liberation war of bangladesh 1971 essay

Ohio State nav bar

The Ohio State University website

• BuckeyeLink
• Find People
• Search Ohio State

The Bangladesh Liberation War

• Eric A. Strahorn

December 16, 1971 marked the end of the Bangladesh Liberation War, a short-lived conflict between India and Pakistan that established the People’s Republic of Bangladesh from the territory of the former province of East Pakistan.

Although the war is best remembered for its dramatic alteration of South Asia’s geopolitical landscape, it also bears a more complex and lesser-known set of legacies for how we think about Cold War international relations, twentieth-century genocidal and sexual violence , and the limits of international law in post-conflict societies.

Map of the 1947 partition of India, where orange represents India and green represents Pakistan.

The province East Pakistan was created during independence from the British empire in 1947 . At that time, the South Asian subcontinent was partitioned into two countries: India (including lands with a Hindu majority) and Pakistan (lands with a Muslim majority). The people and territory of East Bengal became East Pakistan.

East and West Pakistan were geographically, culturally, and ideologically distant and distinct. An independence movement for East Pakistan grew up based on Bengal ethnic concerns, the right to use the Bengali language, and a desire for local political control and self-rule.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (center with glasses) campaigning in East Pakistan for the 1970 general election.

The seeds of political crisis that led to the Liberation War were planted on December 7, 1970. The Awami League won a substantial victory in Pakistan’s elections. The League was a political party led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who had campaigned for autonomy for East Pakistan. However, they encountered immediate opposition from General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of the Pakistan People’s Party, which attempted to prevent the Awami League from forming the next government.

After months of fruitless negotiations, the Pakistani army was deployed in East Pakistan on March 25, 1971. It pursued a policy of reprisal, targeting supporters of Bangladesh liberation and perceived enemies of the state like the significant Hindu minority.

Bangladesh nationalist poster depicting atrocities at the hands of the Pakistani army in 1971.

Deploying weapons such as fighter jets, tanks, and napalm—and creating radical religious militias to participate in the systematic murder and deportation of the populace—the army of Pakistan committed war crimes that reached the level of genocide.

What began as an internecine conflict soon became an international one. A Bangladesh independence militia called the Mukti Bahini, which drew support from the government of India , often engaged in guerilla operations in East Pakistan from bases on the Indian side of the border.

With as many as 15 million refugees crossing into its territory by autumn 1971, India decided to intervene militarily in the autumn for “purely humanitarian reasons” according to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Pakistan preempted Indian action, however, by attacking northern India from West Pakistan on December 3.

Map of Bangladesh Liberation War refugee and troop movements in 1971 (left) . Text of the Instrument of Surrender, 1971 (right).

Although the fighting lasted for only two weeks before a Pakistani surrender, the war became a flashpoint within the wider Cold War. Fearing that an Indian victory would pave the way for Soviet domination in the region, the United States did what it could to buttress Pakistan from the outset.

The Nixon administration had, for example, dispatched the aircraft carrier Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal as a deterrent to Indian military intervention. It also refrained from criticizing the ongoing humanitarian crisis, publicly declaring between March and December that the conflict remained a Pakistani internal matter.

Even as American diplomats at the consulate in Dhaka futilely sounded the alarm over the ongoing “selective genocide,” the White House illegally transferred weapons to Pakistan in direct violation of a Congressional sanction. The U.S., in other words, was complicit in an unfolding humanitarian crisis of astounding magnitude.

Monument to the teachers and officials of Dhaka University who were killed during the Liberation War.

Estimates of the death toll vary, stretching from hundreds of thousands to some 3 million. Furthermore, the Pakistani army used rape as a weapon of war. At least 200,000 women were assaulted and some 25,000 children resulted from those attacks.

The memory of those events remains contested. The government of Pakistan has never acknowledged that any atrocities were committed during the war and continues to insist that only a few thousand people were killed. In the slim literature on the subject, scholars have debated whether the Pakistani army’s actions qualify as genocide and who should be held responsible.

Exhibition at the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka displaying human remains and war materials.

In Bangladesh, the political consequences of the Liberation War continue to resonate. Awami League governments led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (known as Mujib, 1973-75) and Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001; 2009-present) have sought to punish those who collaborated with Pakistan and enacted the 1973 International Crimes (Tribunal) Act and the 2009 International Crimes (Tribunals) (Amendment) Act (ICTAA). By 1975, some 752 people had been convicted and imprisoned.

But, despite their names, these tribunals remained solely Bangladeshi in scope and have never been affiliated with the International Criminal Court , leading some observers to claim that the trials have not met international standards.

At times, justice has appeared more distant than ever.

Individuals who aided the Pakistani army, or who were involved in the assassination of Mujib in 1975, have served in the governments of General Ziaur Rahman (1975-81), General Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982-90), and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party led by Khaleda Zia (1991-1996; 2001-2006). General Ziaur Rahman halted the war crimes trials and they did not resume until 2010 under the ICTAA.

Demonstrators in Dhaka, Bangladesh (2013) demanding the death penalty for Kader Molla and all other war criminals who committed atrocities during the Liberation War of Bangladesh.

The legacy of the Liberation War continues to shape civic life in Bangladesh today. As trials have been conducted in recent years, there have been violent protests by both their opponents and by those demanding harsher sentences for those convicted. Since 2013, there have been a series of murders of prominent secularists and human rights activists by Islamists in what appears to be retaliation for the trials.

 SEARCH -->  CONNECT  FACEBOOK  TWITTER  LINKED IN

Publications Research Dossiers

1971 liberation war, birth of bangladesh and comparison with present day pakistan, introduction.

The 1971 liberation war of Bangladesh against Pakistan continues shaping the mindset of Bangladeshi people until present day. This bloodstained historical event has constructed Bangladeshi sense of nationalism and has forged their contemporary Constitution. The Bangladesh we see today is essentially the fruit of the liberation war of 1971. In order to understand ongoing Bangladeshi politics and the socio-economic sphere, it is required to analyse the history of Pakistani colonialism and the events surrounding the 1971 liberation war that turned Bangladesh into an independent sovereign State. This research paper provides a profound overview of these historical narratives and draws a comparison between present day Bangladesh and Pakistan.

The Partition of the Indian Subcontinent and Creation of Pakistan

The liberation war of Bangladesh was not merely a war for independence fought by Bangladeshi nationalists - one of its main triggers was religion. The Pakistani government wanted to turn Bangladeshis into exemplary Muslims by alienating them from their Hindu background. This concept of religious division was also used as a root cause for the creation of Pakistan in the first place following British colonialism of the subcontinent. Ironically, religion brought together Bangladesh and Pakistan as one State during the partition of the subcontinent and later the very same religion separated the two. Comprehending the development of the liberation war of Bangladesh involves a meticulous retrospective look into the events leading to the partition of the Indian subcontinent. Following the devastating effects of the Second World War, the British colonialists gave up their control over the Indian subcontinent and the 1947 partition outlined two independent nations - India and Pakistan.

Lahore Resolution

The Partition

Discrimination and Exploitation by West-Pakistan

The Muslims of Bengal hoped that in the new Muslim state they would finally achieve a better standard of life. Given their past inferiority to Hindu landlords, Bengal Muslims were looking forward to the West-Pakistani government to ensure their fundamental rights. However, events did not unfold as the Bengali people had hoped. The West-Pakistani government proved even more discriminatory towards the people of East-Pakistan in all spheres of life - social, political and economic.

Political Discrimination

The government’s headquarters were established in the Western Wing. Besides, the political representation of the different ethnic groups was not equal in the Central Government. It was dominated by elite groups of West-Pakistan, mainly the Punjabis. Minority ethnic groups, such as the Bengali population, did not have significant representation in the government. Consequently, control over state-owned organizations, governmental mechanisms and the armed forces were in the hands of the dominant ethnic group. During the years of 1947 - 1971, Pakistan experienced prolonged phases of military rule, which made it more difficult for ethnic minorities to gain access to political power. The Bengali population did not even have satisfactory political representation in their own province. Even for higher government posts such as “Governor-General,” Bengalis were not considered good enough.

Such positions were awarded to people from West-Pakistan or migrants from India who assumed Pakistani citizenship. At the initial stages of the government’s creation, the West-Pakistanis sought various mechanisms to avoid handing over power to East Bengal, which harboured the majority in terms of population size. The elites of West-Pakistan tried several ways to capture the control and succeeded in their attempts to dominate East Bengal through the central government in West-Pakistan. However, the power struggle continued between different political parties and the Western elites were forced to accept the role of Bengalis in politics, through the process of creating and abandoning several drafts of the National Assembly, that gave Bengalis a satisfactory share of representation in the constitution of 1956. Before this could yield any positive outcome for the unification of the two wings of Pakistan, the country fell prey to military rule and previous assemblies were again dissolved. 

