very important to their family when they were growing up (88%), while a slightly lower share say religion is very important to them now (84%). The pattern is identical when looking only at India’s majority Hindu population. Among Muslims in India, the same shares say religion was very important to their family growing up and is very important to them now (91% each).

The states of Southern India (Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Puducherry, Tamil Nadu and Telangana) show the biggest downward trend in the perceived importance of religion over respondents’ lifetimes: 76% of Indians who live in the South say religion was very important to their family growing up, compared with 69% who say religion is personally very important to them now. Slight declines in the importance of religion, by this measure, also are seen in the Western part of the country (Goa, Gujarat and Maharashtra) and in the North, although large majorities in all regions of the country say religion is very important in their lives today.

Despite a strong desire for religious segregation, India’s religious groups share patriotic feelings, cultural values and some religious beliefs. For instance, overwhelming shares across India’s religious communities say they are very proud to be Indian, and most agree that Indian culture is superior to others.

Similarly, Indians of different religious backgrounds hold elders in high respect. For instance, nine-in-ten or more Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists and Jains say that respecting elders is very important to what being a member of their religious group means to them (e.g., for Hindus, it’s a very important part of their Hindu identity). Christians and Sikhs also overwhelmingly share this sentiment. And among all people surveyed in all six groups, three-quarters or more say that respecting elders is very important to being truly Indian.

Within all six religious groups, eight-in-ten or more also say that helping the poor and needy is a crucial part of their religious identity.

Beyond cultural parallels, many people mix traditions from multiple religions into their practices: As a result of living side by side for generations, India’s minority groups often engage in practices that are more closely associated with Hindu traditions than their own. For instance, many Muslim, Sikh and Christian women in India say they wear a bindi (a forehead marking, often worn by married women), even though putting on a bindi has Hindu origins.

Similarly, many people embrace beliefs not traditionally associated with their faith: Muslims in India are just as likely as Hindus to say they believe in karma (77% each), and 54% of Indian Christians share this view. 8  Nearly three-in-ten Muslims and Christians say they believe in reincarnation (27% and 29%, respectively). While these may seem like theological contradictions, for many Indians, calling oneself a Muslim or a Christian does not preclude believing in karma or reincarnation – beliefs that do not have a traditional, doctrinal basis in Islam or Christianity.

Most Muslims and Christians say they don’t participate in celebrations of Diwali, the Indian festival of lights that is traditionally celebrated by Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists. But substantial minorities of Christians (31%) and Muslims (20%) report that they do celebrate Diwali. Celebrating Diwali is especially common among Muslims in the West, where 39% say they participate in the festival, and in the South (33%).

Not only do some followers of all these religions participate in a celebration (Diwali) that consumes most of the country once a year, but some members of the majority Hindu community celebrate Muslim and Christian festivals, too: 7% of Indian Hindus say they celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid, and 17% celebrate Christmas.

While there is some mixing of religious celebrations and traditions within India’s diverse population, many Hindus do not approve of this. In fact, while 17% of the nation’s Hindus say they participate in Christmas celebrations, about half of Hindus (52%) say that doing so disqualifies a person from being Hindu (compared with 35% who say a person can be Hindu if they celebrate Christmas). An even greater share of Hindus (63%) say a person cannot be Hindu if they celebrate the Islamic festival of Eid – a view that is more widely held in Northern, Central, Eastern and Northeastern India than the South or West.

Hindus are divided on whether beliefs and practices such as believing in God, praying and going to the temple are necessary to be a Hindu. But one behavior that a clear majority of Indian Hindus feel is incompatible with Hinduism is eating beef: 72% of Hindus in India say a person who eats beef cannot be a Hindu. That is even higher than the percentages of Hindus who say a person cannot be Hindu if they reject belief in God (49%), never go to a temple (48%) or never perform prayers (48%).

Attitudes toward beef appear to be part of a regional and cultural divide among Hindus: Southern Indian Hindus are considerably less likely than others to disqualify beef eaters from being Hindu (50% vs. 83% in the Northern and Central parts of the country). And, at least in part, Hindus’ views on beef and Hindu identity are linked with a preference for religious segregation and elements of Hindu nationalism. For example, Hindus who take a strong position against eating beef are more likely than others to say they would not accept followers of other religions as their neighbors (49% vs. 30%) and to say it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian (68% vs. 51%).

Relatedly, 44% of Hindus say they are vegetarians, and an additional 33% say they abstain from eating certain meats. Hindus traditionally view cows as sacred, and laws pertaining to cow slaughter have been a recent flashpoint in India . At the same time, Hindus are not alone in linking beef consumption with religious identity: 82% of Sikhs and 85% of Jains surveyed say that a person who eats beef cannot be a member of their religious groups, either. A majority of Sikhs (59%) and fully 92% of Jains say they are vegetarians, including 67% of Jains who do not eat root vegetables . 9  (For more data on religion and dietary habits, see Chapter 10 .)

Sidebar: People in the South differ from rest of the country in their views of religion, national identity

The survey consistently finds that people in the South (the states of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Telangana, and the union territory of Puducherry) differ from Indians elsewhere in the country in their views on religion, politics and identity.

For example, by a variety of measures, people in the South are somewhat less religious than those in other regions – 69% say religion is very important in their lives, versus 92% in the Central part of the country. And 37% say they pray every day, compared with more than half of Indians in other regions. People in the South also are less segregated by religion or caste – whether that involves their friendship circles, the kind of neighbors they prefer or how they feel about intermarriage. (See Chapter 3 .)

Hindu nationalist sentiments also appear to have less of a foothold in the South. Among Hindus, those in the South (42%) are far less likely than those in Central states (83%) or the North (69%) to say being Hindu is very important to be truly Indian. And in the 2019 parliamentary elections, the BJP’s lowest vote share came in the South. In the survey, just 19% of Hindus in the region say they voted for the BJP, compared with roughly two-thirds in the Northern (68%) and Central (65%) parts of the country who say they voted for the ruling party.

Culturally and politically, people in the South have pushed back against the BJP’s restrictions on cow slaughter and efforts to nationalize the Hindi language . These factors may contribute to the BJP’s lower popularity in the South, where more people prefer regional parties or the Indian National Congress party.

These differences in attitudes and practices exist in a wider context of economic disparities between the South and other regions of the country. Over time, Southern states have seen stronger economic growth than the Northern and Central parts of the country. And women and people belonging to lower castes in the South have fared better economically than their counterparts elsewhere in the country. Even though three-in-ten people in the South say there is widespread caste discrimination in India, the region also has a history of anti-caste movements . Indeed, one author has attributed the economic growth of the South largely to the flattening of caste hierarchies.

Muslim identity in India

Most Muslims in India say a person cannot be Muslim if they never pray or attend a mosque. Similarly, about six-in-ten say that celebrating Diwali or Christmas is incompatible with being a member of the Muslim community. At the same time, a substantial minority express a degree of open-mindedness on who can be a Muslim, with fully one-third (34%) saying a person can be Muslim even if they don’t believe in God. (The survey finds that 6% of self-described Muslims in India say they do not believe in God; see “ Near-universal belief in God, but wide variation in how God is perceived ” above.)

Like Hindus, Muslims have dietary restrictions that resonate as powerful markers of identity. Three-quarters of Indian Muslims (77%) say that a person cannot be Muslim if they eat pork, which is even higher than the share who say a person cannot be Muslim if they do not believe in God (60%) or never attend mosque (61%).

Indian Muslims also report high levels of religious commitment by a host of conventional measures: 91% say religion is very important in their lives, two-thirds (66%) say they pray at least once a day, and seven-in-ten say they attend mosque at least once a week – with even higher attendance among Muslim men (93%).

By all these measures, Indian Muslims are broadly comparable to Muslims in the neighboring Muslim-majority countries of Pakistan and Bangladesh, according to a Pew Research Center survey conducted in those countries in late 2011 and early 2012. In Pakistan, for example, 94% of Muslims said religion is very important in their lives , while 81% of Bangladeshi Muslims said the same. Muslims in India are somewhat more likely than those elsewhere in South Asia to say they regularly worship at a mosque (70% in India vs. 59% in Pakistan and 53% in Bangladesh), with the difference mainly driven by the share of women who attend.

At the same time, Muslims in India are slightly less likely to say there is “only one true” interpretation of Islam (72% in Pakistan, 69% in Bangladesh, 63% in India), as opposed to multiple interpretations.

When it comes to their religious beliefs, Indian Muslims in some ways resemble Indian Hindus more than they resemble Muslims in neighboring countries. For example, Muslims in Pakistan and Bangladesh almost universally say they believe in heaven and angels, but Indian Muslims seem more skeptical: 58% say they believe in heaven and 53% express belief in angels. Among Indian Hindus, similarly, 56% believe in heaven and 49% believe in angels.

Majority of Muslim women in India oppose ‘triple talaq’ (Islamic divorce)

Many Indian Muslims historically have followed the Hanafi school of thought, which for centuries allowed men to divorce their wives by saying “talaq” (which translates as “divorce” in Arabic and Urdu) three times. Traditionally, there was supposed to be a waiting period and attempts at reconciliation in between each use of the word, and it was deeply frowned upon (though technically permissible) for a man to pronounce “talaq” three times quickly in a row. India’s Supreme Court ruled triple talaq unconstitutional in 2017, and it was banned by legislation in 2019 .

Most Indian Muslims (56%) say Muslim men should not be allowed to divorce this way. Still, 37% of Indian Muslims say they support triple talaq, with Muslim men (42%) more likely than Muslim women (32%) to take this position. A majority of Muslim women (61%) oppose triple talaq.

Highly religious Muslims – i.e., those who say religion is very important in their lives – also are more likely than other Muslims to say Muslim men should be able to divorce their wives simply by saying “talaq” three times (39% vs. 26%).

Triple talaq seems to have the most support among Muslims in the Southern and Northeastern regions of India, where half or more of Muslims say it should be legal (58% and 50%, respectively), although 12% of Muslims in the South and 16% in the Northeast do not take a position on the issue either way.

Sikhism is one of four major religions – along with Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism – that originated on the Indian subcontinent. The Sikh religion emerged in Punjab in the 15th century, when Guru Nanak, who is revered as the founder of Sikhism, became the first in a succession of 10 gurus (teachers) in the religion.

Today, India’s Sikhs remain concentrated in the state of Punjab. One feature of the Sikh religion is a distinctive sense of community, also known as “Khalsa” (which translates as “ones who are pure”). Observant Sikhs differentiate themselves from others in several ways, including keeping their hair uncut. Today, about three-quarters of Sikh men and women in India say they keep their hair long (76%), and two-thirds say it is very important to them that children in their families also keep their hair long (67%). (For more analysis of Sikhs’ views on passing religious traditions on to their children, see Chapter 8 .)

Sikhs are more likely than Indian adults overall to say they attend religious services every day – 40% of Sikhs say they go to the gurdwara (Sikh house of worship) daily. By comparison, 14% of Hindus say they go to a Hindu temple every day. Moreover, the vast majority of Sikhs (94%) regard their holy book, the Guru Granth Sahib, as the word of God, and many (37%) say they read it, or listen to recitations of it, every day.

Sikhs in India also incorporate other religious traditions into their practice. Some Sikhs (9%) say they follow Sufi orders, which are linked with Islam, and about half (52%) say they have a lot in common with Hindus. Roughly one-in-five Indian Sikhs say they have prayed, meditated or performed a ritual at a Hindu temple.

Sikh-Hindu relations were marked by violence in the 1970s and 1980s, when demands for a separate Sikh state covering the Punjab regions in both India and Pakistan (also known as the Khalistan movement) reached their apex. In 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards as revenge for Indian paramilitary forces storming the Sikh Golden Temple in pursuit of Sikh militants. Anti-Sikh riots ensued in Northern India, especially in the state of Punjab.

According to the Indian census, the vast majority of Sikhs in India (77%) still live in Punjab, where Sikhs make up 58% of the adult population. And 93% of Punjabi Sikhs say they are very proud to live in the state.

Sikhs also are overwhelmingly proud of their Indian identity. A near-universal share of Sikhs say they are very proud to be Indian (95%), and the vast majority (70%) say a person who disrespects India cannot be a Sikh. And like India’s other religious groups, most Sikhs do not see evidence of widespread discrimination against their community – just 14% say Sikhs face a lot of discrimination in India, and 18% say they personally have faced religious discrimination in the last year.

At the same time, Sikhs are more likely than other religious communities to see communal violence as a very big problem in the country. Nearly eight-in-ten Sikhs (78%) rate communal violence as a major issue, compared with 65% of Hindus and Muslims.

The BJP has attempted to financially compensate Sikhs for some of the violence that occurred in 1984 after Indira Gandhi’s assassination, but relatively few Sikh voters (19%) report having voted for the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary elections. The survey finds that 33% of Sikhs preferred the Indian National Congress Party – Gandhi’s party.

• Ahmed, Hilal. 2019. “ Siyasi Muslims: A story of political Islams in India .” ↩
• All survey respondents, regardless of religion, were asked, “Are you from a General Category, Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe or Other Backward Class?” By contrast, in the 2011 census of India, only Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists could be enumerated as members of Scheduled Castes, while Scheduled Tribes could include followers of all religions. General Category and Other Backward Classes were not measured in the census. A detailed analysis of differences between 2011 census data on caste and survey data can be found here . ↩
• According to the 2004 and 2009 National Election Studies by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), roughly half of Indians or more said that marriages of boys and girls from different castes should be  banned . In 2004, a majority also said this about people from different religions. ↩
• In both the 2004 and 2009 National Election Studies (organized by CSDS), roughly half of Indians said that “There should be a legal ban on religious conversions.” ↩
• This includes 0.2% of all Indian adults who now identify as Hindu but give an ambiguous response on how they were raised – either saying “some other religion” or saying they don’t know their childhood religion. ↩
• Puja is a specific worship ritual that involves prayer along with rites like offering flowers and food, using vermillion, singing and chanting. ↩
• Fifteen named deities were available for selection, though no answer options were read aloud. Respondents could select up to three of those 15 deities by naming them or selecting the corresponding image shown on a card. The answer option “another god” was available on the card or if any other deity name was volunteered by the respondent. Other possible answer options included “I do not have a god I feel closest to” and “I have many personal gods,” though neither was on the card. See the questionnaire or topline for the full list of gods offered. ↩
• The religious origins of karma are debated by scholars, but the concept has deep roots in Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism. ↩
• For an analysis of Jain theology on the concept of  jiva  (soul) see Chapple, Christopher K. 2014. “Life All Around: Soul in Jainism.” In Biernacki, Loriliai and Philip Clayton, eds. “ Panentheism Across the World’s Traditions .” ↩

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Drishti IAS Blog

• The Role of Cultural Diversity in Driving Progress and Development

The Role of Cultural Diversity in Driving Progress and Development  Blogs Home

• 22 May 2023

वसुधैव कुटुंबकम

The phrase from the Maha Upanishad entails the secret of worldly success: the word, with all its variety of life forms, is a family. It upholds the value of respecting diversity in cultures long before the concept was popularized by Stuart Hall, the godfather of multiculturalism. In 2002, following the UNESCO Declaration on Cultures, May 21st was recognized as the day for Cultural Diversity for Dialogue and Development. The day highlights the need for cultural diversity to preserve the richness in the world's culture, promote peace through intercultural dialogue among countries where cross-cultural interaction happens to be minimal, and sustainable development by bringing innovative problem-solving as well as traditional knowledge rooted in the cultural affiliations of people.

In the era of globalization , acceptance and respect for other cultures are essential to progress towards a peaceful world. As Robert Alan puts it, "Intercultural dialogue is the best guarantee of a more peaceful, just, and sustainable world." The shooting of people from other cultures and the vandalization of related cultural spaces in countries like Australia and the USA underscore the cultural differences, lack of tolerance, and the need for cultural diversity. It also becomes essential to define what progress and development mean here.

For a long time in popular discourse, they have signified merely economic advancement that led to the brazen exploitation of natural resources in the industrial era and thereafter. Development is a highly contested concept, heavily influenced by developed countries in how it is perceived, and hence the formation of international policies on it. Nobel laureate Amartya Sen describes it from a 'capabilities perspective' that enables people with actions - economic, social, family, etc. It refers to a holistic improvement in human life (including the fulfillment of human needs) and natural processes that are crucial to their existence. Progress refers to moving ahead towards a peaceful coexistence and an enriched life that brings good health, happiness, and contentment. Advancement of only one form, one culture, and one race cannot be sustainable. The colonial era, where European cultures colonized most parts of the world, gives a reflection of cultural differences, diversity, and how power is associated with them.

Cultural diversity refers to the coexistence of several sets of ideas, beliefs, rituals, traditions, languages, knowledge, arts, laws, lived identities of gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, nationality, ability, and disability that together form a culture as lived and passed on (as heritage) through generations of a society. According to Goren's study, African nations were the most culturally diverse nations, with Chad topping the list; Canada ranked among the top 20; India (with 20 official languages spoken) also ranked high in cultural diversity. The extrapolation of only language as an indicator of diversity limits the study. Chad has high ethnic diversity with African, Arabic, and French influences, as does India, where vastly different cultural practices exist even within a single religion; cultures nearly overlap with the spatial distribution of different ethnic groups, which are largely identified by their language (Marathi, Gujarati, Avadhi, Garhwali, Malayali, Bengali, Odia) and divided broadly into states.

Threats to cultural diversity

Over different time periods, different cultures emerged in different spaces. In the past, some cultures were lost due to unknown source-based mass extinctions (like the Indus Valley civilization). Those that have survived to the present day have passed on their tangible and intangible heritage through generations. Many of these had to, and even today, face threats to their existence, which may be listed as below:

• Impact of the colonial era: Colonization by European nations ripped the cultural fabric of colonies as they labeled indigenous cultures as inferior, barbaric, and backward. Several animistic religions of colonies were stereotyped as pagan. Religion, language, and other cultural elements deemed superior were forced or penetrated into the populations of colonies. Damage to cultural diversity still exists today but belongs to history, albeit recent.
• Globalization: In an increasingly globalized world, influences from dominant cultures that were popularized as superior tend to heavily impact the younger generations, who are shunning their own cultures in order to follow the popular, superior ones.
• The notion of development as proposed by the West: The terms 'First world,' 'global North,' and their continued use are self-explanatory in showcasing how deeply rooted discrimination against the so-called 'Third world,' 'global South,' and cultures therein is. Development as perceived in North Western cultures stands for more or less economic development, compromising heavily on what development means in other cultures: social and spiritual aspects of development, and symbiotic human-nature relationships at the core of tribal indigenous and animistic cultures.
• This limited worldview of development has boosted consumerism and fast industries, as opposed to sustainable development. Thus, fast fashion, which does immense damage to environmental and human resources, grows at an unabated rate.
• Migration and the forced or inherent need to fit in or assimilate new cultures: Whether it be national or international migration, it comes with its own challenges for the migrating populations. A classic example of how migration in search of better living standards can sabotage cultural diversity can be derived from the recently released movie "Mrs Chatterjee versus Norway." Norway ranks high in HDI and happiness rankings, but even for so-called developed cultures, it is difficult to understand or accept the practices of other cultures as healthy and rightful. Based on a true story, one of contention between parents and Norwegian authorities is the 'handfeeding' of a child.
• Forced conversions and culture adoption: Forced religious conversion from indigenous spiritual practices to proselytizing faiths has led to fewer religions in the world, which can be counted on fingertips. Forced culture/language adoption is prevalent in many parts of the world, like Uyghur and Rohingya Muslims in China and Myanmar, respectively.
• Reinforcement of single national identities: In countries with diverse cultural groups, the need to align with a single dominant identity may wipe out diverse cultural identities.
• Commercialization of culture for tourism: It also erodes cultural diversity by promoting preferred practices (language, dressing, food) depending on tourist influx.

These threats pose significant challenges to the preservation and promotion of cultural diversity in today's world.

Role of Cultural Diversity in Progress and Development

The role of cultural diversity in progress and development varies across different cultures. Enhancing the living standards of individuals, upholding societal values, and enabling sustainable lifestyles through cultural practices are all integral to development and depend on the existence of diverse cultures.

• Cultural Diversity and Economic Growth:

Cultural diversity fosters innovation and creativity, serving as a key driver of development in workplaces, societies, and organizations. It brings together a wide range of skills, knowledge, and ideas.

Group heterogeneity, particularly in terms of culture, influences critical thinking for problem-solving and self-employment, ultimately impacting entrepreneurship. Industries such as agriculture, food, and hospitality benefit significantly from higher cultural diversity.

Among economically thriving diverse societies, Canada stands out, with Saskatchewan being a noteworthy example.

• Cultural Knowledge:

Diverse cultures bring with them a wealth of knowledge. For instance, various cultural practices aimed at living in harmony with nature represent the cultural ethos of different societies. The loss of this knowledge in mainstream education has led to the emergence of different approaches to nature preservation, whether through technological or traditional means. Inclusive representation in businesses, corporate employee teams, political parties, administrative positions, schools, and more enriches these areas with deeper knowledge. Europe has made efforts to harness the potential of diversity for economic development by fostering "inter-cultural cities."

• Achieving Sustainable Development:

Accepting and respecting diverse cultures is a fair way to achieve happiness, sustainable development goals, and individual spiritual contentment.

• Improved Human Health:

Different cultures possess intrinsic practices that have evolved over generations to heal the body and mind within specific spatio-temporal contexts. As a result, specific cooking techniques have been developed in local cultures, diverging from fast foods. Yoga, an Indian cultural heritage, has now gained worldwide acceptance and practice for better health.

• Escaping Poverty Traps:

Honoring diverse cultural livelihood practices prevents people from falling into poverty traps generated by economic development. Abandoning traditional livelihoods in pursuit of esteemed jobs not only leads to the loss of traditional arts and crafts but also poses challenges in terms of housing ownership in cities. Additionally, education loans often burden individuals with debt. Migrants to cities often find themselves trapped in domestic work, with fathers engaged in labor at construction sites and mothers performing household duties, leading to neglected children and school dropouts. This is particularly true in the context of Indian metros.

• Progress towards a Peaceful World:

Acceptance of diverse cultures can contribute to reduced armed conflicts and a more peaceful coexistence. Fear of other cultures often leads to attempts to homogenize them, sometimes to the extent of genocide (such as the Armenian genocide in Turkey and the Sami or Lapp ethnocide in Norwegian countries). Respecting people from war-torn countries as refugees in foreign lands leads to better lives for them, as opposed to their ghettoization.

• Better and Just Development Policy Creation:

Having ethnically diverse groups in positions of power leads to a trickle-down effect, ensuring fairer distribution and access to resources. Increased representation in local, national, and international knowledge creation and policy-making institutions, which define development and implement it in diverse cultures, results in inclusive policy formation. The Council of Europe's promotion of intercultural cities allows for the formulation of policies inclusive of cultural diversity. The UN Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions, signed by 152 parties, and the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity seek to safeguard cultural diversity through different objectives and their enforcement.

• Development of Culture-Centric Tourism:

The threat of cultural degeneration due to commercially driven tourism can be mitigated by providing unique immersive cultural experiences that value language, food, and overall culture. Promoting the participation of local populations in such endeavors fosters a fairer development process.

Policies and Legislation to preserve cultural diversity and expression

Countries have established policies and legislation to preserve cultural diversity and expression. In 2016, Bulgaria adopted a host of measures for cultural expression, including a cultural fund and others. The UAE adopted the Awareness and Promotion of Cultural Diversity Values, focusing on inclusive education policies, spaces of coexistence, and guidelines for religions, among other important initiatives. Peru adopted a cultural policy in 2020 following UNESCO guidelines. A four-year project called "Reshaping Cultural Policies for the Promotion of Fundamental Freedoms and the Diversity of Cultural Expressions" (2018-2022), supported by Sweden and UNESCO, assisted 16 countries in reformulating their policies and conducting periodic assessments. Canada has different multiculturalism properties in different provinces. UNESCO's role in preserving diversity worldwide has been significant. The intercultural cities of Europe serve as a unique example highlighting the economic impact of diversity and the need to accept and assimilate it into policies and laws. Economically, socially, and spiritually better living is possible only through the coexistence of thriving cultures.

A world with vibrant cultural diversity relies on tolerance and respect for a variety of cultures. Strengthening local cultural governance systems, languages, folk arts, music, dance, and other practices is essential for progress towards a more developed world. Every group has an equal right to exist, and culture is dynamic yet needs protection from erosion while promoting diversity.

" भैर आयूं अफरा गढ़वाल छोड़िक, बिती कई साल छन,

'Vulnerable भाषा' होयीं मेरी गढ़वाली, संस्कृती का यि हाल छन।

अंग्रेजी मा 'blog' लिखदूं, missionary school कॉन्वेंटै य देन च,

कनै पड़ि हैक्की संस्कृती य छाप इथा गर्री, सब क्य 'colonialism' कू खेल च?

पलायन भी होलू हिस्सेदार ये मा, पर संक्ति देखा अंग्रेज़ीई 'demand' च।

सोचडूं छौं विकासै गति मा गढ़वाल्यू क्य भाग च,

सांस्कृतिक विविधता बढै़, जोड़दी सैडू गढ़वाल च।

हिमलयै गोद मा उपजीं च य, इंका गीतौं मा जड़ी-बूट्यूं कु ज्ञान च,

मेरी आत्मा की चार च य, ईं सि लिप्ट्यूं मेरू आध्यात्मिक विकास च।"

References:

Ashley, Susan LT, and Degna Stone. "Whose Heritage?: Challenging Race and Identity in Stuart Hall’s Post-nation Britain." (2023): 235.

Negi, Kanchan. "IMPORTANCE OF INTER-CULTURAL COMMUNICATION IN ACCOMPLISHING SDGs." Proceedings of The International Conference on Multi-Disciplines Approaches for The Sustainable Development. 2023.

Gören, Erkan. "Economic effects of domestic and neighbouring countries’ cultural diversity." (2013).

https://www.britannica.com/place/Chad/Religion

Westwood, Robert, and David R. Low. "The multicultural muse: Culture, creativity and innovation." International journal of cross cultural management 3.2 (2003): 235-259.

Clayton, John. "Multiculturalism." (2019): 211-219.

Ottaviano, Gianmarco IP, and Giovanni Peri. "The economic value of cultural diversity: evidence from US cities." Journal of Economic geography 6.1 (2006): 9-44.

Lamm, Alexa J., et al. "The Influence of Cognitive Diversity on Group Problem Solving Strategy." Journal of Agricultural Education 53.1 (2012): 18-30.

Karlsson, Charlie, Jonna Rickardsson, and Joakim Wincent. "Diversity, innovation and entrepreneurship: where are we and where should we go in future studies?." Small Business Economics 56.2 (2021): 759-772.

unesco.org/en/articles/reishaping-policies-creativity

Sakshi Naithani

Sakshi has done her Masters in Geography from Delhi School of Economics, University of Delhi. She is currently pursuing Ph.D. in natural hazard risk assessment from Indian Institute of Remote Sensing-Kumaun University. When not engaged in research work, she loves to write poetry.

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Diversity and Inclusion in Action: An Indian Perspective

By Jai Thade, Head of Content 

Last week, we looked at the history and context behind diversity and inclusion in India, with a special emphasis on the issues of Caste, Disability, and LGBTQ Identity. We also briefly touched on a few examples of the work being proactively completed in this space to create inclusivity. 

This week let’s take a deeper dive into the work various organisations are doing in this space and try to derive a few key insights that we can carry into our own workspaces. 

While of the 3 issues in our last article we discussed the most about Caste, ironically the least seems to have been done about it.  

Most organizations report no issues with caste, saying that all their people-decisions are based on merit and merit alone. However, this perspective doesn’t fit well with research that indicates the low representation of disadvantaged castes at higher management levels, and which also sheds light on their day-to-day experiences of marginalization.  