Economic exploitation

The Six Points Movement is a significant turnover in the history of Bangladesh. Despite being initially rejected, it became a core component of the election campaign of Sheikh Mujib during the election of 1970. It embraced the Mujib’s campaign on yielding equal access to economic opportunities for everyone.

Social Exploitation

Since the very formation of Pakistan, the Western part branded the Eastern as inferior, because it considered the Muslims in the Eastern Wing subordinate due to their social and cultural affiliation with the Hindu population, which were powerful, rich and dominating in East-Pakistan before the partition of the subcontinent. As a result of the partition many influential Hindus left East-Pakistan to join India. Nonetheless, the Hindu population still counted as one of the major ethnic groups present in the Eastern Wing. Historically, people from various religions had always co-existed peacefully in the East Wing, as they were naturally adopting practices and customs from one another, while tolerating everyone’s traditions and beliefs. Even today, Muslim communities celebrate programs that hold a Hindu foundation and have barely no roots or relevance to Islam. The West-Pakistani government was critical about the intimacy between the Muslim and the Hindu population. Even though the Muslims of the East Wing supported the partition, they were not willing to give up their own culture or language for the sake of becoming a Pakistani as envisioned by the elite of West-Pakistan. The West-Pakistani government remained insensitive to the cultural sentiments of the East-Pakistani people. The selection of a national Pakistani language became a contentious issue since the onset of its genesis. The West-Pakistan government did not pay any heed to the language that predominated in East-Pakistan, namely Bengali. The number of Bengali speakers were higher in comparison with the number of Urdu speakers. Urdu was the language of the elite, used only by 7% of Pakistanis. In contrast, Bengali was spoken by 56% of Pakistanis. The West-Pakistani leaders did not consider this factor while choosing an official language. While arguing that Bengali can still remain a primary language for everyday use of the people in the Eastern Province, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan and the first Governor General, declared on the 24 th  of March 1948 during a conference in Dhaka University that Urdu will become the State language. This declaration triggered a great outrage among the people of the Eastern Wing that became to be known as the Bengali Language Movement. 

Continuous political, economic and social exploitation took part before Bangladesh could achieve its Independence. Following are certain major events that have contributed to the resolution of this national struggle and the creation of Bangladesh as an Independent country. 

Agartala Conspiracy Case

Operation Searchlight

Operation Searchlight is the planned genocide that took place on the 25 th  of March 1971 and was undertaken by the West-Pakistani government against its own citizens of the Eastern Wing. This plan was the result of the victory of Sheikh Mujib’s party in the General Election of Pakistan in 1970. The West-Pakistani rulers had no intention to convey the power to Sheikh Mujib and finally their National Assembly was dismissed. The dismissal brought fierce reactions among the people of East-Pakistan and Sheikh Mujib summoned a five day long strike and protests for an indefinite period. Following the five-day strike, he exhorted the East-Pakistani people to embark on an Independence struggle. Law and order collapsed as people broke curfews imposed by the West-Pakistani Government. The Bengalis occupied the streets demanding freedom and self-determination for Bangladesh. During this period, in a meeting of Awami League, the National Anthem of Bangladesh was chosen. 

The Liberation War (March to December 1971)

Following the massacre of the 25 th  of March 1971, Bengalis started fighting against the Pakistani military with every resource they had. Ordinary Bengalis, especially young people, who had no knowledge or training to fight in a war, risked their lives and the lives of their family members for the sake of making Bangladesh an independent country. Following the “Black Night” of 25 th  of March, the atrocities of the Pakistani military aggravated. The operation was extended to the entire region of East-Pakistan. 

The Bengali Nationalists assembled a shallow novice armed force called “Mukti Bahini” (The Force of Independence). The Bengali military officers of East-Pakistan took charge over the military operations of the Bengali nationalists. They divided East-Pakistan in 11 sectors in order to conduct their guerrilla operations against the West-Pakistani military. In the meantime, the Provisional Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh was created in Mujibnagar by some political leaders of East-Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who was a prisoner of the West-Pakistan government during that time was made the President and Tajuddin Ahmed was made the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. This event led to the official declaration of Bangladesh as an independent state.

Refugee Crisis

Military Support from India

After Pakistan launched several attacks on Indian territory on the 3 rd of December 1971, India joined Bangladesh in its military efforts against the Pakistani military. With the support of India as well as commands from the military officers of East-Pakistan, the West-Pakistani military was defeated. It eventually surrendered to the joint forces of Bangladesh and India leading to victory for Bangladesh on 16 th  of December 1971.  

The Rajakars

Atrocities Committed by the Pakistani Army

International Support

Bangladesh received continuous moral support from India since the beginning of the Liberation War. Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India during that time, was able to secure support from the Soviet Union, The United Kingdom and France to ensure that there would be no directives in favour of Pakistan in the United Nations Security Council. In contrast, Pakistan received support from the United States and China. The United States provided ammunition while China provided moral advocacy. In spite of the protection and encouragement from the United States, Pakistan did not have high chances of winning the war because of the Soviet Union which played against the efforts of the United States during the war.

The Surrender of Pakistani Army and victory of Bangladesh

Comparison between Present Day Bangladesh and Pakistan

Bangladesh has walked a long way after its liberation from Pakistan. The following section of the article discusses the advancement of Bangladesh in terms of social, political and economic development in comparison to the evolution and growth of Pakistan. The analysis intends to construct a parallel that compares the levels of flourishment and deterioration between the two countries.

Political Development of Bangladesh

Rule of Law

Rule of law conveys the message that the law is equal for everyone and is above all.  The rule of law is vital in ensuring protection for the citizens of a country against the abuse of power by governmental and public authorities. Despite the fact that Bangladesh is a democratic country, in reality Rule of law does not exist to the desired extent. One major issue with the principles of legitimacy in Bangladesh is that the judiciary is not completely independent. While the higher courts exercise independence, the Ministry of Justice controls the lower courts. In addition, derogating political opponents often implies the practice of misemploying the rule of law. Provisions, such as the Special Power Act of 1974 and Section 54 of the Criminal Code often insinuate such machinations. They are frequently used to justify arrests and detention of the opposition. The Bangladeshi armed forces, which were expected forgers of fundamental legal standards in favour of their citizens, have been frequently biased towards the ruling party. Furthermore, pervasive corruption among the criminal justice body, especially the police force has been widespread. The judicial system has been ineffective in terms of timely management of cases, ensuring fair trial and equal access for all citizens. Particularly for the poor and disadvantaged individuals, means of entry to adequate legal services were not only deficient, but also unbearably costly. Primary reasons for the inefficiency of the Judiciary system were the low salaries of legal authorities and consequently, corruption. Albeit Bangladesh requires significant improvements in its establishment of the rule of law, its performance is manifestly greater compared to that of Pakistan. According to the World Justice Project Ranking of 2016, the score of Bangladesh was 0.41, which placed it under number 103 among the 113 countries, where the scores ranged from 0 to 1. The closer the score to 0, the more disadvantageous the situation regarding impartiality and legitimacy of the judicial body. It is visible from the score of Bangladesh that it has a long way to go before it achieves a higher advanced standard of  the rule of law. In comparison, Pakistan’s score was even lower - 0.38 and its global ranking - 106. Therefore, despite Pakistan’s historical influence and challenging aftermaths of the Liberation War, Bangladesh has managed to reach and implement legal principles of higher quality.

Accountability of Government

Government accountability refers to the obligation of official authorities to justify their actions in front of their citizens and maintain transparency and clarity of decision-making. It further encompasses a subjection to punitive measures in case of failure to liability. When mechanisms of legal responsibility are missing, corruption and abuse of power will thrive. Open, democratic and impartial election campaigns are a crucial device towards ensuring accountability. Although Bangladesh, like Pakistan, has been exposed to series of military coup d’états after gaining its independence, the country managed to extricate itself from this severe situation and establish a democratic governance system.