However, it is also worth taking the time to acknowledge some of the progress made, as well as some of the initiatives put in place to tackle this inequity. As a rule-of-thumb, marginalized castes generally tend to fall under the umbrella of those initiatives that organizations say target the “underprivileged” or “financially backward”.  

For instance, ICICI Bank has set up the ICICI Manipal Probationary Officer Programme. This provides such students training in the soft skills necessary to better assimilate into a workforce that also contains employees from more privileged backgrounds. These kinds of training initiatives aim to build confidence and fill the lacuna created by an imperfect education system. 

Tata Group and its subsidiaries have also taken many strides in this space. Their Tata Affirmative Action Program (TAAP) focuses on practices like positive discrimination (preference being given to minority candidates over regular candidates when their qualifications and performance in the selection process are on par), awarding scholarships for meritorious students, as well as partnering with vendors from marginalized communities.  

One of the winners of their TAAP Jury award, TRL Krosaki, has also promoted entrepreneurial initiatives within the community through vocational skill development in skills like sewing. Such know-how encourages disadvantaged individuals to earn their own livelihood. 

My opinion revolves around the idea of offering the community help, not handouts. “Help” could include measures like mentoring, transparency in business processes (displaying inclusion data publicly may change behaviour by exposing business units to potential scrutiny), as well as incentivization by our government through the awarding (or removal) of concessional rates, export subsidies, tax benefits etc. 

Last week, when looking at initiatives focused on improving accessibility for employees with disabilities, we looked at the example of Wipro Technologies. However, there are also other examples from India’s IT-BPO industry worth discussing. 

For instance, there’s Infosys – which also happens to be the 1st Indian IT company to establish a separate office for Diversity and Inclusion. They launched an Employee Resource Group (ERG) for employees with disabilities called “Infyability”. This ERG assists with various facets such as the recruitment, development, engagement, growth, and retention of disabled employees.  

Along with the more customary practice of providing accessories and tools that enable greater accessibility, they also offer their disabled employees a special loan scheme which enables them to even purchase such equipment that their condition may require. 

They also leveraged their intranet platform to launch some innovative information-media campaigns within the company. These campaigns used videos and emails to allow disabled employees to share their experiences with their peers.  

The response of Infosys employees, indicated for instance by a large number of views and positive comments on the video of an employee with cerebral palsy, vindicate the power of storytelling. Moreover, such initiatives also provide an avenue for others to learn from the experiences of disabled employees. 

Please note that these examples are no way exhaustive of the work being done by various organizations in this area. They only attempt to scratch the surface.   

Personally, I really liked the idea of sharing experiences to shed light, dispel myths and build empathy. In fact, research even seems to indicate a health benefit that comes to someone by sharing their story. We can also take such initiatives one step further by involving guest speakers and setting-up panel discussions as well – something we as an organisation do across the globe in cities such as London, New York, Johannesburg, Singapore, and Mumbai. 

When it comes to LGBTQ inclusion, initiatives are more common in the realm of multinationals and elite companies than in SMEs.  

A great example would be the software consultancy organization Thoughtworks, and the work they’ve done in their India chapter. They have an initiative called “Interning with Pride”, a 5-month technical training program for LGBTQ interns, which builds skills through the industry experience of working on a real-life project hands-on. There are examples of interns of this program becoming full-time employees as a result.  

They have also set up an LGBTQ+ council called “MITRA Collective”, which organizes events, conducts workshops & awareness campaigns (both internally and externally), and partners with non-profits for the cause. 

There are many other examples of LGBTQ-friendly initiatives sprinkled throughout Indian organizations.  

When it comes to the practice of sharing stories, LGBTQ employees at Accenture can do so on a virtual platform that also allows them to answer questions from allies of the cause. IBM has allowed employees to do something similar on YouTube through the medium of vlogs.  

When it comes to awareness, Sodexo ran a campaign against homophobia at work. The Lalit Hospitality group held sensitization sessions led by drag queens and trans activists.  

When it comes to policy, the same Lalit Hospitality Group also provides health insurance coverage to same-sex couples and to single parents with children from surrogacy or adoption. The insurance also covers Sex affirmation surgeries. 

I think broadly a lot of the work being achieved constitutes steps in the right direction. What we need next is for such initiatives to become the norm rather than the exception. Gradual exposure and sensitization, along with knowing (and even more importantly seeing evidence of) the business case for LGBTQ inclusion, will do a good job at catalysing that. When it comes to the nature of initiatives, we will eventually need to progress beyond sensitization and informational workshops to more substantial initiatives, like some of the examples above. 

While a lot of steps have been taken in the realm of D&I, you will, with no doubt see how a lot of progress is yet to be made. It is to take an active part in this progress that In Diverse Company has begun to launch many initiatives in the country. 

Our work is underpinned by one key idea: Integrating the best of data-technology with the deep human connection to make workplaces inclusive for all.  

One of our flagship products, for instance, is our  D&I ROI™  tool. Research has repeatedly demonstrated a strong business case for inclusion. This tool aims to bridge the gap between this research and the day-to-day reality of your organization. Based on our conversations with decision-makers in some of the country’s top organizations, we know how important data is for them when making people decisions. Our tool tracks your organizational data, and monitors the link between D&I, interventions and overall company performance (not just financial performance).    It can also predict future trends using the data it collects.  

We have also developed the  In Diverse Company Maturity Model™  in partnership with universities from across the globe. Because of our international experience, we know the key differences between D&I strategies that are effective and ineffective in the long run. Our model allows your organization to work on creating inclusion in the “right” way and focus on what matters the most. It uses a psychometric tool and an organization-wide audit to measure the inclusiveness of individuals, teams and organizations. Supported by psychological and business research in the area of inclusion, the tool has been analyzed, tested and made to prove its reliability and validity across multiple cultures, sectors, and geographies. The organizational audit, on the other hand, is mapped to United Nations inclusion principles and pledges. With this product, organizations can hope to receive accredited ratings and detailed profiles for individuals, leaders, and teams. 

We are also mindful that issues of inclusion in organizations are embedded in larger socio-cultural ecosystems. We saw in our previous article how this is very much the case for India as well. Therefore, community work forms another big part of what we do. Here, we look at specific aspects of D&I and try to incorporate all possible stakeholders into the breadth of our interventions. For instance, when looking at the issue of Maternity – we not only offer mentoring and support to women before, during and after pregnancy, but we also try to extend the same services to members of their extended families. Issues are embedded in environments, and by targeting environments in this manner, we aim to help resolve issues at a more systemic level. 

As we conclude, it is important for us to remember and stay committed to the ancient Indian ideal of  “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” (The world is one family) –  a message that’s even engraved in the entrance hall of the Parliament of India. We need to transcend our various demographic labels and strive to be more like a family. A family that, in spite of their differences or even their disagreements, stays together, supports one another and flourishes together. A family that encompasses every Indian. 

References 

https://www.fortuneindia.com/ideas/caste-why-its-still-an-issue-for-india-inc-/100264

http://old.outandequal.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/Community-Business-Diversity-and-Inclusion-India-2012.pdf

https://www.communitybusiness.org/latest-news-publications/culture-caste-and-religion-india-%E2%80%93-we-cant-talk-about-work

https://www.jstor.org/stable/23509817

https://www.tata.com/careers/affirmative-action

https://www.trlkrosaki.com/sustainability/affirmative-action.aspx

http://irjbm.org/irjbm2013/Vol2/Paper.pdf

https://m.economictimes.com/tech/ites/what-tech-companies-do-to-make-the-road-smoother-for-persons-with-disabilities/articleshow/45355692.cms

https://www.businessdisabilityinternational.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/12/Infosys-Modern-Media-bdi-Case-Study-LDFDP.pdf&ved=2ahUKEwj4y_iGkb3nAhVVb30KHUK3C60QFjADegQIAhAB&usg=AOvVaw3-1q_7nptHs5pbllb_iSBa

https://m.economictimes.com/news/company/corporate-trends/indian-mncs-openly-allying-with-the-lgbt-cause/amp_articleshow/69951140.cms

https://www.thoughtworks.com/insights/blog/relevance-lgbtqi-inclusion-workplace-india

https://reports.vessy.com/diversity-in-the-workplace/thoughtworks-supporting-lgbtq-people-in-india/

https://yourstory.com/2018/09/sec-377-business-sense-corporate-india-startups

https://www.beyondiversity.com/best-di-practices-of-inclusion-lgbt/

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Indian Cultural diversity: The True Essence and Beauty of India

• Indian Culture
• Indian Heritage

Table of contents

India the land of diversity, diversity in architecture , diversity in indian clothing, diversity in indian food, diversity in religion, diversity in indian customs and tradition, diversity of indian languages, diversity in indian art forms, diversity in indian festivals, diversity in indian music, diversity in indian cinema, diversity in indian litrature, diversity in indian celebration.

Indian culture is one of the most ancient cultures present in the world. The country is quite diverse and is home to several communities, each of whom has their own culture and traditions. It is this combination of various splendid cultures that make India one of a kind. The Indian cultural diversity is what makes India unique and beautiful.

Situated in the continent of Asia and enclosed by the Arabian sea, the Indian Ocean, and the Bay of Bengal, the nation, is divided into twenty-nine states and seven union territories. Pakistan, China, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Bhutan , and Nepal form the neighbouring countries of India.

India is a land of diversity each state in the country is home to several communities who live in harmony with each other while preserving and upholding their own distinct culture and traditions. From Delhi , the capital of India, to Tamil Nadu , the southernmost state of India, the land, is blessed with amazing scenic beauty. The country is also home to several historical monuments which add to the varied heritage of India.

Recommended Read – Understanding the Culture of Indian States [Infographic]

India is a country that is incredibly diversified and that of Indian architecture . India’s architecture spans from ancient caves to contemporary skyscrapers. As India grows, India’s architecture continues to diversify through continuously reverting to its roots while maintaining current trends.

India is also classified by the Dravidian and the Nagara architectural styles as the focal focus of Hindu architecture. In the empires, in the South of India, the Dravidian style prospered, whilst in the North of India, the Nagara style predominately appeared.  India’s history, culture and religion are ingrained in its architecture.

India’s vast and boundless array of traditional dress is full of aesthetic beauty. Made from many states of the country are fabrics, weaving processes, embellishments, styles and accessories of multiple sorts. A compelling epic about craftsmanship, culture or legacy tells a story in each piece. The land is a centre of heritage mode. Its diversity was a muse for a number of notable connoisseurs of fashion. In addition to the western clothing, Indians have their own ethnic attire like dhoti, kurta, sari, sherwani, turban etc. Dhoti is a piece of cloth draped around the waist by men. Dhoti is sometimes called Laacha or Dhuti. Kurta is one of India’s famous men’s ethnic clothing. It is usually worn on holidays today by folks. Likewise, the saree is the favourite choice for Indian women. A saree is a long robe, gracefully drawn by women around their bodies. Saree is Indian women’s most trendy clothing worldwide. Indian women are mostly seen in lovely sarees during religious and cultural events. However, due to their convenience, the sarees are substituted by salwar suits for the preferred daily wear.

Indian food is one of the world’s most tasteful and nuanced. There is no flavour homogeneity between North and South or East and West but rather an incredible richness of tastes. One of India’s assets is its culinary diversity.

Indian food contains so much that one ought to discuss more  than just “Indian cuisines.” Each region offers a number of traditional meals and its own culinary features.

Each area is specialised in cuisine, not solely at regional, but also at the provincial level. The diversity in cuisine stem from diverse local cultures, geography (whether the region is near the sea, desert or mountains), and the economy. Indigenous kitchen likewise relies heavily on fresh local products and is seasonal.

Indian cuisine tends generally to seek a balance between spices and herbs that offers delicious dishes with surprising therapeutic and medicinal benefits.

Indian religions have influenced and shaped the Indian culture

The vast differences in the customs, traditional beliefs and rituals can be witnessed if one analyses the differences in the culture prevalent in the northern and southern part of India. The festivals, the art forms, and to an extent, even the dressing style of the people are quite different in Northern India when compared to those in Southern India . While most of the Indian women wear the saree, the style of draping the saree varies in different parts of India. This difference can be seen, not only among different states but also among the various communities within the same state.

Though Hindi is the most commonly used  language in India, there exist many other languages too. As diverse the country is, each state has its distinct language, such as Kannada, (which, is spoken in Karnataka), Malayalam, (which, is spoken in Kerala), Tamil , is spoken in Tamil Nadu, etc. Apart from the fact that each state has its own language, it is also worth mentioning that some states in India have more than one and sometimes more than three prevalent languages. Due to this, it would not come as a surprise that most Indians are bilingual (or sometimes Multilingual), and can effortlessly handle more than one or two languages.

The family has always been an integral part of Indian society. In an Indian family, all the members share a close-knit connection. Joint families are also common in the country. In joint families, all the members of the family live under the same roof. However, in present times, nuclear families are becoming more common. In India, arranged marriages are relatively more common. The concept of an arranged marriage might seem a bit confusing to people from the western part of the world. However, in India, arranged marriages are more encouraged and are still very much prevalent in the country.

The unique and splendid art forms of India have a significant position in the culture of India. Each state is blessed with its unique art form and differs considerably from that of its neighbour. Though, it is worthwhile to note that many art forms of India are in some ways the amalgamation of other art forms borrowed from the neighbouring states. From the elegant Mohiniyattam , which focuses on the elegant and graceful movements of the dancer to the Ghoomar , a folk dance in Rajasthan, the art forms vary from each other but are equally beautiful and magical.

The festivals of India , too, are worth mentioning. As said earlier, each state has its own festivals, from the fragrant Onam, the festival of Kerala , which is characterized by the making of a floral carpet to the Pôhela Boishakh, (the onset New Year according to the Bengali calendar), the festivals are both colourful and equally incredible.

Music plays a significant role in the culture of any country, and India, too, is not an exception. Carnatic music , Hindustani music are the most popular in India. These are usually accompanied by the tune of the traditional musical instruments such as the tabla and the veena. Indian music is quite soothing and pleasing to the ear.