Political Stability

Control of Corruption

Corruption is one of the most problematic features of Bangladesh. It is a chronic and endemic problem, widespread across the entire social strata. Throughout the country nepotism has become a habitual conduct, a lifestyle, and it is disputable what circumstances have prompted it - the culture or the bureaucracy. Hence, it does not come as a surprise that public offices are run by nepotism and bribery. Recruitment and promotion hardly ever happen to be impartial procedures across sectors such as defense, transportation, education and health. Primary reasons for such chronic corruption among the Bangladeshi public officials are the meagre salaries and lack of labour privileges. Bribes have therefore become an alternative source of earning. The level of corruption has outspread on such a large scale that as a result the population has institutionalized and normalized this culture of bribery and nepotism. Public offices have started exploiting national funds in order to bypass and bend rules and regulations. Consequently, the gap between rich and poor has widened excessively, giving the already affluent upper-class more wealth and leaving the poor to suffer in greater misery. Even though some businesses succeeded in generating enormous profits by means of corruption, in reality this mechanism increases expenditures and therefore discourages the growth of new businesses. The enterprises usually resort to bribery for acquiring documents that facilitate the company’s legal registration, that provide license or permit for business operations or for utility connections. The adverse effects of corruption are endless. Especially within the law enforcement sector, which is responsible for social security, the effects of corruption are terribly deleterious. Police force agents fail to retain trust of the population due to their dishonourable and fraudulent reputation. Court cases miscarry in living up to the ideals of a fair trial since verdicts become manipulated and ruled by money. Despite that there is a national anti-corruption committee based in Bangladesh, it has not achieved any satisfactory results. Bangladesh might have reached a certain level of progress, yet corruption still remains a pervasive issue among the society. According to Transparency International Bangladesh, three out of four people in Bangladesh bribe officials while seeking services from law enforcement agencies or immigration services. In 2015, the amount of bribes paid to public officials was $1.1 billion USD. Even though brave efforts of digitalization are underway, the majority of public services are provided tête-à-tête, which renders bribing easier. Owing to corruption, power lays in the hands of the rich and dominant figures rather than in those who are qualified and suitable for running the country. According to the 2015 report of Transparency International, 56% of the members of the parliament were either businessmen or industrialists. When there is a lack of a check and balance system to control the financial activities of the public offices, public officials misuse governmental resources without being held accountable for it. Bangladesh has paid a hefty price for this politics-business nexus. In April 2013, an eight story building collapsed in Savar, Dhaka that hosted several garment factories. Around 1129 people, predominantly employees, lost their lives in the incident and 2500 people were severely injured. The owner of the building had a permit from the municipality to build a five story building, yet using his political connections he managed to enlarge it. Under the shadow of politics, various such fraudulent practices take place in the country. Regarding corruption, Bangladesh is in a more injurious situation in comparison to Pakistan. According to the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicator of Control of Corruption, the score of Bangladesh for 2015 was 18.3 whereas the score of Pakistan was 23.6.

Social Development

Regardless of the vast number of socio-economic and political obstacles existent in Bangladesh since independence, the state has achieved a remarkable progress in terms of social development. The Bangladeshi society has evolved impressively in terms of access to education and women empowerment, which are both vital requirements for its healthy social development.

Living Standard

The living standards of both countries can be compared through examining access to basic life necessities such as food, housing, water and sanitation, and health care facilities.

Water and Sanitation

Access to safe water and proper sanitation facilities have improved in both countries over the years. Bangladesh has notably developed its drinkable water provision, namely for 86.5% of its urban population and 87% of its rural population. Respectively, the statistics for Pakistan are 93.9% for the urban population and 89.9% for the rural population. Therefore, Bangladesh is still in need of amelioration. With regard to sanitation facilities, Bangladesh has ensured enhanced access for 57.7% of its urban population compared to 83.1% of Pakistan, which once again calls for improvements. Nevertheless, it has been able to secure means of entry to sanitation facilities for 62.1% of its rural population, whereas Pakistan for only 51.1%.  

Food Security

Bangladesh has undergone a long way from being an aid dependent country, especially in terms of food aid, to becoming more self-sufficient in food production. However, this process of nourishment has not entirely curbed the issue of food security. Even though food production has increased, the equal distribution of food, especially nutritious food has not been ensured. Apart from the threat of overpopulation, the frequent natural calamities such as monsoon floods, river erosion and water contamination continue to impose challenges.  Impoverished families remain the primary victims of undernourishment since food prices continue to increase. According to the 2016 Global Hunger Index, 16.4% of the population of Bangladesh are suffering from malnutrition. In Pakistan, 22% of the population suffers from malnutrition. 

Basic Health care

Bangladesh invests slightly more in the healthcare sector compared to Pakistan -  the World Health Organization’s 2014 database displays that Bangladesh has spent 2.8% of its GDP on the health industry whereas Pakistan spends 2.6% on healthcare. In 2015, the life expectancy at birth for both sexes for Bangladesh was 71.8 and for Pakistan - 66.4. According to the same year’s database, the number of neonatal deaths (in thousands) in Bangladesh was 74 whereas in Pakistan it was 245. This alarming difference is equally reflected in the neonatal mortality rate. In Bangladesh, the neonatal mortality rate (per 1000 live births) was 23.3% compared to Pakistan’s 45.5%. Awareness about reproductive health also seems to be more widespread in Bangladesh than in Pakistan. In 2012, the prevalence of contraception usage in Bangladesh was 61.2%, whereas in Pakistan it was only 35.4% in the following year. It is interesting to note, that despite having a lower gross national income per capita (PPP in $) as well as physicians density (per 1000 population), Bangladesh implements more effective strategies and performs in a higher standard regarding reducing child mortality, increasing life expectancy and raising awareness on reproductive health. According to estimates from 2011, Bangladesh had a physicians’ density of 0.356, while Pakistan had 0.827 in 2010.

Women Empowerment

Social Cohesiveness

A notable difference between Bangladesh and Pakistan is the aspect of social cohesiveness. People from different religious backgrounds live in peace and harmony in Bangladesh. The history of bloodshed of the Indian subcontinent seems to have had little impact on the Bangladeshi society since people with various religious affiliations succeed in achieving a balanced co-existence and mutually beneficent symbiosis. This atmosphere of congeniality and intimacy has evolved to the extent that individuals have even adopted each other’s religious practices and religious rituals. However, this situation is fully contrasting the one in Pakistan. Although, the latter is a Muslim majority country it still adopts a cast system among them in certain areas of Pakistan such as Punjab. As a general rule, in Islam there is no cast system since the faith proclaims that all Muslims are equal human beings. Strangely enough, Pakistan exercises a cast system determined by the professions of forefathers. In Punjab region cast titles such as Butt, Jatt, Mochi are assimilated, where each of these is referring to a particular profession of the forefathers. For example, even if a person is a doctor but he belongs to the cast of Mochi (Cobbler) because his predecessors were cobblers, he would still be considered a part of the Mochi cast and would be treated accordingly. The cast system is strictly followed and intermarriage between casts is discouraged. In Bangladesh, there is no such cast system among the Muslims, yet it exists among the Hindus. Nevertheless, Muslims and Hindus associate and mingle together, and maintain very peaceful relations altogether with other religious minorities. The incidents of violence against religious or ethnic minorities that happen in Bangladesh are mostly politically induced and are often condemned and protested against by the civil society.

Economic Development

Bangladesh has a very resilient economy. Despite its internal challenges and external pressure from international strain factors, it has maintained a consistent economic growth.

In 2015, the annual growth of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was 6.6% compared to 4.7% of Pakistan according to The World Bank database. Even though Bangladesh is progressing rapidly, it is behind Pakistan in terms of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita and Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). In 2015, the aforementioned indexes’ score for Bangladesh was USD 3560 whereas for Pakistan it was USD 5320. Although, Bangladesh is growing faster, it needs to catch up in ensuring a higher GNI. Interestingly, even with a lower GNI Bangladesh has a higher Gross National Savings (GNS) compared to that of Pakistan. According to the Central Intelligence Agency database, Bangladesh had a GNS of 28.6% of GDP whereas Pakistan had 14.3%.

Notwithstanding Bangladesh’s remarkably swift advancement and development, a significant percentage of the population still struggles with poverty. According to the 2010 World Bank Database estimates, the poverty headcount ratio at national poverty lines (% of population) for Bangladesh was 31.5%, whereas the conditions in Pakistan were even more deteriorating with 36.8% of population living in poverty.

Unemployment

Unemployment is a grave issue of concern for both countries. Although, access to education has increased and the number of educational institutions providing all levels of educations has skyrocketed, employment opportunities have not risen with the same pace. A paradox occurs where a large youth population receive an education, yet it remains stuck into an unemployment vicious circle. Nevertheless, Bangladesh still sustains slightly better circumstances in terms of employment compared to Pakistan. According to the 2016 Central Intelligence Agency database, the unemployment rate in Bangladesh was 4.9% and for Pakistan it was 6.7%.

Population Density

Industrialization

Inflation (Consumer Prices) and Exchange Rates

The wellbeing of an economy can be concluded from its inflation rate and exchange rates. Even though Bangladesh has a higher inflation (consumer prices) rate compared to Pakistan, the value of the Bangladeshi currency (Bangladeshi Taka) is higher than the Pakistani Rupee. The inflation rate of Bangladesh as per 2016 estimates was 5.6% and for Pakistan it was 3.7%. In contrast, the exchange rate against US dollar for Bangladeshi Taka was 78.5 (1 USD = 78.5 BDT) whereas for Pakistan rupee it was 105.1 (1 USD = 105.1 Pakistani Rupee). Additionally, Bangladeshi reserve of foreign exchange is larger compared to Pakistan. According to the 2016 Central Intelligence Agency statistics, Bangladesh had a reserve of foreign exchange and gold worth $29.77 billion, whereas Pakistan had $20.53 billion.