The movies produced in India, too, reflect the culture of the society. Each state in India has its own movie industry, though Bollywood is the most popular among them. The movie industries in India are known by different terms such as Mollywood (Malayalam movie industry), Tollywood, etc. Owing to the number of movies produced each year in different languages across India, adding to the fact that Indians love movies, India has now become one of the greatest producers of films.

India has also been blessed with many intellectuals and legendary writers and poets who are renowned worldwide for their contributions to humanity. Prominent among them is Rabindranath Tagore , the first Asian and Indian to win the Nobel Prize . His work Gitanjali continues to spread its message and inspires all those who read it. Other prominent writers of India include Sarojini Naidu, Aurobindo Ghosh, among others. Artists such as Raja Ravi Varma, Rabindranath Tagore, and M F Hussain have helped in changing the face of Indian art.

Festivals and celebrations are a common occurrence in India as they occur almost every other day; however, the grandeur and pomp of these festivals are quite impressive. The country is also home to many heritage sites and monuments , including the Taj Mahal. It is all these facts combined that makes the Indian culture unique and distinct from others.

The seventh-largest country in the world, India has set itself a unique and distinct place among the other countries of the world. The host of a culture that has been prevalent for a long time, India is perhaps one of the most diverse countries in the world. From the attire worn by the people belonging to different communities to the languages spoken and even in the food habits, the country both reflects its diversity and varied heritage.

Cover Photo by Tom Chen on Unsplash

Image credits: The copyright for the images used in this article belong to their respective owners. Best known credits are given under the image. For changing the image credit or to get the image removed from Caleidoscope, please contact us.

very good knowledge

Very good guys

It’s very helpful for my science homework theme page: celebrating cultural diversity

Thanks Aarradhya, all the best for your class project!

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Diversity of India, Types, Constitutional Provisions, Associated Challenges

Diversity of India gives India a title of land of diversity. Know all forms of Diversity of India like Cultural, Religion, Society, Geography & Ethnic diversity for UPSC Exam preparation.

Table of Contents

About Diversity of India

In India, diversity means that people vary from one another in terms of their physical characteristics as well as their regional, cultural, and religious beliefs. Language and ritual variations are just a few examples of the differences. The lives of Indians are enriched by this variety. This article will assist students in comprehending diversity and its forms in India. The  UPSC Syllabus includes Diversity of India as a significant topic Indian Society for UPSC Exam. The UPSC Mock Test  can help candidates prepare for the exam with more precision.

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What is Diversity of India?

The term “diversity” emphasizes differences more than injustice. It alludes to differences between groups of people or inequalities within those groups. These distinctions could be linguistic, philosophical, biological, or in any other way. Diversity is the wide range of racial groups, religions, dialects, castes, and cultural traditions.

Integrity means harmony. It is a societal psychological condition. It implies a feeling of cohesion and harmony. It stands for the bonds that bind members of a community together. “Unity in diversity” essentially refers to “diversity without fragmentation” and “unity without uniformity.” The foundation of it is the notion that diversity improves interpersonal dialogue.

When we say that India is a nation with a rich cultural diversity, we mean the many different social and cultural subgroups that call India home. These groups distinguish themselves mainly by cultural characteristics such as language, faith, sect, race, or caste.

Also Read: Caste System in India

Types of Diversity in India

Cultural d iversity of india.

India’s cultural diversity is a rich tapestry woven from a myriad of traditions, languages, religions, and customs. This vibrant mosaic has been shaped by centuries of interaction between diverse cultures, both within India and beyond its borders. The result is a country that is as diverse as it is vast, with each region offering its own unique blend of customs, traditions, and beliefs.

Religious Diversity of India

Due to the rich diversity of India is called the ‘land of diversity’. India is a nation where many various religions are practised. Hindus make up the majority of the people in India (82.41%), followed by Muslims (11.6%), Christians (2.32%), Sikhs (1.9%), Buddhists (0.77%), and Jains (0.41%), as well as the tribal groups, many of which still engage in animism and magic. There are numerous groups within the Hindu religion, including the Vaishnavas, Shaivites, Shaktas, and Smartas. There are numerous Muslim groups as well, such as Shi’ites, Sunnis, Ahmadis, etc.

Language Diversity of India

The Dravidian languages, spoken by 20% of Indians, and the Indo-Aryan languages, spoken by 75% of Indians, are the two main language groups among the languages spoken in India. Other languages can be found in the Austroasiatic, Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai, and a few other minor language groups and isolates. India has the second-highest number of languages in the globe, right behind Papua New Guinea. According to the 1931 census, the ethnic diversity of India was split into the following groups: Western Brachycephalians, Negritos, Proto-Australoids, Mongoloid, Mediterranean, and Nordic.

Caste Diversity in India

Members of the three main global races—Caucasoid, Mongoloid, and Negroid—are included in the caste diversity: India is a country that Both varna and jati have previously been referred to as “caste.” The four Varna categories that functional differentiation divides society into are described as such. a Shudra, a Vaishya, a Kshatriya, and a Brahmin.

While “Jati” refers to a hereditary endogamous status group practising a particular customary trade. There isn’t a single method in place in all of India for categorizing and ranking the more than 3000 jatis. The dynamic and mobile nature of the Jati system has enabled Jatis to change its location over time. This process of ascent was referred to as “Sanskritization” by M. N. Srinivas.

Ethnic Diversity of India

Ethnic diversity Cultural trends reveal regional variations. Indian culture is very varied and a fusion of many other cultures as a result of the country’s diverse population. Every country, caste, and faith has its distinctive customs and cultures. There are consequently differences in music, dance, theatre, and architecture.

Geographic Diversity in India

India is a large country with a total land area of 3.28 million square kilometres and a diverse range of natural environments, including deserts, evergreen woods, steep mountains, perennial and non-perennial river systems, long coastlines, and fertile plains. India has diversity in many other areas besides the main ones already mentioned, including tribal, rural, and urban patterns of habitation, patterns of marriage and kinship along religious and regional lines, and more.

Diversity of India and Constitutional Provisions

A single person with a constitutional identity is chosen to lead the complete country. Furthermore, regardless of their age, gender, class, caste, or religion, all citizens are guaranteed certain basic rights under the Constitution, even though the majority of states adhere to a standard three-tier structure of government.

Religion India is known for its tolerance, which makes it possible for a wide variety of beliefs to coexist there. The freedom of faith and practice is guaranteed by the Constitution itself. The state has no official state religion and gives all religions similar priority. The freedom of mobility guaranteed by Article 19 (1) (d) of the Indian Constitution promotes a spirit of brotherhood and unity among the populace.

The uniformity of the law, penal code, and administrative duties are additional factors that contribute to consistency in the criminal justice system and policy execution (such as All India Services). By enabling “one country, one tax, one national market,” the Goods and Service Tax (GST) has cleared the way for regional cohesion. Additionally, Article 21 of the Indian Constitution promises freedom of commerce, trade, and intercourse relations within Indian Territory.

Diversity of India From North to South and East to West

• In India, spirituality and faith are very significant. From Badrinath and Kedarnath in the north to Rameshwaram in the south, Jagannath Puri in the east, and Dwaraka in the west, religious sites and sacred rivers can be found all over the length and width of the nation.
• They have a strong connection to the age-old practice of pilgrimage, which has always attracted people to various parts of the country and given them a sense of geo-cultural identification.
• Because people from all over the country attend fairs and festivals, they also function as integrating factors. Similar to how Muslims and Christians celebrate Id and Christmas, so do Hindus across the country on Diwali. Interreligious holidays are also celebrated in India.
• The entire Indian subcontinent’s flora and fauna, agricultural pursuits, and way of life, including vacations, are impacted by weather integration through the monsoon season. The country as a whole enjoys sports and movies, which act as unifying factors.

Diversity of India and Associated Threats and Challenges

Diversity of India faces certain threats and the social fabric of the society gets disrupted by the following means and modes are mentioned below:

Regionalism

In contrast to national interests, regionalism frequently emphasizes the interests of a specific area or region. It may also harm national unity. Regional demands and the resulting unrest have a negative impact on law and order.

Divisive Politics

Politicians will occasionally invoke ascriptive identities like caste, faith, etc. to win support. Violence, feelings of distrust, and suspicion among minorities can result from this kind of polarizing politics.

Development Imbalance

The backwardness of a region can be brought on by uneven socioeconomic growth, poor economic policies, and the resulting economic disparities. As a result, this may spark acts of violence, ignite migration surges, or even fuel separatist demands. For instance, the North East area has experienced a rise in secessionist demands and tendencies due to the region’s economic disadvantage.

Ethnic Differentiation

Conflicts between various ethnic groups have frequently resulted from ethnic differences, particularly as a result of issues like employment competition, a lack of resources, identity threats, etc. For instance, Bodos and Muslims who understand Bengali frequently fight in Assam. The Son of the Land doctrine, which links people to their place of birth and bestows upon them certain advantages, rights, roles, and obligations that may not apply to others, has served to emphasize this.

Geographical Isolation

Geographic isolation can also result in identity problems and calls for secession. Because the Siliguri corridor, which connects the North-East to the rest of the nation, is so narrow, the region is physically isolated from the rest of the nation. The area is relatively more backward than the rest of the nation and has poor infrastructure. This has led to several incidents of secession and cross-border terrorism, among other things.

Inter-Religious Conflicts

Interreligious conflicts damage the secular fabric of the nation as well as relations between two communities by sowing distrust and dread.

Inter-State Conflicts

This may cause feelings of regionalism to develop. Additionally, it may have an impact on interstate commerce and contact. Consider the conflict over the Cauvery River between Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. External forces like terrorist organizations or extremist groups can occasionally instigate violence and sow feelings of secession. Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), for instance, has been charged with aiding and training mujahideen to engage in combat in Jammu and Kashmir and fostering separatist sentiment among local organizations.

Diversity of India UPSC

The problem, not diversity itself, is how it is handled in Indian culture. Problems like regionalism, communalism, and ethnic conflicts have arisen as a result of an unfair distribution of the benefits of growth or an undervaluation of some groups’ cultures. As a result, the Constitution and its principles must be the cornerstone of our community. Any society that has tried to become homogeneous has eventually experienced stagnation and decline. Students can read all the details related to UPSC by visiting the official website of StudyIQ  UPSC Online Coaching.

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Diversity of India FAQs

Why india is called diversity.

India is called the 'land of diversity' because India have various types of food, speak different languages, celebrate different festivals, and practice different religions and traditions.

How many parts of diversity are there in India?

Modern India stands as one of the most diverse countries in the world, a subcontinent that is home to over 100 languages, over 700 different tribes.

What is diversity definition?

It means collective differences, that is, differences which mark off one group of people from another.

What is the main cause of diversity in India?

There are various reasons but the following are considered as the major reasons for diversity in India: geography of India, which includes the plains, the plateaus, the deserts, the mountains, etc.

What is the concept of diversity?

Diversity means having a range of people with various racial, ethnic, socioeconomic, and cultural backgrounds and various lifestyles, experience, and interests.

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Understanding Cultural Diversity in Healthcare

Case Studies

See culture in action.  Case studies bring you up close and personal accounts from the front lines of American hospitals and other countries on the issues of cultural diversity in healthcare.

The following case studies are presented by topic and contain quick recaps of some common cultural misunderstandings. More detailed information can be found in Caring for Patients from Different Cultures.

SHARE YOUR STORY HERE

Do you have a case study or field report about cultural diversity in healthcare that you would like to share? We want to hear about it!

• Stereotyping
• Communication
• Time Orientation
• Religious Beliefs and Customs
• End of Life
• Mental Health
• Traditional Medicine
• Additional Case Studies

Lamar Johnson, a thirty-three-year-old African American patient had been deemed a “frequent flyer” (a term used to describe those who keep coming to the hospital for the same reason, often assumed to be drug seekers) by the nurses and doctors in the emergency department. Each time he came in complaining of extreme headaches he was given pain medication and sent home. On this last admission, he was admitted to the ICU, where Courtney, a nurse, had just begun working. When she heard him described as a frequent flyer, she asked another nurse why he was thought to be a drug seeker. She was told, “He has nothing else better to do; I’m not sure why he thinks we can supply his drug habits.” Although Courtney says her instincts told her that something else was going on, she saw his tattoos, observed his rough demeanor, and went along with what everyone else was saying. While she was wheeling him to get a CT scan, Mr. Johnson herniated and died. It turned out that he had a rare form of meningitis and truly was suffering from severe headaches. If some of the staff had not stereotyped him as a drug seeker on one of his earlier visits, perhaps his life could have been saved. This incident left a lasting impression on Courtney, who vowed not ever to judge a patient on his looks, and to trust her instincts, rather than let others influence her nursing care.

While taking a course on cultural diversity, Anike Oghogho, a nurse from Nigeria, recognized his tendency to stereotype. He related an example of an African American male patient who presented with a swollen left foot. The patient, Jefferson Bell, kept ringing the call light and asking for more pain medication. Anike said that in the past, he would have assumed Mr. Bell was merely seeking pain meds. This time, however, he reassessed the patient. He discovered that Mr. Bell’s fourth and fifth toes were more red and swollen and had pus. Anike summoned the physician and Mr. Bell was eventually taken to the operating room for incision and drainage of his left foot. Stereotyping could have severely harmed the patient; fortunately, Anike had learned the lesson of not stereotyping in his class.

Hilda Gomez, a monolingual Spanish-speaking patient, came in to the clinic three days in a row to complain of abdominal pain. The first two times, the staff used her young, bilingual daughter to translate. They then treated Mrs. Gomez for the “stomach ache” she described. The staff didn’t understand why she kept returning with the same problem. Finally, on her third visit, the nurse located a Spanish-speaking interpreter. It turned out that Mrs. Gomez needed treatment for a sexually transmitted disease, but was too embarrassed to talk about her sexual activity with her daughter as interpreter. It taught the staff an important lesson.

Helena became very frustrated while caring for Gwon Chin, a seventy-nine-year-old Korean man who had recently suffered a stroke. Her frustration and impatience were aimed at Mr. Gwon’s wife and daughter. Since Mr. Gwon spoke only Korean, she had asked his bilingual daughter to tell her father not to get out of bed because his gait was unsteady. Helena was afraid he would fall and hurt himself. Throughout the day, however, Mr. Gwon continued to attempt to get out of bed. He became very agitated and his wife and daughter seemed almost afraid of him. When Helena questioned the daughter about it, she would only say that her father was “confused.” Eventually Helena called on a Korean nurse to help her. When the nurse told Mr. Gwon not to get out of bed because he might fall, he asked in a surprised tone, “Why would I fall?” When the nurse explained that he was unsteady from the stroke, the patient was shocked. “I had a stroke?!” Helena was in disbelief. He had been on the unit for two days; how could he not know he had had a stroke? When she questioned Mr. Gwon’s daughter about this, she explained that her brother has been out of town. He would be back today and tell him. When Helena, stunned by this, asked the daughter why she didn’t tell her father, she replied, “I could never tell my father what is wrong with him and what he can or can’t do. It would be disrespectful for me to do that when he has always told me what to do and what was wrong.”

Although Helena was angry that Mr. Gwon’s daughter preferred having her father possibly fall and hurt himself than tell him why he was in the hospital and that he must stay in bed, Helena remained silent. She asked the Korean nurse to explain to the patient how the numbness on his left side would make walking difficult so he should remain in bed. She also added that his son would be in later that day and would explain everything to him. After that, the patient remained calm and stayed in bed.  [For more discussion, see Chapter 2 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Juanita Avelar was a forty-nine-year-old Mexican woman with kidney failure and diabetes. She relied on her niece and nephew to drive her to the clinic and was often late. In Mexican culture, the needs of the family typically take precedence over those of an individual. The nurses learned to take this into account when scheduling her appointments, and they allowed plenty of time for the family to discuss Mrs. Avelar’s condition as a family. When certain tests and medications required specific timing for accuracy and effectiveness, they stressed the importance of clock time.

Mrs. Mendez, a sixty-two-year-old Mexican patient, had just had a femoral-popliteal bypass graft on her right leg. She was still under sedation when she entered the recovery room, but an hour later she awoke and began screaming, “ Aye! Aye! Aye ! Mucho dolor ! [Much pain].” Robert, her nurse, immediately administered the dosage of morphine the doctor had prescribed. This did nothing to diminish Mrs. Mendez’s cries of pain. He then checked her vital signs and pulse; all were stable. Her dressing had minimal bloody drainage. To all appearances, Mrs. Mendez was in good condition. Robert soon became angry over her outbursts and stereotyped her as a “whining Mexican female who, as usual, was exaggerating her pain.”

After another hour, Robert called the physician. The surgical team came on rounds and opened Mrs. Mendez’s dressing. Despite a slight swelling in her leg, there was minimal bleeding. However, when the physician inserted a large needle into the incision site, he removed a large amount of blood. The blood had put pressure on the nerves and tissues in the area and caused her excruciating pain.

She was taken back to the operating room. This time, when she returned and awoke in recovery, she was calm and cooperative. She complained only of minimal pain. Had the physician not examined her again and discovered the blood in the incision site, Mrs. Mendez would have probably suffered severe complications.

Bobbie, a nurse, had two patients who had both had coronary artery bypass grafts. Mr. Valdez, a middle-aged Nicaraguan man, was the first to come up from the recovery room. He was already hooked up to a morphine PCA (patient-controlled analgesia) machine, which allowed him to administer pain medication as needed in controlled doses and at controlled intervals. For the next two hours, he summoned Bobbie every ten minutes to request more pain medication. Bobbie finally called the physician to have his dosage increased and to request additional pain injections every three hours as needed. Every three hours he requested an injection. He continually whimpered in painful agony.

Mr. Wu, a Chinese patient, was transferred from the recovery room an hour later. In contrast to Mr. Valdez, he was quiet and passive. He, too, was in pain, because he used his PCA machine frequently, but he did not show it. When Bobbie offered supplemental pain pills, he refused them. Not once did he use the call light to summon her. [For more discussion, see Chapter 5 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Pepe Acab, a Filipino patient, was being discharged on Coumadin, a blood thinner, to prevent clotting. Vitamin K reverses the effect of the drug and must be avoided. Normally, Libby, his nurse, would tell such patients to avoid foods like liver, broccoli, brussels sprouts, spinach, Swiss chard, coriander, collards, cabbage, and any green, leafy vegetables. She suddenly realized, however, that there might be other foods he should avoid. She spoke with Mr. Acab and his wife, and got a list of foods he commonly ate. She then did some research and discovered that two foods on the list—soybeans and fish liver oils—are very high in Vitamin K. She was then able to educate him properly on what to avoid.

Susi Givens, a thirty-seven-year-old woman with two children, was horseback riding one day when a snake startled her horse. She was thrown off and landed on a stump, resulting in massive internal injuries. She was rushed to the hospital, where the surgical team discovered that there was a large amount of blood in her abdomen and that she needed to have a kidney removed.

Mrs. Givens had a medical alert card identifying her as a Jehovah’s Witness and stating that under no circumstances was she to receive blood. Her physician knew this but felt impelled by his oath to save lives to give her a blood transfusion. The hospital was unable to locate her husband, so the physician decided to transfuse her.

His actions saved her life; however, she was not grateful. She sued her doctor for assault and battery and won a $20,000 settlement. [For more discussion, see Chapter 4 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Sol and Deborah Meyers, an Orthodox Jewish couple, came to the hospital late Friday night when Deborah was in active labor. When she gave birth at midnight, the nurses suggested that Sol accompany her to the postpartum unit and then return home to rest. He thanked them, then explained that he could not drive home because it was the Sabbath. The nurses suggested that he call a friend or relative to pick him up. Sol replied that he could not use the phone on the Sabbath, and even if he made a call, no one would answer because all his friends and relatives were also Sabbath-observant. The nurses understood and arranged for him to stay in his wife’s room, but were left wondering why Sol could drive to the hospital but not drive back home.

In the morning, a nurse noticed that Deborah had not received breakfast and was instead eating snacks from the bag she had brought from home. The nurse asked if she needed help ordering food, and Deborah explained that the hospital-provided meals did not adhere to kosher dietary laws. The nurse, trying to be helpful, suggested that Sol purchase kosher food from the gift shop on the first floor, but was told that due to the laws of the Sabbath, Sol was forbidden to ride in an elevator or handle money. The nurse left the room, confused but glad the couple had brought some food of their own.  

Later that afternoon, the nurse returned to check on Deborah, and made friendly conversation by asking how the baby’s nursery was decorated at home. She was surprised to learn that in Orthodox tradition, minimal preparations are made before a baby’s birth, and the baby’s room was not set up at all. Intrigued, she asked Sol to explain some of the laws of Sabbath observance. She learned that the couple had been able to drive to the hospital because, according to halacha (Jewish law), childbirth is considered an emergency requiring the breaking of the Sabbath, but that once the birth was over, they were not allowed to drive home due to the absence of an emergency.

Raj Singh, a seventy-two-year-old Sikh from India, had been admitted to the hospital after a heart attack. He was scheduled for a heart catheterization to determine the extent of the blockage in his coronary arteries. The procedure involved running a catheter up the femoral artery, located in the groin, and then passing it into his heart, where special x-rays could be taken. His son was a cardiologist on staff and had explained the procedure to him in detail.

Susan, his nurse, entered Mr. Singh’s room and explained that she had to shave his groin to prevent infection from the catheterization. As she pulled the razor from her pocket, she was suddenly confronted with the sight of shining metal flashing in front of her. Mr. Singh had a short sword in his hand and was waving it at her as he spoke excitedly in his native tongue. Susan got the message. She would not shave his groin.

She put away her “weapon,” and he did the same. Susan, thinking the problem was that she was a woman, said she would get a male orderly to shave him. Mr. Singh’s eyes lit up again as he angrily yelled, “No shaving of hair by anyone!”

Susan managed to calm him down by agreeing. She then called her supervisor and the attending physician to report the incident. The physician said he would do the procedure on an unshaved groin. At that moment, Mr. Singh’s son stopped by. When he heard what had happened, he apologized profusely for not explaining his father’s Orthodox Sikh customs. [For more discussion, see Chapter 4 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Ricky, a five-year-old African American male with asthma, was supposed to take a controller medication (asthma inhaler #1, Steroid) twice a day as a preventative measure. When he was wheezing and/or having breathing problems, he was supposed to take asthma inhaler #2 (Albuterol) as an emergency medication. Dr. Arabel felt that she had given very clear instructions on how to use the two inhalers, but Ricky’s mother kept bring him back to the clinic with a lot of wheezing; his asthma was obviously not being well controlled. As it turned out, Ricky had not been using the inhalers as directed. His mother, who was enrolled in school, was overwhelmed and did not understand the significance of his asthma and the need to use the two inhalers properly. On one of the visits, Dr. Arabel learned that Ricky’s grandmother had accompanied them to the clinic. She brought the grandmother into the exam room, and explained everything to her. Once the grandmother became involved, everything changed. There were no more emergency room/urgent clinic visits and Ricky’s asthma was much better controlled. He only rarely needed the “emergency” Albuterol compared to earlier. Involving the grandmother had made a tremendous difference.  [For more discussion, see Chapter 6 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Julia was treating Mrs. Torres, an elderly Hispanic patient who was intubated. When she needed information, she would direct her questions to the eldest son. She assumed he would be the family spokesperson. However, he rarely had an answer for her. While in many cases the eldest son would be the decision-maker, in this case he was not. The youngest daughter held the durable power of attorney for medical decisions. It was several days before anyone even thought to ask the family who held power of attorney. The staff had made the mistake of stereotyping. Once Julia learned that the youngest daughter was responsible for making medical decisions for her mother, such decisions were reached more quickly and without unnecessary strain on the rest of the family. [For more discussion, see Chapter 6 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Juan Martinez, a thirty-six-year-old Mexican man with second-degree burns on his hands and arms, posed a problem. The skin grafts had healed, and there was now danger that the area would stiffen and the tissue shorten. The only way to maintain maximum mobility was through regular stretching and exercise. The nurses explained to Mr. Martinez’s wife that feeding himself was an essential therapeutic exercise. The act of grasping the utensils and lifting the food to the mouth stretches the necessary areas. Mrs. Martinez seemed to understand the nurses’ explanation, yet she continued to cut her husband’s food and put it in his mouth.

When Linda, one of his nurses, observed this, she took the fork out of Mrs. Martinez’s hand and told Mr. Martinez to feed himself because he needed to exercise his arms and hands. Linda again explained to Mr. Martinez’s wife how important it was for him to do it himself. Mrs. Martinez appeared skeptical but did not argue. Mr. Martinez looked at Linda peevishly and made a feeble attempt at eating. His wife watched with pity. Linda knew from seeing Mr. Martinez when his wife was not around that he was perfectly capable of feeding himself. Linda left the room. When she looked in five minutes later, she saw Mrs. Martinez once again cutting her husband’s food and putting it in his mouth. [For more discussion, see Chapter 6 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Before taking my course in cultural diversity, Jennifer, like all the nurses on her unit, tried to avoid taking care of Naser Assharj, a middle-aged Iranian Muslim patient, because the entire staff found his family to be very “uptight and demanding.” The nurses rotated care for this patient, because no one was willing to care for him more than one day at a time. When Jennifer learned a bit about Muslim culture, however, she understood why his family kept demanding a private room and made such a fuss over his meals. It was their way of showing love and care for their family member. He needed a private room so that, as devout Muslims, the family could pray together five times a day as commanded by Allah. It was also important that his food be halal , or follow the Muslim laws of what is permissible (see Chapter 5). Once Jennifer realized this, she contacted her supervisor and arranged to have the patient moved to a private room and spoke to the dietician regarding his food. The family members were very grateful for her efforts, and became much easier to deal with.

Amira Faroud was a three-year-old Middle Eastern patient, newly diagnosed with type 1 diabetes. Understanding the importance of involving the entire family in the patient’s care, Lisa tried to get the patient’s father, Mr. Faroud, to participate. She had seen other fathers reluctant to learn in the past, but eventually, they all were persuaded. But not Mr. Faroud. He would not even consider it. Eventually, Lisa changed the teaching plan to include Amira’s grandmother rather than her father, and all went well. [For more discussion, see Chapter 7 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

A female resident could not get a Hispanic mother to sign consent for a procedure for her child; she, too, insisted on waiting for her husband. In this case, however, it was urgent that the procedure be done as soon as possible. The resident asked an older male physician to speak to the mother. Apparently, the combination of his age and gender were enough to convince her to sign consent without speaking first to her husband.

Amiya Nidhi was a young woman in her twenties who had recently immigrated to the United States from India. She was in the hospital to give birth. Her support person was her sister, Marala. Marala kept telling her to get an epidural, but Amiya said that even though she would like one, she could not get one; her husband would not allow it. Cindy, her nurse, overheard the conversation. Having learned that husbands are the authority figure in the traditional Indian household, she went to speak with Mr. Nidhi. She explained why an epidural would be advisable. She said that he seemed pleased that she came to him about it. He said he would think about it, and let her know. About thirty minutes later, he came to Cindy and told her that he would like his wife to have an epidural. Everyone was pleased. By using cultural competence, Cindy helped her patient get the care she wanted, while still respecting the authority structure within the family. [For more discussion, see Chapter 7 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

An Iranian mother and father admitted their thirteen-month-old child, Ali, to the pediatrics unit. After three days of rigorous testing and examination, it was discovered that Ali had Wilms’ tumor, a type of childhood cancer. Fortunately, the survival rate is 70 to 80 percent with proper treatment.

Before meeting with the pediatric oncologist to discuss Ali’s treatment, Mr. and Mrs. Mohar were concerned and frightened, yet cooperative. Afterward, however, they became completely uncooperative. They refused permission for even the most routine procedures. Mr. Mohar would not even talk with the physician or the nurses. Instead, he called other specialists to discuss Ali’s case.

After several frustrating days, the oncologist decided to turn the case over to a colleague. He met with the Mohars and found them extremely cooperative. What caused their sudden reversal in behavior? The fact that the original oncologist was a woman.