Foreign Aid and External Debt

Bangladesh has come the long way of being called the “basket case”, to be assigned with the label of a “promising economy.” The basket case referred to its huge aid dependency in the post-independence era. Many doubts were casted on whether Bangladesh would ever be able to escape its destitute situation caused by war and natural calamities. As a surprise to the international community, Bangladesh successfully came out of that phase and reduced its aid dependency significantly. During the early stages after gaining independence, a massive inflow of food and commodity aid took place. Over the years, Bangladesh was able to reduce that dependency to almost zero percentage, especially due to developments in agriculture, which helped the country to become self-sufficient in food supplies. Nevertheless, Bangladesh remains dependent regarding specialized assistance such as project aids. In relation to external debt, the state had an external debt of around $37.26 Billion USD compared to Pakistan’s $64.04 Billion USD, according to the 2016 Central Intelligence Agency’s data. One of the factors that assisted Bangladesh to rebuild its economy was the widespread presence of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO). The local and international NGOs work relentlessly throughout Bangladesh and especially in remote areas. One exclusive achievement was the success of micro credit finance in bringing people out of poverty and empowering women by making them financially independent, which significantly has contributed to economic and social development of Bangladesh.

Sustainable Development

Social, Economic and Political inferiority can never bring prosperity to a nation. Undoubtedly, Bangladesh has been substantially better off after its liberation from Pakistan. Developmental problems across all socio-economic and political sectors still exist. Nevertheless, a remarkable achievement is that Bangladesh has managed to acquire its sovereignty and independence, and therefore it has the power to resolve its problems without the domination or interference of a superior political authority, which was the case before the Liberation War. Bangladeshi people are able to proudly speak in Bengali, their mother tongue, without any fear of persecution and aggression. The Muslim population can mix freely with people from other religions without being judged and subjected to discrimination by being labelled inferior. 

Pakistan started its journey as an independent and sovereign state in 1947, Bangladesh started its journey almost 24 years later, yet the latter has managed to outperform the former in the long run. Given the fact that the growth rate of the GDP of Bangladesh is currently higher than the Pakistani GDP, it could be projected that Bangladesh will continue outrunning Pakistan in regards with the various sustainable development indexes. However, regional cooperation is crucial for achieving peace and stability in the country; It is essential for South Asian countries, including Bangladesh and Pakistan, to improve and strengthen the bonds with their neighbours. 

April 2017. © European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS), Amsterdam

The European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS): Committed to providing excellent, genuine & authentic research and advice on South Asia.

Subscribe to our newsletter.

Terms of use copyright 2016-2024, The European Foundation for South Asian Studies. All rights reserved

Design: Scriptus Design

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971, Background, Causes, Outcome

Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 was a defining moment in South Asian history, marking the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation from the clutches of Pakistan. Check Details here.

Table of Contents

The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 was a defining moment in South Asian history, marking the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent nation from the clutches of Pakistan. This article delves into the intricacies of the conflict, the key reasons behind it, and the significant role played by India in the liberation process.

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971

The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 resulted in the independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan. Triggered by economic disparity, political marginalization, and cultural grievances, the conflict escalated after the denial of election results favoring East Pakistan’s Awami League. India played a crucial role by supporting the Mukti Bahini and intervening militarily. The war culminated on December 16, 1971, with Pakistan’s surrender and Bangladesh’s emergence as a sovereign nation.

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971 Background

In 1947, British India was partitioned into two sovereign states: India and Pakistan. Pakistan was conceived as a nation for Muslims and was divided into two geographically separated regions—East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and West Pakistan (present-day Pakistan). Despite sharing a common religion, the two wings were divided by approximately 1,000 miles of Indian territory. East Pakistan, predominantly Bengali-speaking, was economically disadvantaged compared to West Pakistan.

The capital of Pakistan was initially Karachi but was moved to Islamabad in 1958. Over time, disparities in economic development and political representation between the two regions grew increasingly evident. By 1971, these issues had reached a boiling point, leading to the outbreak of the Liberation War.

Causes of Bangladesh Liberation War

Several critical factors fueled the desire for independence in East Pakistan:

• Economic Disparities : East Pakistan contributed significantly to Pakistan’s economy but was consistently deprived of its fair share of resources. Between 1948 and 1960, East Pakistan generated 70% of Pakistan’s exports while receiving only 25% of the imported revenue. Additionally, the East saw a decline in the number of fabric mills, from 11 in 1948 to just 26 in 1971, while West Pakistan’s mills surged to 150.
• Political Marginalization : Despite being the most populous region, East Pakistan had minimal political power compared to West Pakistan. This imbalance led to growing unrest and demands for greater autonomy.
• Language Controversies : The imposition of Urdu as the sole national language by Pakistan’s founder, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, was met with strong resistance in East Pakistan, where Bengali was the predominant language. The February 21, 1952, protest against this policy resulted in the deaths of seven students and is now commemorated as International Mother Language Day.
• Natural Disasters : The 1970 Bhola Cyclone, which killed around 500,000 people and left many homeless, exacerbated the plight of East Pakistanis. The inadequate response from the central government further intensified the region’s grievances.

Course of Bangladesh Liberation War

The liberation struggle gained momentum when the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a decisive victory in the 1970 national elections. Despite winning a majority, the party was denied the right to form a government by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Chairman of the Pakistan People’s Party. This denial led to widespread unrest and eventually the outbreak of war.

On March 25, 1971, the Pakistani army launched a brutal crackdown on Dhaka, targeting the Dhaka University dormitories and other key locations. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested on March 26, the same day he signed the Declaration of Independence for Bangladesh. The Mukti Bahini (Liberation Army), led by General Muhammad Osmani, began a coordinated fight against the Pakistani forces, with significant support from India.

India’s Strategic Involvement

India played a pivotal role in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Under the leadership of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, India provided crucial support to the Mukti Bahini. This support included:

• Shelter and Training : India offered refuge to Bangladeshi refugees and provided training to the Mukti Bahini fighters.
• Military Assistance : Indian forces, including the Army, Air Force, and Navy, engaged in direct combat against the Pakistani troops. The operations were launched from the Indian states of West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura.
• Coordination with Mukti Bahini : The Indian military coordinated with Mukti Bahini to launch a three-pronged offensive on Dhaka, which was crucial in the eventual defeat of the Pakistani forces.

Victory and Its Aftermath

On December 16, 1971, the Pakistani forces in Dhaka surrendered to the joint forces of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army. The “Instrument of Surrender” was signed by General Niazi of Pakistan and General Aurora of India, marking the end of the war and the birth of Bangladesh as an independent nation.

December 16th is celebrated as Victory Day in Bangladesh, while March 26th is observed as Independence Day. Since gaining sovereignty, Bangladesh has made significant strides in various sectors, progressing as a vibrant and independent nation.

Bangladesh Liberation War UPSC

The Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 was a watershed moment that reshaped the geopolitical landscape of South Asia. India’s decisive involvement not only facilitated the liberation of Bangladesh but also solidified its role as a significant regional power. The historical significance of this conflict continues to resonate, shaping the diplomatic and economic relationships in the region.

Sharing is caring!

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971 FAQs

Why did india support bangladesh in 1971.

Hostile relations in the past between India and Pakistan added to India's decision to intervene in Pakistan's civil war. As a result, the Indian government decided to support the creation of a separate state for ethnic Bengalis by supporting the Mukti Bahini.

Who won the Bangladesh Liberation War?

Thirteen days after the war started, India-Bangladesh achieved a clear upper hand, and the Eastern Command of the Pakistan military signed the instrument of surrender on 16 December 1971 in Dhaka, marking the formation of East Pakistan as the new nation of Bangladesh.

How many people died in the 1971 war in Bangladesh?

The Pakistan military committed one of the worst genocides in modern history in the eastern wing of Pakistan, now Bangladesh, from March to December 1971. As many as three million people were killed, thousands were raped, and some 10 million people were displaced and had to flee the country.

Who helped India to win 1971 war?

India accomplished a dominant triumph over Pakistan in the 1971 War between the two countries, but it wouldn't have been possible without Russian (previously Soviet Union) assistance.

Who is the hero of 1971 war?

Popularly known as Sam Bahadur, Gen Manekshaw was the Chief of Army Staff in 1971 and played a crucial role in delivering India its victory in the Liberation War of 1971.

Who supported Pakistan in the 1971 war?

The United States provided diplomatic and military support to Pakistan during the 1971 war by sending USS Enterprise into the Indian Ocean.

Greetings! I'm Piyush, a content writer at StudyIQ. I specialize in creating enlightening content focused on UPSC and State PSC exams. Let's embark on a journey of discovery, where we unravel the intricacies of these exams and transform aspirations into triumphant achievements together!

• Current affairs
• International Relation

Leave a comment

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.