Several weeks later, it became necessary to insert a permanent line into Ali to administer his medication. The nurse attempted to show Mrs. Mohar how to care for the intravenous line, but Mr. Mohar stopped her. “It is my responsibility only. You should never expect my wife to care for it.” Throughout each encounter with the hospital staff, Mrs. Mohar remained silent and deferred to her husband. [For more discussion & explanation, see Chapter 7 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

A twenty-eight-year-old Arab man named Abdul Nazih refused to let a male lab technician enter his wife’s room to draw blood. She had just given birth. When the nurse finally convinced Abdul of the need, he reluctantly allowed the technician in the room. He took the precaution, however, of making sure Sheida was completely covered. Only her arm stuck out from beneath the blankets. Abdul watched the technician intently throughout the procedure. [For more discussion & explanation, see Chapter 7 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Fatima, an eighteen-year-old Bedouin girl from a remote, conservative village, was brought into an American air force hospital in Saudi Arabia after she received a gunshot wound to her pelvis. Her cousin Hamid had shot her. Her family had arranged for her to marry him, as was local custom, but she wanted nothing to do with him. She was in love with someone else. An argument ensued, and Hamid left. He returned several hours later, drunk, and shot Fatima, leaving her paralyzed from the waist down.

Fatima’s parents cared for her for several weeks after the incident but finally brought her to the hospital, looking for a “magic” cure. The physician took a series of x-rays to determine the extent of Fatima’s injuries. To his surprise, they revealed that she was pregnant. Sarah, the American nurse on duty, was asked to give her a pelvic exam. She confirmed the report on the x-rays. Fatima, however, had no idea that she was carrying a child. Bedouin girls are not given any sex education.

Three physicians were involved in the case: an American neurosurgeon who had worked in the region for two years; a European obstetrics and gynecology specialist who had lived in the Middle East for ten years; and a young American internist who had recently arrived. No Muslims were involved. The x-ray technician was sworn to secrecy. They all realized they had a potentially explosive situation on their hands. Tribal law punished out-of-wedlock pregnancies with death.

The obstetrician arranged to have Fatima flown to London for a secret abortion. He told the family that the bullet wound was complicated and required the technical skill available in a British hospital.

The only opposition came from the American internist. He felt the family should be told about the girl’s condition. The other two physicians explained the seriousness of the situation to him. Girls in Fatima’s condition were commonly stoned to death. An out-of-wedlock pregnancy is seen as a direct slur upon the males of the family, particularly the father and brothers, who are charged with protecting her honor. Her misconduct implies that the males did not do their duty. The only way for the family to regain honor was to punish the girl by death.

Finally, the internist acquiesced and agreed to say nothing. At the last minute, however, he decided he could not live with his conscience. As Fatima was being wheeled to the waiting airplane, he told her father about her pregnancy.

The father did not say a word. He simply grabbed his daughter off the gurney, threw her into the car, and drove away. Two weeks later, the obstetrician saw one of Fatima’s brothers. He asked him how Fatima was. The boy looked down at the ground and mumbled, “She died.” Family honor had been restored. The ethnocentric internist had a nervous breakdown and had to be sent back to the United States.

Sofia Toledo, a sixty-five-year-old upper-class Mexican woman, refused to be dialyzed when she learned that her usual dialysis station was unavailable. She said she would wait until her next treatment, when she could have her customary place. Unfortunately, this was not a viable alternative. Missing a treatment could result in serious complications or even death. When Julia, the nurse, asked her why the new station was unacceptable, Mrs. Toledo was very vague.

Julia finally called Mrs. Toledo’s daughter, and together they solved the problem. Mrs. Toledo’s usual station was unusual in that neither the nurses nor the patients at the other dialysis stations could see it very well. The rest of the stations were very open, designed for high visibility by the nurses. To be dialyzed, the patient had to remove her pants and don a patient gown. Her underwear was exposed during the process. Mrs. Toledo’s sense of modesty, a quality very strong in Hispanic women, made the more open station intolerable.

Julia said that at the time she found Mrs. Toledo’s behavior annoying. She and the other nurses saw it as a delay that would prevent them from leaving on time. They did not want to have the extra work of moving machinery or remixing the dialysate. She did not understand the importance of modesty in Hispanic culture, but she did realize that it was important to Mrs. Toledo, a normally “compliant” patient. In this case, a screen or curtain might have alleviated the problem.

Kayla was a staff nurse on a medical-surgical floor when she first met Dr. Ling, an Asian physician. They got along well until Kayla transferred to the diabetes clinic. Clinic protocols allow nurses to order new medications, adjust medications, and order lab work as needed, as long as they get a physician to sign the order. When Kayla asked Dr. Ling for his signature, he would rudely question why she felt the medication was necessary, and on a few occasions refused to sign, stating that he disagreed with the medication she had ordered. After learning more about Asian culture in a cultural competence course, she realized he probably perceived her approach as showing a lack of respect, despite the fact that she was following clinic protocols. She then changed her approach. Rather than just asking him to sign the medication order, she would go to him, explain the situation with the patient, tell him what she was considering, and ask him what he would like done. Kayla reported that Dr. Ling was much more receptive to this approach, probably because it allowed him to feel respected and in control. Taking the extra time to do this repaired the lines of communication between them. Although it could be argued that Dr. Ling is the one who should have changed his behavior, that is probably less realistic than having Kayla apply her cultural knowledge to achieve the results that she wanted.

Josepha, a Filipina nurse, did not get along well with her coworkers. The nursing staff on her unit was composed of two Anglo Americans, two Nigerians, and Josepha. She felt her coworkers were taking advantage of her, because they would ask for assistance whenever they saw her. Josepha was angry over what she perceived as obvious discrimination. She cheered herself by reminding herself that she was a better nurse than the others; she could do her work without their help. In addition, she was not lazy like they were. She took care of her patients; the other nurses insisted that their patients take care of themselves.

One day, Rena, one of the Anglo nurses, was unusually friendly, so Josepha opened up to her. As they got to know each other better, Josepha shared her feelings of being taken advantage of. Rena explained that it was common procedure for the nurses to help each other with their work. Rena confided that the others thought Josepha was being snobbish and proud because she never asked for help. They saw what Josepha had interpreted as laziness on the part of the others as being team players. Rena also explained that American health care providers believe that independence is important and encourage self-care among their patients.

Josepha was stunned by Rena’s revelations. Rena offered to help bridge the communication gap between Josepha and her coworkers. She explained to the others that Josepha was trying to save face by never asking for help; she didn’t want them to think she couldn’t do her job. Josepha began to teach her patients self-care and to ask her coworkers for assistance. Over time, the cross-cultural misunderstandings were resolved, and Josepha’s coworkers became her best friends.

Leslie reported that her hospital had recently hired five new Korean nurses. Unfortunately, they did not get along well with the rest of the nursing staff. They rarely said “please” or “thank you” and were generally perceived as rude. Leslie was reading an earlier edition of this book and suddenly realized that the Korean nurses were older than the other nurses on the unit and probably felt that “please” and “thank you” were implicit. Leslie then showed the other staff nurses the section on “Please” and “Thank You.” She reported that morale on the unit is much improved. Sometimes, all it takes is a little understanding.

An American physician and professor, consulting in Japan, was about to address a group of university physicians; it was fully understood by all that he would give his talk in English. He nevertheless prepared a brief introduction in Japanese, concluding with the statement, “My Japanese is limited, so with your permission, I will continue in English.” When he asked his Japanese secretary if his statement was grammatically correct, she seemed uncomfortable. On further questioning she reluctantly admitted that, grammar aside, it was not appropriate for someone of his stature to ask the audience for permission, and that this would diminish the audience’s ability to respect anything else he said. Instead, she suggested, he should merely announce that he would continue in English. In this context “asking permission” was entirely pro forma in American culture; it would be seen as a polite gesture. In Japan, however, it was considered inappropriate from someone in a position of authority, and would likely result in a loss of respect for the person doing the asking. [For further discussion, see Chapter 8 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

A labor and delivery nurse reported that the most difficult patient she ever attended was Robabeh Farag, an Iranian woman, who yelled and screamed for the entire duration of her labor. After she delivered their child, her husband presented her with a three-karat diamond ring. When her nurse commented on the expensive gift, she responded dramatically, “Of course. He made me suffer so much!” Iranian custom is to compensate a woman for her suffering during childbirth by giving her gifts. The greater the suffering, the more expensive the gifts she will receive, especially if she delivers a boy. Her cries indicate how much she is suffering. A young Iranian doctor recently told me that when his wife has a baby, he will present her with a diamond ring or a watch. [For further discussion, see Chapter 9 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Naomi Freedman, an Orthodox Jewish woman, was in labor with her third child. She had severe pains, which were alleviated only by back rubs between contractions. Her husband asked Marge, a nurse, to remain in the room to rub his wife’s back. Because she had two other patients to care for, Marge began to instruct him on how to massage his wife. To Marge’s surprise, he interrupted her, explaining that he could not touch his wife because she was unclean. Marge, assuming he meant she was sweaty from labor, suggested that he massage her through the sheets. In an annoyed tone, he explained that he could not touch his wife because she was bleeding. Marge was further surprised when, while Naomi began pushing, her husband left the room and did not return until after their baby was born.

Marge later learned from Mrs. Freedman that in halacha (Jewish law), the blood of both menstruation and birth render a woman spiritually unclean and therefore physical contact between husband and wife was prohibited. Mrs. Freedman also explained that in some Orthodox communities, husbands are prohibited from being present at birth in non-emergency situations.

[For further discussion, see Chapter 9 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Maria Salazar was a thirty-two-year-old recent immigrant from Mexico with an infected incision from a caesarean section. She asked Tonya, her nurse, for some water. When Tonya grabbed the bedside pitcher to refill it, she discovered it was full. When Tonya pointed this out to her, she answered in Spanish, “Yes, but I have a fever and a cough. If I drink that cold water I will get even more sick.” Tonya, who spoke some Spanish, was taking a course in cultural diversity at the time and was elated to see hot/cold beliefs in action. She then emptied the ice water and refilled it with warm water. Curious, Tonya asked her if there were any changes she would like to see in her treatment. Mrs. Salazar nodded her head. She said she didn’t understand why the nurses kept insisting she do things that would make her ill—things like taking a shower. Didn’t they understand she had a fever and had just delivered a baby? And why did they want her to spend so much time walking, when she knew she should stay in bed and rest as much as possible? [For further discussion, see Chapter 9 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Raul Santiago was a Hispanic male in his seventies who had been in the hospital for seven months. He had been admitted for abdominal pain, but it soon became apparent that he had advanced stage pancreatic cancer. Mr. Santiago had 12 children, who all conspired to avoid using the word “cancer” in front of their father or to even acknowledge his fatal prognosis. Instead, they referred to his condition as “abdominal pain.” During the time he was in the hospital, Mr. Santiago became close to the nursing staff. One day while Tiffany was administering his pain medication, he looked directly at her and said with resignation, “I’m going to die, aren’t I?” Without waiting for her to respond, he continued. He explained to Tiffany that he didn’t want his children to suffer because of his illness, and he knew that if they knew that he knew he had cancer, it would cause them great distress. He told her that he was ready to be with his wife who had died two years earlier. He was content to pretend to be ignorant of his disease if it eased his family’s suffering. Whether or not it would have caused his children to suffer if they knew he knew, or if it would have been a relief is unknown. But the nurses honored his decision.

A fifty-two-year-old African American man named William Jefferson was admitted to the critical care unit with a diagnosis of pneumonia. On admission, he was offered an Advance Directive, which he refused, saying that God would help him with his illness. His lung cancer had gone into remission after radiation treatment; he believed that God had helped him through that illness, and would help him through the current one. He thought that signing a Do Not Resuscitate form or Advance Directive would be a sign of giving up or losing faith in God. Unfortunately, he died ten days later, after enduring a great deal of suffering. [For further discussion, see Chapter 10 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Ngoc Ly, a twenty-five-year-old Vietnamese man, was hit by a car while riding his bicycle to work. Paramedics were able to resuscitate him, but the physician at the local trauma center determined that Mr. Ly was clinically brain dead. He placed him on life support until the family could be notified.

An interpreter explained Mr. Ly’s condition to his wife and parents. They nodded in understanding and quietly left the hospital. Normally, the staff neurosurgeon would then have pronounced Mr. Ly dead and removed him from the ventilator, but he was suddenly called to surgery.

Later that afternoon, Mr. Ly’s family met with Dr. Isaacs, the physician they had spoken to earlier. Dr. Isaacs intended to tell them of the plan to pronounce Mr. Ly dead and discontinue the ventilator, but the Lys had other plans. They informed him that they had consulted a specialist who said this was not the right time for him to die. Dr. Isaacs was confused. What kind of specialist would make such a recommendation? An astrologer who had read Ngoc Ly’s lunar chart advised that his death be postponed until a more auspicious date.

The physician had never encountered a situation like the one now facing him. Fearing legal repercussions if he did not abide by the family’s request, he agreed to keep Mr. Ly on life support until further notice. A little less than a week later, the Lys called to tell him that Ngoc could now die. [For further discussion, see Chapter 10 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Canh Cao was a thirty-four-year-old Vietnamese woman who was treated by a medical student at a public health clinic. She had made several visits for various physical complaints—abdominal pain, backache, headaches. She was diagnosed with somatoform pain disorder—preoccupation with pain in absence of physical findings.

Several months later, Cao attempted suicide. She was sent for evaluation to a psychiatrist, who at that point diagnosed her with depression. She had been depressed all along, but the medical student was both inexperienced and unaware of cultural issues, so he missed it. [For further discussion, see Chapter 11 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Amelia avoided a potential child abuse report with a Cambodian family, the Chhets. The child had suspicious burn marks on her body. Instead of assuming child abuse, she first interviewed both parents separately. Both explained that they had treated their child using cupping and coining to make her feel better and help her recover more quickly. Amelia then explained to her supervisor what she had learned from the parents, and they decided it was not a child abuse situation. The Chhets practiced the traditional form of cupping. [For further discussion, see Chapter 12 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Mexican American mother refused to use cooling measures in caring for her febrile infant, despite medical instructions to do so. Mrs. Lopez had called the hospital because her infant’s temperature was very high. She was told to give the baby a mild analgesic and a cool bath and then to bring her in. Mrs. Lopez ignored both cooling instructions and, to the consternation of the medical staff, brought the child wrapped in several layers of blankets, outer garments, undershirt, and several pairs of socks. When asked why she did not follow the instructions given her, she replied, “He must sweat the fever out. Besides, he could get pneumonia from the night air and die.” [For further discussion, see Chapter 12 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Fariba was asked to interpret for Fereydoon Jalili, an Iranian man who had come to the hospital with gastrointestinal bleeding. Mr. Jalili spoke some English, and when the physician had asked him what medications he was taking, he told him he didn’t take any. When Fariba was brought in to interpret, she began talking to him about his health. During their conversation, he admitted that he took vitamins to stay healthy and he was very proud of the fact that he had never been sick. He also mentioned that he took two aspirins a day for his heart after seeing a commercial on television which said it prevented heart attacks. When Fariba asked him why he didn’t tell the doctor about the vitamins and aspirin, he said that he didn’t consider anything he bought over-the-counter to be a “real” medication. Once the physician learned what he had been taking, he educated Mr. Jalili on appropriate aspirin consumption, since that was the likely cause of his GI bleed. [For further discussion, see Chapter 12 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Jen, a second-year medical student, was on a pediatrics visit learning how to perform a newborn exam. As she followed the attending into the patient’s room, she noticed that the baby’s mother was sitting on the side of the crib talking in Spanish to her husband. The attending started to explain to Jen what is important to notice about a baby and what to look for on the physical exam, and proceeded to ask her questions about the causes of pneumonia and meningitis in the newborn period. As they were talking, the infant’s mother came over to the crib. In an attempt to welcome her into their conversation, Jen said “hello,” and proceeded to compliment her on her beautiful child. As soon as she finished the sentence, the mother said “thank you,” but frowned, and her demeanor changed slightly—she stopped smiling, and looked nervous.

Jen wondered what she had done wrong, and suddenly realized that the family was Mexican, and her complimentary words, intended as a tool to gain the mother’s trust, resulted in causing her distress. Remembering what she had learned about Mexican culture and mal de ojo (evil eye), she touched the baby’s hand, and looked back at the mother. The change was remarkable—the mother smiled back at her, and nodded her head. She did not say anything, but her smile and nod tacitly communicated her gratitude for preventing mal de ojo. [For further discussion, see Chapter 12 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

An eighty-three-year-old Cherokee woman named Mary Cloud was brought into the hospital emergency room by her grandson, Joe, after she had passed out at home. Lab tests and x-rays indicated that she had a bowel obstruction. After consulting with Joe, the attending physician called in a surgeon to remove it. Joe was willing to sign consent for the surgery, but it would not be legal; the patient had to sign for herself. Mrs. Cloud, however, refused; she wanted to see the medicine man on the reservation. Unfortunately, the drive took an hour and a half each way, and she was too ill to be moved. Finally, the social worker suggested that the medicine man be brought to the hospital.

Joe left and drove to the reservation. He returned three hours later, accompanied by a man in full traditional dress complete with feather headdress, rattles, and bells. The medicine man entered Mrs. Cloud’s room and for forty-five minutes conducted a healing ceremony. Outside the closed door, the stunned and amused staff could hear bells, rattles, chanting, and singing. At the conclusion of the ceremony, the medicine man informed the doctor that Mrs. Cloud would now sign the consent form. She did so and was immediately taken to surgery. Her recovery was uneventful and without complications. . [For further discussion, see Chapter 12 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

Emma Chapman was a sixty-two-year-old African American woman admitted to the coronary care unit because she had continued episodes of acute chest pain after two heart attacks. Her physician recommended an angiogram with a possible cardiac bypass or angioplasty to follow. Mrs. Chapman refused, saying, “If my faith is strong enough and if it is meant to be, God will cure me.”

When Judy, her nurse, asked her what she thought had caused the problem, she said she had sinned and her illness was a punishment. According to her beliefs, illnesses from “natural causes” can be treated through nature (e.g., herbal remedies), but diseases caused by “sin” can be cured only through God’s intervention. Remember, treatment must be appropriate to the cause. In addition, Mrs. Chapman may have felt that to accept medical treatment would be perceived by God as a lack of faith.

Mrs. Chapman finally agreed to the surgery after speaking with her minister, whom Judy called to the hospital. [For further discussion, see Chapter 12 of Caring for Patients From Different Cultures .]

A fifty-year-old Mexican woman named Sandra Ramirez came to the ER with epigastric pain. She told the nurse that she had been experiencing the pain constantly for the past week, but denied any nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, or constipation. There had been no changes in her diet or bladder or bowel function. She revealed that when she had experienced similar pain in the past, she was treated with an unknown medication that helped her greatly. The nurse who was interviewing her had just been introduced in class to the concept of the 4 C’s, so she also asked the patient what she thought the problem was. The patient called her condition “stressful pain,” and elaborated that it wasn’t the pain that caused stress, but that stress caused the pain. It turned out that the medication that had helped her in the past was Xanax. She had stopped taking it eight days earlier; the pain began seven days ago. Had the nurse not gotten the patient’s perspective on her condition—that it was related to stress—they would have done just a standard abdominal workup and perhaps not discovered that it was due to anxiety.

Emma Chapman, a sixty-two-year-old African American woman, was admitted to the coronary care unit because she had continued episodes of acute chest pain after two heart attacks. Her physician recommended an angiogram with a possible cardiac bypass or angioplasty to follow. Mrs. Chapman refused, saying, “If my faith is strong enough and if it is meant to be, God will cure me.” When her nurse asked what she thought caused her heart problems, Mrs. Chapman said she had sinned and her illness was a punishment. Her nurse finally got her to agree to the surgery by suggesting she speak with her minister. If she hadn’t learned about Mrs. Chapman’s religious beliefs while asking what she that was the cause of her heart problems, she might not have thought to contact her clergyman.

Olga Salcedo was a seventy-three-year-old Mexican woman who had just had a femoral-popliteal bypass. Anabel, her nurse, observed that Mrs. Salcedo’s leg was extremely red and swollen. She often moaned in pain and was too uncomfortable to begin physical therapy. Yet during her shift report, her previous nurse told Anabel that Mrs. Salcedo denied needing pain medication. Later that day, Anabel spoke with the patient through an interpreter and asked what she had done for the pain in her leg prior to surgery. Mrs. Salcedo said that she had sipped herbal teas given to her by a curandero (a traditional healer; see Chapter 12); she didn’t want to take the medications prescribed by her physician. Anabel, using cultural competence, asked Mrs. Salcedo’s daughter to bring in the tea. Anabel paged the physician about the remedy and brought it to the pharmacist, who researched the ingredients. Because there was nothing contraindicated, the pharmacist contacted Mrs. Salcedo’s physician, who told her she could take the tea for her pain. The next day, Mrs. Salcedo was able to go to physical therapy and was much more motivated and positive in demeanor. Although it took some time to coordinate the effort, in the end, it resulted in a better patient outcome. Had Anabel not asked what she had been using to cope with her pain, it is likely Mrs. Salcedo would have delayed physical therapy and thus her recovery.

Jorge Valdez, a middle-aged Latino patient, presented with poorly managed diabetes. When Dr. Alegra, his physician, told him that he might have to start taking insulin, he became upset and kept repeating, “No insulin, no insulin.” Not until Dr. Alegra asked Mr. Valdez what concerns he had about insulin did he tell her that both his mother and uncle had gone blind after they started taking insulin. He made the logical—though incorrect—assumption that insulin caused blindness. In this case, the patient expressed his fears, and because the physician was competent enough to pick up on them and explore them, she was able to allay them. In many cases, however, unless the physician specifically asks about concerns, patients will say nothing and simply not adhere to treatment. By asking, the health care provider can correct any misconceptions that can interfere with treatment.

A 35-year-old Jewish woman went in for a baseline mammogram.  A lump was discovered.  When discussing it with the radiologist, the woman questioned him about all the possible treatments if it turned out to be cancerous, as well as all the side effects of the treatment.  The radiologist had little patience for her questions; he repeatedly told her they should wait until after they get the results of the biopsy before they start discussing the side effects of chemotherapy and radiation.  The woman, however, felt that she had to know everything possible about the potential negative outcome; only through knowledge could she feel a degree of control.  The lump turned out to be benign, but she went into the biopsy procedure much more relaxed than she would have had she not known every possible eventuality.

A 27-year-old pregnant Mexican woman who had been living in the US for two years went to see a genetic counselor at the urging of a friend.  XFAP tests indicated the possibility of Down syndrome in her unborn child.  She declined the offer of amniocentisis, however, based upon the manner of the genetic counselor, who told her not to be afraid and to do whatever she wanted.  The patient later said she interpreted the lack of directiveness as an indication that the positive screening was “no big deal” and that if there were any real danger, the counselor would have insisted on the test.

A middle-aged Mexican female patient suffering from acute liver cirrhosis with abdominal ascites, began to experience extreme shortness of breath. The physician, a liver specialist, asked her to sign consent for an abdominal tap.  The patient refused, saying, “I am going to wait until my husband arrives.”  The physician was not happy with her response as he felt it was necessary to do the procedure as soon as possible.  Fortunately, the patient’s husband arrived within an hour, the paracentesis was done, and her shortness of breath was minimized.

An African American man in his 40s, suffering from diabetes and hypertension presented to his physician, complaining of “feeling poorly”.  When questioned, he admitted that he was not taking his insulin regularly; only when he felt that his sugar was high.

A Chinese woman in her 60s was diagnosed with cancer and scheduled to receive chemotherapy.  She was unaware of her diagnosis, due to her son’s insistence.  The staff was uncomfortable with having to withhold this information from her, so they asked her whether she wanted to know her diagnosis and why she was receiving chemotherapy medication.  Her answer was no.  She said, “Tell my son; he will make all of the decisions.”  They resolved the matter by having hersign a Durable Power of Attorney, appointing her son as legal decision-maker.  They were thus able to remove the legal and ethical obstacles to her care.

Bobbie, the nurse, had two patients who had both had coronary artery bypass grafts. Mr. Valdez, a middle-aged Nicaraguan man, was the first to come up from the recovery room. He was already hooked up to a morphine PCA (patient-controlled analgesia) machine, which allowed him to administer pain medication as needed in controlled doses and at controlled intervals. For the next two hours, he summoned Bobbie every ten minutes to request more pain medication. Bobbie finally called the physician to have his dosage increased and to request additional pain injections every three hours as needed. Every three hours he requested an injection. He continually whimpered in painful agony. Mr. Wu, a Chinese patient, was transferred from the recovery room an hour later. In contrast to Mr. Valdez, he was quiet and passive. He, too, was in pain, because he used his PCA machine frequently, but he did not show it. When Bobbie offered supplemental pain pills, he refused them. Not once did he use the call light to summon her.

Nurses usually report that “expressive” patients often come from Hispanic, Middle Eastern, and Mediterranean backgrounds, while “stoic” patients often come from Northern European and Asian backgrounds. As a young Chinese man told me, “Even since I was little boy, my family watched dubbed Chinese movies, and by watching many of the male protagonists state ‘I’d rather shed blood than my tears,’ it is imbedded in my mind that crying or showing pain shows my weakness.” However, simply knowing a person’s ethnicity will not allow you to predict accurately how a patient will respond to pain; in fact, there are great dangers in stereotyping, as the next case demonstrates.

Mrs. Mendez, a sixty-two-year-old Mexican patient, had just had a femoral-popliteal bypass graft on her right leg. She was still under sedation when she entered the recovery room, but an hour later she awoke and began screaming, “Aye! Aye! Aye! Mucho dolor! [Much pain].” Robert, her nurse, immediately administered the dosage of morphine the doctor had prescribed. This did nothing to diminish Mrs. Mendez’s cries of pain. He then checked her vital signs and pulse; all were stable. Her dressing had minimal bloody drainage. To all appearances, Mrs. Mendez was in good condition. Robert soon became angry over her outbursts and stereotyped her as a “whining Mexican female who, as usual, was exaggerating her pain.”

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I was invited to do a presentation on cultural competence to the hospice staff and a large, successful, and very white hospital. As part of my preparation, I visited the in patient hospice one afternoon. At the end of my visit I sat with the nurses as they debriefed the shift. One, a leader of some sort, said that she was pleased I would talk to them since she felt that she needed to know more.   Read More

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Strategies to successfully manage a diverse client base in india.

Aug 27 2024

By Ayushi Sharma

Topics Covered

India’s demographic diversity extends to the population’s financial means , where individuals have varying income levels, financial goals, and risk appetites. Moreover, language and communication are key factors as India has multiple languages and dialects, and financial advisors must be adept at communicating complex financial concepts in languages their clients understand. Muhammad Husain A. Chitalwala , a five-year MDRT member from Porbandar , India, explores vital considerations that empower financial advisors in India to navigate this multifaceted terrain effectively.   

Chitalwala brings a wealth of experience to his practice, with over 15 years in the insurance sector. His specialization lies in providing need-based solutions, indicatin g a deep understanding of tailoring insurance offerings to individual client requirements. Over the years, he has honed his expertis e in crafting personalized solutions, ensuring that each client receives the most suitable coverage for their needs. With his extensive experience and focus on need-based solutions, Chitalwala is well-equipped to educate clients and tailor his approach to meet their unique circumstances. Chitalwal a believes a dvisors need to educate clients, tailoring their approach to accommodate differing levels of financial understanding as the socio-economic diversity in India often means financial needs and goals vary grea tly. “Regulations can vary by region, adding another layer of complexity. In this complex landscape, advisors must adapt their strategies, invest time in relationship-building, and offer personali z ed financial solutions to manage their diverse client base in India successfully,” he says.  