Trending Event

• SSC CGL Exam Analysis 2024 : 9 Sept
• SSC CHSL Tier 1 Result 2024
• SSC GD 2025 Apply Online
• TNPSC Group 2 Hall Ticket 2024
• TNPSC Group 4 Result 2024

Recent Posts

UPSC Exam 2024

• UPSC Online Coaching
• UPSC Syllabus 2024
• UPSC Prelims Syllabus 2024
• UPSC Mains Syllabus 2024
• UPSC Exam Pattern 2024
• UPSC Age Limit 2024
• UPSC Calendar 2025
• UPSC Syllabus in Hindi
• UPSC Full Form
• UPPSC Exam 2024
• UPPSC Calendar
• UPPSC Syllabus 2024
• UPPSC Exam Pattern 2024
• UPPSC Application Form 2024
• UPPSC Eligibility Criteria 2024
• UPPSC Admit card 2024
• UPPSC Salary And Posts
• UPPSC Cut Off
• UPPSC Previous Year Paper

BPSC Exam 2024

• BPSC 70th Notification
• BPSC 69th Exam Analysis
• BPSC Admit Card
• BPSC Syllabus
• BPSC Exam Pattern
• BPSC Cut Off
• BPSC Question Papers

SSC CGL 2024

• SSC CGL Exam 2024
• SSC CGL Syllabus 2024
• SSC CGL Cut off
• SSC CGL Apply Online
• SSC CGL Salary
• SSC CGL Previous Year Question Paper
• SSC CGL Admit Card 2024
• SSC MTS 2024
• SSC MTS Apply Online 2024
• SSC MTS Syllabus 2024
• SSC MTS Salary 2024
• SSC MTS Eligibility Criteria 2024
• SSC MTS Previous Year Paper

SSC Stenographer 2024

• SSC Stenographer Notification 2024
• SSC Stenographer Apply Online 2024
• SSC Stenographer Syllabus 2024
• SSC Stenographer Salary 2024
• SSC Stenographer Eligibility Criteria 2024

SSC GD Constable 2025

• SSC GD Salary 2025
• SSC GD Constable Syllabus 2025
• SSC GD Eligibility Criteria 2025

IMPORTANT EXAMS

• Terms & Conditions
• Return & Refund Policy
• Privacy Policy

• Classroom Programme
• Interview Guidance
• Online Programme
• Drishti Store
• My Bookmarks
• My Progress
• Change Password
• From The Editor's Desk
• How To Use The New Website
• Help Centre

Achievers Corner

• Topper's Interview
• About Civil Services
• UPSC Prelims Syllabus
• GS Prelims Strategy
• Prelims Analysis
• GS Paper-I (Year Wise)
• GS Paper-I (Subject Wise)
• CSAT Strategy
• Previous Years Papers
• Practice Quiz
• Weekly Revision MCQs
• 60 Steps To Prelims
• Prelims Refresher Programme 2020

Mains & Interview

• Mains GS Syllabus
• Mains GS Strategy
• Mains Answer Writing Practice
• Essay Strategy
• Fodder For Essay
• Model Essays
• Drishti Essay Competition
• Ethics Strategy
• Ethics Case Studies
• Ethics Discussion
• Ethics Previous Years Q&As
• Papers By Years
• Papers By Subject
• Be MAINS Ready
• Awake Mains Examination 2020
• Interview Strategy
• Interview Guidance Programme

Current Affairs

• Daily News & Editorial
• Daily CA MCQs
• Sansad TV Discussions
• Monthly CA Consolidation
• Monthly Editorial Consolidation
• Monthly MCQ Consolidation

Drishti Specials

• To The Point
• Important Institutions
• Learning Through Maps
• PRS Capsule
• Summary Of Reports
• Gist Of Economic Survey

Study Material

• NCERT Books
• NIOS Study Material
• IGNOU Study Material
• Yojana & Kurukshetra
• Chhatisgarh
• Uttar Pradesh
• Madhya Pradesh

Test Series

• UPSC Prelims Test Series
• UPSC Mains Test Series
• UPPCS Prelims Test Series
• UPPCS Mains Test Series
• BPSC Prelims Test Series
• RAS/RTS Prelims Test Series
• Daily Editorial Analysis
• YouTube PDF Downloads
• Strategy By Toppers
• Ethics - Definition & Concepts
• Mastering Mains Answer Writing
• Places in News
• UPSC Mock Interview
• PCS Mock Interview
• Interview Insights
• Prelims 2019
• Product Promos
• Daily Updates

International Relations

Make Your Note

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971

• 27 Apr 2021
• GS Paper - 2
• India and its Neighbourhood
• Effect of Policies & Politics of Countries on India's Interests
• Bilateral Groupings & Agreements

This article is based on “Endeavour, leadership and the story of a nation” which was published in The Hindu on 26/04/2021. It talks about the significance of the Bangladesh Liberation War 1971.

The year 2021 marks the golden jubilee of the Muktijuddho or the Liberation War. Bangladesh’s Independence in 1971 not only gave Bangladesh its freedom from the clutches of oppressive East Pakistan but changed the history and geopolitical scenario of South Asia.

Oppressive military action by the then west Pakistan’s military led to a massive refugee and humanitarian crisis. The plight of the ten million refugees did have an impact on the Indian government and prompted it to launch a retaliatory action against Pakistan.

However, India’s intervention was not only altruistic in nature, but was primarily based on realpolitik.

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971: Background

• Under this system, Bengalis had no political say. But West Pakistan dominance was challenged in 1970 during general elections.
• However, west Pakistan was not willing to let a leader from its eastern provincial wing rule the country.
• After political negotiations failed, the Pakistani army under General Yahya Khan decided to start the crackdown.
• This resulted in millions of Bangladeshis fleeing to India, mainly West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura.
• West Bengal, in particular, was massively burdened by the onrush of the refugees and the state appealed to the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and her government for assistance for food and shelter.
• Indo-Bangla Cooperation: With the subsequent bravery of the Indian Army coupled with the spirited fight put up by Mukti Bahini — the Bangladeshi guerilla resistance movement consisting of the Bangladeshi military, paramilitary and civilians — defeated the Pakistani forces.
• Over 93,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian forces and Bangladesh Liberation forces making it the largest surrender since World War II.
• The intervention brought a conclusion to the war in 13 short days and led to the birth of a new nation.

Bangladesh Liberation War 1971: Realpolitik or Altruism?

• Although the eastern front remained largely inactive in 1965, it tied down substantial military resources that could have been deployed to greater effect in the western theatre.
• This could lead to the side-lining of the pro-India Awami League and shift the leadership of the movement to left-wing pro-China parties such as the Bhashani-led National Awami Party and the Communist Party.
• If India wouldn’t have intervened in the Bangladesh Liberation War 197, this could have been detrimental for India’s internal security interests, especially in the context of the Naxalite movement which was then raging in eastern India.
• Consequently, there was danger of serious communal strife if India did not act quickly to ensure their return.
• The signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty in August 1971 came as a shot-in-the-arm for India, encouraging it to stay the course.
• The victory defined India's much broader role in foreign politics.
• Many countries in the world, including the United States, realised that the balance of power had shifted to India in South Asia.

The ultimate accolade for India’s role in creating a new nation is that Bangladesh is today a relatively prosperous country, having made steady progress from the category of a Least Developed Country to a developing country.

The creation of Bangladesh — from the ashes of East Pakistan — is presumably India’s finest foreign policy triumph till date.

• Skip to primary navigation
• Skip to main content
• Skip to primary sidebar

UPSC Coaching, Study Materials, and Mock Exams

Enroll in ClearIAS UPSC Coaching Join Now Log In

Call us: +91-9605741000

Indo Pak War 1971: The Bangladesh Liberation War

Last updated on October 9, 2023 by ClearIAS Team

The war of 1971 or the Indo-Pak war of 1971 or the Bangladesh Liberation war of 1971 was a revolution and armed conflict sparked by the rise of the Bengali nationalist and self-determination movement in what was then East Pakistan.

This war resulted in the independence of Bangladesh from West Pakistan.

The background events of the Indo-Pak War of 1971 are summarised below.

Also read: Village defence communities

Table of Contents

What led to the Indo-Pak War, 1971?

Historically, the seeds of trouble were sown in 1905 when Viceroy Curzon partitioned Bengal based on religion. East Bengal was Muslim dominant region while the west was Hindu-dominated.

After the 1947 partition of India , East Bengal became a province of Pakistan and was called East Pakistan then onwards. The east and west Pakistan were not only separated geographically, but they differed in language, culture, etc also. This led to problems in governance as well. The only common ground between the two provinces was religion,

UPSC CSE 2025: Study Plan ⇓

(1) ⇒ UPSC 2025: Prelims cum Mains

(2) ⇒ UPSC 2025: Prelims Test Series

(3) ⇒ UPSC 2025: CSAT

Note: To know more about ClearIAS Courses (Online/Offline) and the most effective study plan, you can call ClearIAS Mentors at +91-9605741000, +91-9656621000, or +91-9656731000.

Language controversy

• In 1948, Jinnah declared that Urdu will the official language and the people of East Pakistan who were bangle speaking, will have to comply.
• This led to widespread protests in East Pakistan and the “Language Movement” began for the right of Bengalis to use Bangla as their official language.
• This movement was led by Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, who joined the Awami League party.
• The struggle against the Muslim league’s Urdu imposition continued till the 1960s.