Financial advisors should consider using market research, data analysis, client survey s , and personal interactions to understand the unique needs and preferences of different client segments in India. “Some clients want a single policy for multiple needs like saving for their kids’ education, wedding expenses, planning for retirement, financial protection, and so on. A dvisors can create these customi z ed plans for them or suggest some ready-made combo plans,” Chitalwala says. His approach of providing need-based solutions, covering multiple needs in a single plan or offering combinations of solutions for complex needs, has significantly benefited his clients. This tailored approach ensures that clients receive comprehensive coverage that aligns perfectly with their requirements. By understanding each client's unique situation and offering personalized solutions, Chitalwala has fostered stronger relationships and earned trust, leading to greater client satisfaction and loyalty.  

The key to success , in his opinion, is understanding what each client needs and giving them the best solution. Chitalwala says, “Strong market research is the foundation of this strategy, and advisors must stay attuned to the dynamic financial landscape, tracking shifts in market trends, regulatory changes, and economic developments. This enables them to provide informed guidance to clients.” He shares that data analysis is also crucial. Advisors must leverage technology to collect and analyze client data, helping them identify patterns and preferences. This data-driven a pproach allows for tailored recommendations, from investment choices to retirement planning.   

According to him, client surveys are a direct means to gather insights. Advisors gain a more holistic view of clients' aspirations and apprehensions by soliciting feedback on financial goals, risk tolerance, and expectations. “Personal interactions are perhaps the most critical aspect. Building relationships and trust is fundamental. Advisors meet with clients to discuss their financial journey, address individual concerns, and create a customized financial plan,” he adds.  

Chitalwala says customization and tailored insurance solutions are integral to effectively managing a diverse client base in India. He shares an anecdote, “In the coastal town of Diu, Gujarat, I collaborated with Mr. Patel, a sea worker concerned about the unpredictable nature of the sea. Together, we designed a tailored insurance plan . The plan addressed Mr. Patel's job-specific risks, such as accidents at sea and damage to fishing equipment, as well as location-specific challenges like cyclones and floods. This customization ensured comprehensive protection suited to Mr. Patel's needs. Months later, a cyclone warning emphasized the importance of Mr. Patel’s customized insurance, although the cyclone didn’t hit. This real-life scenario highlights how personalized insurance plans a ct as practical safety nets specially designed to protect people from work and environmental difficulties when things get hard.”  

The country’s vast socio-economic landscape and cultural diversity demand insurance offerings that cater to specific client segments. He shares how product customization plays a crucial role:  

Addressing varied needs: Customized insurance products allow insurers to address the unique needs of different client segments. For instance, specialized policies can be designed for healthcare professionals, farmers, or urban dwellers, each tailored to their specific risks and requirements.   

Geographic relevance: India’s diverse geography and climate necessitate region-specific insurance. Coastal areas might require specialized policies for flood and cyclone protection, while hilly regions may need coverage for landslides.   

Socio-economic considerations: Tailored solutions can consider different client groups' income levels and risk appetites. Lower-income segments may need microinsurance options, while high-net-worth individuals may seek comprehensive wealth protection.   

Cultural sensitivity: Customization can factor in cultural norms and practices. For instance, offering insurance plans that align with local customs and traditions, such as specialized wedding or religious event insurance.   

Industry-specific policies: Certain professions or industries have unique risks. Creating insurance products tailored to these sectors, like policies for the hospitality, technology, or manufacturing industries, can be invaluable.   

Affordability and accessibility: Customization ensures that insurance remains affordable, accessible, and relevant to a broad range of clients, making it an essential tool for financial inclusion.   

“Being a financial advisor in India is not considered a highly respected job. People often think these professionals are only focused on making money. However, when a family or someone close experiences a financial crisis and the advisor helps with a claim, they gain more respect. People may assume advisors are working to meet targets, but only a few realize that this profession goes beyond earning money and meeting goals,” Chitalwala believes.  

  Contact: [email protected]     

• Ayushi Sharma [email protected]

Featured in this article

• Muhammad Husain A. Chitalwala
• [email protected]

Muhammad Husain A. Chitalwala is a five -year MDRT member from Porbandar, India.  

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Creating a Culture of Diversity and Inclusiveness in India Inc.

Practitioners Speak

• © 2021
• Kakoli Sen 0 ,
• Sujata Shahi 1

IILM Institute for Higher Education, New Delhi, India

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IILM University, Gurugram, India

• Contains D&I stories, practices, and perspectives from real-time practitioners
• Offers a fresh approach that provides the framework of 5Ws and 1H of D&I including D&I measurement matrices and AI tools
• Describes the importance of cultural sensitivity and role of mindfulness to promote inclusion

Part of the book series: Responsible Leadership and Sustainable Management (RLSM)

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About this book

The book addresses the concept of diversity and inclusiveness (D&I) and brings stories from the corporate, practitioners, think tanks and NGOs. It advocates the need and implementation of the D&I concept to build society of the future. It strives to bring out a focused approach in connecting “Theory to Practice”. Every chapter delves into a different area and presents real-time practices as well as the challenges and the way forward. The book explains the various levels at which discrimination can occur such as demographic profiles, regional differences, religious alliances, college pedigree, marital status, sexual preferences, physical disability and health differentiation, pregnancy or returning mothers and technology competence. The book cites examples of inclusion from progressive organizations such as ABB India, Marico, TCS, PNB Metlife and Alsthom. Presenting the business case of D&I, the book emphasizes on creating a robust D&I strategy with a road map and alignment through internal and external frameworks as well as periodic audits. The Responsible, Accountable, Consultant and Informed (RACI) matrix is discussed while setting up the D&I analytics framework within the organization.

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Frederick A. Miller: Leveraging Inclusion as a Breakthrough OD Strategy

Miller, Frederick A.: Leveraging Inclusion as a Breakthrough Organizational Development Strategy

• Diversity and Inclusion
• Indian Case Study D&I
• Inclusive Culture
• Racial and Ethnic Diversity
• Gender Diversity
• Business sense of Diversity and Inclusion
• Mindfulness for D&I
• Measuring D&I
• Technology as a D&I enabler
• Participation of women
• Human Resource management

Table of contents (15 chapters)

Front matter, creating a culture of diversity and inclusion in india inc.: an introduction, the business context of diversity and inclusion (5w, 1h).

• Ranjani Vijayaraghavan

Diversity and Inclusion—A Key Business Strategy

• Nayan Mitra, Khushboo Mehta

Diversity and Importance of Diversity and Inclusion in the Education System

Sujata Shahi

Impact of Geography and Technology on Diversity and Inclusion Practices

• Bidisha Banerji

COVID-19 Impact on Diversity and Inclusion

• Rishi Kapal

Diversity in Adversity: Fostering the DNA of Inclusiveness in the Current Crisis

• Jhilmil Das

Flattening the Diversified Sphere through Digital Inclusivity

• Sujitesh Das

Scaling-Up Organizations with Diversity and Inclusion

• Vandana Madhusudan

Developing Effective Diversity and Inclusion Culture Within an Organization

• Saurabh Roy

Diversity and Inclusion Through Technological Trends

• Ifeanyichukwu Egwu Eze, Vinod Kumar Shukla, Amit Verma

Measuring Diversity and Inclusion

• Amardeep Singh

Measuring Inclusion

• Shruti Swaroop

Mindfulness—A Catalyst for DEI

• Pallavi Shah

Humanness—The Inclusive Way

• Sidhartha Satpathy

Editors and Affiliations

About the editors.

Kakoli Sen is Professor & Director at IILM Institute for Higher Education, New Delhi. She is Ph.D. in Management with 10 years of experience in the corporate and 15 years in academics and has done International consultancy assignments. Dr. Sen has held academic leadership positions and worked on developing international academic collaborations. Her research interests are women leadership and entrepreneurship. She has published research papers and cases in ABDC journals, Richard Ivey and Harvard Business Publishing. She teaches and trains in the areas of Organizational Behavior and People Management. She was conferred upon the World Education Congress award of 100 most dedicated professors in the year 2019. 

Sujata Shahi serves as Vice Chancellor of the IILM University, Gurugram. She has a diverse experience of 37 years in the field of education working in academic and administrative capacities. Dr. Shahi, a Ph.D. in Psychology, is Professor of OB &HR, with extensive research work in the areas of organization development, innovation at workplace and personal value systems. She has been adorned with many awards and accolades including the Chancellor Award for Postgraduate Diploma in Journalism. She is also the Recipient of the Achievers of Academic Excellence in Leadership Award. She has contributed to various journals, publications and international conferences with her research work. Dr. Shahi serves as Member of the key professional bodies like NHRD, FICCI, CII, etc.

Bibliographic Information

Book Title : Creating a Culture of Diversity and Inclusiveness in India Inc.

Book Subtitle : Practitioners Speak

Editors : Kakoli Sen, Sujata Shahi

Series Title : Responsible Leadership and Sustainable Management

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4237-1

Publisher : Springer Singapore

eBook Packages : Business and Management , Business and Management (R0)

Copyright Information : The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2021

Hardcover ISBN : 978-981-16-4236-4 Published: 08 December 2021

Softcover ISBN : 978-981-16-4239-5 Published: 09 December 2022

eBook ISBN : 978-981-16-4237-1 Published: 07 December 2021

Series ISSN : 2730-9533

Series E-ISSN : 2730-9541

Edition Number : 1

Number of Pages : XVIII, 225

Number of Illustrations : 1 b/w illustrations, 35 illustrations in colour

Topics : Customer Relationship Management , Business Strategy/Leadership , Administration, Organization and Leadership

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Published by the Food Security Information Network (FSIN) in support of the Global Network against Food Crises (GNAFC), the GRFC 2024 is the reference document for global, regional and country-level acute food insecurity in 2023. The report is the result of a collaborative effort among 16 partners to achieve a consensus-based assessment of acute food insecurity and malnutrition in countries with food crises and aims to inform humanitarian and development action.  

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What to know as India’s medics and women protest the rape and killing of a doctor

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - Women hold candles as they stage a protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - A college student attends a protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

Junior doctors at the Government Swaroop Rani Nehru Hospital protest against the rape and killing of a medic in Kolkata last week, in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh, India, Saturday, Aug. 17, 2024.(AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)

Medical workers carry a patient on a trolley at Government Swaroop Rani Nehru Hospital in Prayagraj, Uttar Pradesh, India, Saturday, Aug. 17, 2024, as doctors and other staff are on strike against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor in Kolkata last week. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - Women hold candles as they stage a silent protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

Doctors and paramedics protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor in Kolkata at a government hospital last week as they gather in front of the Indian health minister’s office, in New Delhi, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - College students hold candles and placards as they stage a protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - Supporters of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) with party flags shout slogans as they walk in a protest against last week’s rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital, in Kolkata, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Bikas Das)

A Doctor hold placard during a nationwide protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital in Kolkata last week, in Hyderabad, India, Saturday, Aug. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Mahesh Kumar A.)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - College students hold candles as they stage a protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - Police detain supporters of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as they walk in a protest against last week’s rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital, in Kolkata, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Bikas Das)

Doctors and paramedics protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor in Kolkata at a government hospital last week, as they gather in front of the Indian health minister’s office, in New Delhi, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Manish Swarup)

Doctors hold a laboratory coat covered with ink marks depicting blood during a nationwide protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital in Kolkata last week, in Hyderabad, India, Saturday, Aug. 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Mahesh Kumar A.)

CORRECTS TO CHANGE THE TERM MURDER TO KILLING - Women light candles as they stage a silent protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

Medical workers and women continue to protest the rape and killing of trainee doctor in India

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NEW DELHI (AP) — India’s medical workers began a countrywide strike Saturday to protest the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a state-run hospital in the eastern West Bengal state.

Saturday’s strike was called by the country’s largest group of doctors, the Indian Medical Association, saying all non-essential services at hospitals would be shut down across the country for 24 hours.

The suspension of work has affected thousands of patients across India. The protests — mostly led by women — have intensified in recent days , demanding a safer working environment.

Here’s what to know.

A trainee doctor has been killed

College students hold candles and placards as they stage a protest against the rape and killing of a trainee doctor at a government hospital last week, in Guwahati, India, Friday, Aug. 16, 2024. (AP Photo/Anupam Nath)

On Aug. 9, police discovered the bloodied body of the 31-year-old trainee doctor at the state-run R.G. Kar Medical College and Hospital’s seminar hall in eastern Kolkata city.

A police volunteer working at the hospital has been detained in connection with the crime, but the family of the victim alleges it was a gang rape and more people were involved. An autopsy has confirmed sexual assault.

The case is being probed by federal investigators after state government officers were accused of mishandling the investigation.

On Wednesday night, thousands of women across the country protested on the streets, demanding justice for the victim as they participated in “Reclaim The Night” marches. Some protesters called for the perpetrators of the crime to be given the death penalty.

Protesters want justice and safety

Thousands of medical workers across India are demanding justice for the victim and a guarantee of safety for doctors and paramedics inside hospitals and medical campuses. Many of them have suspended all but emergency treatment, with more such strikes planned over the weekend.

Doctors say the assault highlights the vulnerability of medics who work without proper safety facilities in hospitals and medical campuses across India.

The Indian Medical Association asked public support in its “struggle for justice” and called the killing a “crime of barbaric scale due to the lack of safe spaces for women.”

The doctors are also demanding more stringent laws to protect them from violence, including making any attack on on-duty medics an offense without the possibility of bail.

India has a history of sexual violence against women

Sexual violence against women is a widespread problem in India.

Many cases of crimes against women go unreported in India due to the stigma surrounding sexual violence, as well as a lack of faith in the police. Women’s rights activists say the problem is particularly acute in rural areas, where the community sometimes shames victims of sexual assault and families worry about their social standing.

Still, the number of recorded rape cases in the country has increased. In 2022, police recorded 31,516 reports of rape — a 20% jump from 2021, according to the National Crime Records Bureau.

In 2012, the gang rape and killing of a 23-year-old student on a New Delhi bus galvanized massive protests across India. It inspired lawmakers to order harsher penalties for such crimes, as well as the creation of fast-track courts dedicated to rape cases. The government also introduced the death penalty for repeat offenders.

The rape law amended in 2013 also criminalized stalking and voyeurism and lowered the age at which a person can be tried as an adult from 18 to 16.