Note: The UN celebrates the International Mother Language Day on 21 st February in commemoration of the 1952 police firing on language rallies in East Bengal.

Political imbalance

• The Pakistan administration was dominated by West Pakistan and the Bengalis had no political say in the process.
• East Pakistan had more population than the west but received lower budget allotments.
• Bengalis were underrepresented in every aspect of administration and military.

Cultural differences

• West Pakistan was dominated by the Punjabi and Pashtun ethnicity, while the east Pakistanis gave more importance to the Bengali ethnicity over religious identity.
• The population of Hindus was also more in the east than the west, hence they were considered less loyal by the west Pakistan administration.
• West Pakistanis were more supportive of an Islamic state than East Pakistanis.
• The Bengalis took great pride in their culture and language which, with its Bengali script and vocabulary, was unacceptable to the West Pakistani elite, who believed that it had assimilated considerable Hindu cultural influences.

The 1954 provincial elections saw landslide victory of Mujibur Rehman’s Awami League over the Muslim league. However, west Pakistan was not willing to let a leader from its eastern provincial wing rule the country.

Riots exploded in the province and using this instability as an excuse, the central government established the governor’s rule in the province overturning the election results.

In 1956, Pakistan finally got its constitution, and Pakistan was declared the Islamic Republic. The national parliament was to comprise of one house with equal representation from east and West Pakistan.

6 point movement, 1966

• This was a movement in east Pakistan spearheaded by Mujibir Rahman demanding greater autonomy for the region.
• Their 6 demands were: Federal state, all subjects except defence and foreign affairs, separate currency and fiscal policy, taxation powers, trade, and forex reserves, separate military and navy.

Agartala conspiracy case, 1968: Mujibur Rahman went to Agartala to seek Indian support for East Pakistan’s independence. Pakistan charged him with sedition and conspiring with India charges.

1970 Cyclone Bhola caused floods and 3-5 lakhs deaths in East Pakistan, but the Yahya Khan’s government did not provide adequate relief. This added to the animosity between the two regions.

The 1970 election again saw sweeping victory by the Awami League, but Zulfikar Bhutto-led PPP who won in West Pakistan refused to acknowledge Mujibur Rahman’s win.

This led to civil disobedience and a call for independence in Dhaka and on 23 March 1971 flag of Bangladesh was raised for the first time.

Operation Searchlight

• On 25 th March 1971, the Pakistan army struck at the Bengali independence movement at night.
• Mujibur Rahman was arrested and flown to West Pakistan, many Bengali students and intellectuals were fired upon and arrested in Dhaka University.
• This resulted in millions of Bangladeshis fleeing to India, mainly West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya, and Tripura.
• West Bengal was massively burdened by the rush of the refugees and the state appealed to the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for assistance for food and shelter.

Bengali resistance- the Mukhti Bahini

The Bengali armed resistance Mukhti Bahini arose against the Pakistan army and the Indian forces helped them with arms and training.

India had a very crucial geopolitical motive to help Bangladesh due to the turbulent relationship with Pakistan. A win for the Bengali movement meant a peaceful eastern frontier for India. And as an immediate reason, the refugee crisis was becoming a huge economic burden for India.

On the global scale, the U.S –Soviet tensions were high. India had signed a Friendship treaty with Russia hence the U.S was supporting Pakistan throughout all this.

The war was on the doorstep now.

Timeline of Indo Pak war 1971

December 3: Operation Chengiz Khan by Pakistan Air Force launched airstrikes against Indian airfields in the Western Sector, including Amritsar, Pathankot, Srinagar, Avantipura, Ambala, Sirsa, Halwara, Agra

December 3 to 6:  Indian Air Force retaliates by attacking Pakistan air bases in Western and Eastern sectors. Pakistan attacks Indian ground positions in Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir

December 4:  Battle of Longewala takes place in Rajasthan where Pakistani advance towards Jaisalmer is thwarted

December 5: Battle of Ghazipur in East Pakistan. Battle of Basantar in the Western sector in Pakistan’s Punjab in the Shakargarh salient near Sialkot. Battle of Dera Baba Nanak in Gurdaspur district of Punjab

December 6: India formally recognizes Bangladesh as an independent nation. The city of Jessore is liberated

December 7:  Battle of Sylhet and Moulovi Bazaar begins in Bangladesh

December 8:  Operation Trident- Indian Navy launches attack on the Pakistani port city of Karachi

December 9: Indian Army fights Battle of Kushtia in Bangladesh. Chandpur and Daudkandi liberated. A helicopter bridge airlifts Indian troops across the Meghna river and makes the fall of Dhaka a matter of time

December 10: Chittagong airbase in Bangladesh attacked by Indian Air Force aircraft

December 11:  Tangail airdrop of a Parachute Battalion to cut off retreating Pakistani troops in Bangladesh

December 12 to 16:  Indian forces push through to Dhaka and enter the city.

On 16 th December, Pakistan Eastern Command Commander Lt Gen AAK Niazi signs the instrument of surrender and capitulates to Indian Eastern Commander Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora. As many as 93,000 Pakistani troops lay down their arms in Bangladesh.

Mujirbur Rahman was released from prison in January and went on to become the first Prime Minister of Bangladesh.

Shimla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan on 2 nd July 1972- The LoC was recognized, India gave back occupied land back to Pakistan, PoWs were repatriated and the Kashmir issue was agreed to be discussed peacefully.

How did the Indo Pak War 1971 shape today’s India-Bangladesh relations?

The Indo-Pak war of 1971 liberated Bangladesh and established a friendly neighbourhood on the eastern front for India. Bangladesh is India’s largest trading partner in South Asia and one of the fastest-growing economies. Indian firms have huge investment opportunities in the country due to their growth potential. Bangladesh is crucial for India’s connectivity and peace in the north-eastern states.

• India had recently inaugurated the new trade corridor, Maitri Setu Bridge from Sabroom in India to Ramgargh in Bangladesh on the Feni river in Tripura-Bangladesh border.
• Bangabandhu Mujibur Rahman was awarded the Gandhi Peace Prize 2021.
• Bangladesh was a special invitee to India’s 75 th independence day celebrations and President Kovind is part of Victory day celebrations in Bangladesh.
• Bangladesh marked 50 years of liberation war victory over Pakistan on 16 th December 2021.
• The nation celebrated victory in the 1971 war for independence by hosting a military parade with India’s president as a guest of honour.

Bangladesh has a special place in India’s neighbourhood first policy and the relation is ever more crucial in the current geopolitical scenario as well.

Top 10 Best-Selling ClearIAS Courses

Upsc prelims cum mains (pcm) gs course: unbeatable batch 2025 (online), rs.75000   rs.29000, upsc prelims marks booster + 2025 (online), rs.19999   rs.14999, upsc prelims test series (pts) 2025 (online), rs.9999   rs.4999, csat course 2025 (online), current affairs course 2025 (online), ncert foundation course (online), essay writing course for upsc cse (online), ethics course for upsc cse (online), upsc interview marks booster course (online), rs.9999   rs.4999.

About ClearIAS Team

ClearIAS is one of the most trusted learning platforms in India for UPSC preparation. Around 1 million aspirants learn from the ClearIAS every month.

Our courses and training methods are different from traditional coaching. We give special emphasis on smart work and personal mentorship. Many UPSC toppers thank ClearIAS for our role in their success.

Download the ClearIAS mobile apps now to supplement your self-study efforts with ClearIAS smart-study training.

Reader Interactions

Leave a reply cancel reply.

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Don’t lose out without playing the right game!

Follow the ClearIAS Prelims cum Mains (PCM) Integrated Approach.

Join ClearIAS PCM Course Now

UPSC Online Preparation

• Union Public Service Commission (UPSC)
• Indian Administrative Service (IAS)
• Indian Police Service (IPS)
• IAS Exam Eligibility
• UPSC Free Study Materials
• UPSC Exam Guidance
• UPSC Prelims Test Series
• UPSC Syllabus
• UPSC Online
• UPSC Prelims
• UPSC Interview
• UPSC Toppers
• UPSC Previous Year Qns
• UPSC Age Calculator
• UPSC Calendar 2024
• About ClearIAS
• ClearIAS Programs
• ClearIAS Fee Structure
• IAS Coaching
• UPSC Coaching
• UPSC Online Coaching
• ClearIAS Blog
• Important Updates
• Announcements
• Book Review
• ClearIAS App
• Work with us
• Advertise with us
• Privacy Policy
• Terms and Conditions
• Talk to Your Mentor

Featured on

and many more...

ClearIAS Programs: Admissions Open

Thank You 🙌

UPSC CSE 2025: Study Plan

Subscribe ClearIAS YouTube Channel

Get free study materials. Don’t miss ClearIAS updates.

Subscribe Now

IAS/IPS/IFS Online Coaching: Target CSE 2025

Cover the entire syllabus of UPSC CSE Prelims and Mains systematically.

INTERGOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH AND POLICY JOURNAL

A ‘HIGH-EFFICIENCY FACTOR JOURNAL’

An Open Access Article

Article History at IRPJ

BANGLADESH LIBERATION WAR OF 1971: DECISIVE ROLE OF INDIA IN MEDIATION AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION; AND TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE IN BANGLADESH

Madayil Sherina P.O.Box 123887, Dubai, UAE Email: [email protected]

Corresponding Author:

Pr Devender BHALL, HDR (Editor)

Email: [email protected]

1. INTRODUCTION

Before 1971, Pakistan had two regions, the East and the West. Modern-day Bangladesh, known as East Pakistan, was geographically separated by about 1,000 miles from West Pakistan. Given their past inferiority to Hindu landlords in India, Bengal Muslims were looking forward to the Pakistan government to ensure their fundamental rights. However, it proved even more discriminatory towards the East Pakistanis in economic, political, social, cultural, ideological, linguistic, and educational spheres. This discrimination gave rise to the historic Six-Point Demand, which focused on establishing Pakistan as a Federal State to merge the autonomy of the East wing and its control over resources. Proving grounds of this pledge was the creation of two distinct currencies for the two wings; independent foreign reserves; East wing’s self-governance over its foreign exchange earnings and taxes from trade. In 23 years after its creation, for the first time, a free and fair general election was held in Pakistan in December 1970. [2] The Six-Point Demand became a core component of Sheikh Mujib’s election campaign. During his speech on 7 March 1971, [3] Sheikh Mujib mentioned further conditions: immediately lifting the martial law, withdrawal of the military personnel to the barracks, and quick transfer of power to the people’s elected representative prior to the assembly meeting on 25 March 1971. [4] Even though Sheikh Mujib won a clear majority in the 1970 election, the decision-making elite overlooked East Pakistan’s demographics, electoral majority, and political demands. The trouble started when Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a leader from West Pakistan whose party Pakistan Political Party came up with an inexplicable compromise of two Prime Ministers for the two wings of Pakistan: Sheikh Mujib in East and Bhutto in West. Sheikh Mujib and Bhutto stood their ground so determinedly that neither was prepared to acknowledge an inch to the other. After political negotiations and mediations failed, the Pakistani Army decided to the crackdown. On the midnight of 25 March 1971, the infamous Operation Searchlight commenced across East Pakistan. [5] It was a brutal rape, murder, and pillage campaign intended to sweep away the Bengali nationalist seeking independence. West Pakistani journalist Anthony Mascarenhas’ story titled “Genocide” shocked the world wherein he wrote that he has seen the Hindu being hunted, heard the screams of men bashed to death, and seen truckloads of other human targets.” [6]

Burdened with the ten million Bengali refugee crisis and pained by the blatant violation of human rights, India intervened by supporting Mukti Bahini. To resolve the conflict, India attempted mediation with Yahya Khan for adherence to the 1970 election verdict by the installation of the AL government and grant autonomy to East Pakistan, which Sheikh Mujib repeatedly voiced through his election manifesto and Six-Point Demand. India had commenced a diplomatic offensive by sending emissaries to many countries and writing to almost 72 nations apprising them of East Pakistan’s predicament and seeking an immediate resolution to the crisis. [7] After exhausting all options for a conflict resolution, India opted for a military solution to attack Pakistan. 15 December 1971 was the decisive day Pakistani forces surrendered to the Indian Army and Bangladesh’s liberation forces. As a part of conflict resolution, the Instrument of Surrender was signed by Pakistan’s Commander Lieutenant General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi. Lasting just 13 days, the 1971 War, which culminated on 16 December 1971, is considered one of the shortest wars in history. Following its independence, Bangladesh faced the difficult transition from conflict, repression, and gross human rights transgression during the 1971 War to a peaceful and stable country with democratic governance and the rule of law as the paddle. It became necessary to try the collaborators of the crimes during the 1971 War. AL thus desired to ensure the accountability of the 1971 War by introducing transitional justice. [8] The era of 1972-1975 was the most significant years of Bangladesh in promoting feasible initiatives that a war-torn country could do in its very first phase. The enactment of the International Crimes Tribunal Act of 1973 (ICTA, 1973) and the Constitution, the rehabilitation of the victims of sexual violence, international adoption call for war babies, the arrest of perpetrators and collaborators, and the establishment of a commission of inquiry to investigate the extent of genocide, crimes against humanity, and other atrocious war crimes and international crimes, proves that the legacy is continuing. Following the seditious assassination of Sheikh Mujib in the course of the first of a series of military coups in 1975, Bangladesh oscillated between military rule and rule by the elected until 1990. When resuscitated again after the political transition from the military to democratic rule in 1991, Bangladesh adopted certain UN proposed transitional justice measures and various others to reckon with the genocide of 1971. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib’s daughter Sheikh Hasina became the Prime Minister of Bangladesh when AL assumed power in January 2009. She then instituted International Crime Tribunals (ICT) under the ICTA, 1973 to try war criminals and international criminals who sided with Pakistan during the 1971 War and committed war crimes and international crimes. Since establishing the International Criminal Court, ICT has been one of the exclusively national trials of international crimes and has become a defining national and international concern. [9] This proves that Bangladesh mainly adopted prosecution initiatives, one of the five pillars of transitional justice proposed by the UN. The other four UN proposed pillars of transitional justice are right to truth, delivering reparations, institutional reform, and national consultations.  Bangladesh also deals with the right to truth and delivering reparations.

2. METHODOLOGY

The article will use both primary and secondary data to generate relevant information. The primary source of data will be through in-depth interviews. However, the navel point of this article is based on the secondary source of information extracted from the existing literature, books, articles, journals, periodicals, magazines, newspapers, online sources, and several internet websites to corroborate the information from the primary sources.

3. CONFLICT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST PAKISTAN

There is, in fact, nothing common in the two wings, particularly in respect to those things which are the sine qua non to form a nation. In the late 1950s, despite an increase in public funds allocated to East Pakistan, the economic disparity between the two wings reflected in their GDP growth rates remained stark. The country’s capital and more immigrant businessmen were present in West Pakistan, directing more government allocations there. [10] East Pakistanis were under-represented in the military and central government posts. Despite colossal defense spending, East Pakistan received none of the benefits, such as contracts, purchasing, and military support jobs. [11] While West Pakistan was substantially supportive of an Islamic state, East Pakistan strongly objected to the Islamist pattern imposed by West Pakistan. With a provision to choose Bangla as the primary language in East Pakistan, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan, declared Urdu as the official language of Pakistan. This declaration prompted an inordinate outrage among the East Pakistanis known as the Bengali Language Movement. West Pakistan enjoyed a higher enrollment growth, matched by a significant increase in the total number of schools and teachers. Schooling conditions in East Pakistan declined and caused a resource crunch due to the center’s pro-West focus. [12]

4. BANGLADESH LIBERATION WAR, 1971

Pakistan authorities’ reluctance to give legitimate power to Sheikh Mujib, respecting the 1970 election mandate, resulted in a constitutional crisis in Pakistan. The planned military pacification, Operation Searchlight, created such terror and genocide that ten million people fled to India. India gave shelter to the East Pakistani refugees for nine months and trained Mukti Bahini, consisting of military, paramilitary, and civilians, to fight a civil war. [13] Pakistan launched the pre-emptive aerial strike on eleven Indian Air Force stations on 03 December 1971, setting off hostilities between the two neighbors. When the joint command of Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army advanced inside East Pakistan, the defeat and surrender of the Pakistan Army became a matter of time. On 16 December 1971, about 93,000 surrendered Pakistani troops were taken as POWs in the custody of the Indian Army. In 2009, almost forty years after the events of 1971, under the Bangladesh War Crimes Fact-Finding Committee report, 1,597 people were accused of war crimes, including rape. [14] Pakistan’s attempt to enforce uniformity where diversity was desired had an unfortunate consequence. In the final analysis, the emergence of Bangladesh signifies the right to self-determination.

5. MEDIATION AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION – INDIA’S ROLE

When the Pakistan Army unleashed the ruthless crackdown on East Pakistanis, the influx of refugees to India increased beyond the control of the Indian administration. Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi presented a resolution in parliament and proclaimed harmony with East Pakistan by providing diplomatic, economic, and military support. India appealed to Yahya Khan for adherence to the 1970 election verdict by the installation of the AL government and granting autonomy to East Pakistan. [15] For an effective conflict resolution, Indira Gandhi sensitized the world through diplomatic channels and wrote letters to leaders of almost 72 nations, appraising East Pakistan’s situation and India’s position. To gain the support of the world communities for India’s policies related to the East Pakistan crisis, Indian emissaries briefed world leaders and foreign governments about the human rights violations in East Pakistan committed by the Pakistani Army, which has forced India to receive ten million East Pakistani refugees. The UNHCR lists it as the world’s biggest movement of refugees in the second half of the 20th century. The UN was unable to reciprocate India’s plea for intervention in the conflict between East and West Pakistan since the UN Charter protects the right of States to their sovereignty by separating their domestic and international affairs. [16] Further, the UN can be effective only if the five permanent members of the UNSC act together. [17] India tried to explain to the international communities that it was not a conflict between India and Pakistan but between two hostile Muslim communities of  Pakistan. [18] Indira Gandhi visited Moscow on 27 September 1971 and, on the following day, had a six-hour meeting with Brezhnev, Podgorny, and Kosygin. [19]  Indira Gandhi urged them to help find a political resolution to the Bangladesh crisis, starting with the release of Sheikh Mujib. Indira Gandhi tried to arouse the world’s conscience over the merciless butchering of the civilian population in East Pakistan and the savagery of General Tikka Khan. [20] Indira Gandhi had expressed her willingness to meet Yahya Khan to discuss the East Pakistan crisis. However, Indira Gandhi firmly said that any settlement in East Pakistan needs to be negotiated with Sheikh Mujib and the AL leaders. [21] On 23 October 1971, Indira Gandhi visited Moscow. She embarked on a three-week tour to several Western Nations, including the US, France, the UK, West Germany, Belgium, and Australia, to appraise them of the on-ground situation and draw some world leaders’ attention. [22] Indira Gandhi resorted all means and did her best to explain to the international communities the situation in South Asia, requested their help in sharing the economic burden of managing the refugees, and asked them to persuade the Pakistani government for an expeditious political resolution of the East Pakistan conflict. Despite Indira Gandhi’s plea to Pakistan and the international community to ensure an early political resolution, there was inaction by the UN and most of the countries, which gave more importance to the unity of Pakistan. After Indira Gandhi’s exhaustive trip to many countries across the globe to sensitize the international community, it was concluded that India had to fight with only Soviet Union’s support. [23] As the situation unfolded, taking a cue from the Israeli 1967 war with the Arabs, when Pakistan kicked off the two-front all-out war against India, launching a pre-emptive airstrike code-named Operation Chengiz Khan on multiple Indian airbases on 03 December 1971, India officially entered the 1971 War. [24] The aircraft of India dominated the skies of East Pakistan. The East Pakistani Navy supported India in marine warfare by carrying out attacks, remarkably Operation Jackpot. The “two-week swift war” culminated with the unconditional surrender of the Pakistani armed forces. [25] India’s humanitarian involvement and intervention in conflict resolution resulted in a lightning victory for the Bangladeshi and Indian forces. Upon exchange of views with the officials of the Bangladesh Government in exile, the Bangladesh Prime Minister’s office and Col. M.A.G. Osmani, who was ostensible head of all the freedom fighters, assessed that guerrilla warfare could continue for years, and the youthful groups of the freedom fighters would not be able to defeat the Pakistani military without India’s direct military support. [26]

6. INSTRUMENT OF SURRENDER

The Instrument of Surrender was signed by Pakistan’s Commander Lieutenant General Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi, in the presence of Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief Eastern Command of the Indian Army. [27] Lieutenant General Niazi surrendered at Dhaka’s Ramna Racecourse, handing over his service revolver to Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora at 1631 hrs on 16 December 1971, just 13 days after the 1971 War broke out. Over 93,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian and Bangladesh liberation forces, making it the largest surrender since World War II.

7. SIMLA AGREEMENT

The Simla Agreement was signed in 1972 between India and Pakistan to ensure a smooth transition. It was a follow-up arrangement of the Indo-Pakistan Agreement of 28 August 1973. India and Pakistan had already agreed to repatriate all prisoners of war (POWs) to Pakistan, including the alleged 195 war criminals in Indian custody. India released more than 93,000 Pakistani POWs in five months, and nearly 200 soldiers involved in war crimes were pardoned. [28] The Simla Agreement provided that Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh in exchange for the return of the POWs. The accord also gave back 13,000 km of land that Indian troops had seized in West Pakistan during the 1971 War.

8. ACCOUNTABILITY OF WAR BY TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE

Bangladesh initiated and adopted several intensive political, legislative, and judicial measures to bring the perpetrators of brutal crimes to justice. [29] It included arrest of 3,700 alleged perpetrators and collaborators including 15 political party leaders and confiscated citizenship of 43 individuals who visited foreign countries in 1971 to campaign against the independence of Bangladesh; trial of top war criminals, both civilian and military; formation of an international tribunal for the trial of the war criminals including the 150 POWs who were delivered from Indian custody for trial in Bangladesh; prepared a list of 195 Pakistani army personnel against whom there were specific evidence and proof of crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes and crimes against peace, and decided to prosecute them; ban under Article 38 of the Bangladesh Constitution of the religious political party Jamaat-e-Islami whose members collaborated with the Pakistani Army in committing the atrocious crimes in 1971; established an inquiry commission to investigate the degree of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and other mass atrocity crimes; issued an executive order to provide state-sponsored clinics with abortion facilities to terminate unwanted pregnancies; and enacted the Bangladesh Abandoned Children (Special Provision) Order 1972 to encourage and allow the adoption of unwanted or abandoned war babies by foreign adoption agencies and nationals. [30] The other measures by which the Bangladesh government initially addressed the mechanisms of transitional justice included declaring rape victims as war heroine with an attempt to prevent rape victims from being excluded and neglected by their families and society, [31] institutionalized the women victims’ relief and rehabilitation by founding the Bangladesh Women’s Rehabilitation Board, and promulgated the Collaborators Order 1972 to try those who committed and collaborated in the commission of international crimes in 1971 which was however revoked in 1975 during the military rule. Also, it issued the Bangladesh National Liberation Struggle Indemnity Order and enacted ICTA, 1973 to set up high-powered special international crimes tribunal(s) to try those who directly or indirectly committed crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes, international crimes, and other serious crimes at international law. [32]

9. PROGRESSION OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE

Being a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966, Bangladesh was obliged to provide an effective judicial remedy to the victims of a serious violation of human rights in 1971. The ICTA, 1973 was, in the meantime, amended to suit international standards. After the democratic rule came into force in 1991, Bangladesh adopted certain UN proposed transitional justice measures and various others. Out of the UN proposed five pillars of transitional justice measures viz. prosecution initiatives, right to truth, delivering reparations, institutional reform, and national consultations, Bangladesh adopted the following:

9.1. Prosecution Initiatives

Bangladesh mainly deals with prosecution initiatives. Relying on the ICTA, 1973 Bangladesh government established ICT – 1 and ICT -2, the domestic courts that apply domestic law to prosecute perpetrators of international crimes. The ICT issued its first arrest warrants against Abdul Quader Mollah and two other Jamaat-e-Islami leaders in July 2010. Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, the deputy leader of Jamaat-e-Islami, was the first person to face charges related to the conflict, indicted on 03 October 2011 by the ICT on twenty counts of war crimes which included murder, rape, and arson. [33] Sayeedi was sentenced to death by hanging on 28 February 2013 for finding him guilty of genocide, rape, and religious persecution. [34] Abul Kalam Azad, a Razakars member, was found guilty of murder and rape in absentia. He was sentenced to death. [35] Muhammad Kamaruzzaman, senior assistant secretary-general of Jamaat-e-Islami, faced the trial for seven war crimes charges, which included planning and advising on the rape of women in the village Shohaghpur on 25 July 1971. [36] The ICT sentenced Kamaruzzaman to death by hanging on 9 May 2013. In July 2013, former Jamaat-e-Islami leader Ghulam Azam was given a ninety-year sentence for rape and mass murder during the conflict. [37] Abdul Quader Mollah, a Razakar militia member, was charged with abetting the Pakistani Army and aggressively partaking in the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities, which included the rape of minors and mass murder of the people in the Mirpur area of Dhaka. Mollah was hanged in Dhaka Central Jail on 12 December 2013. [38]

9.2. Right to Truth

In Bangladesh, facilitating initiatives regarding the right to truth included the compilation of the truth of the liberation war in books, articles, documentaries, and the narration of personal experiences regarding the war, by several writers, activists, and freedom fighters. Further, to disclose the truth of the liberation war, the Bangladesh government established the Ministry of the Liberation War Affairs (MOLWA) in 2001. Graveyards and martyrs’ mass graves are maintained to protect the history of the 1971 War. With the association of the National Freedom Fighter Council, a list of freedom fighters is recorded to let the people know who the heroes of the country are. The government of Bangladesh has prepared a guideline to collect and accumulate the documents of the war to exhibit those in public in the ‘documentation center’ aiming at illustrating the causes and consequences of the 1971 War. The prosecution initiative of the Bangladesh government through the ICT plays a vital role in establishing the truth. It facilitates the disclosure of the truth of the 1971 War in all its verdicts by providing a detailed description of the fact regarding the war associated with the accused, which led to the framing of the charge against each accused. Accordingly, the accused is punished based on authentic evidence, elaborately illustrated in the verdicts. The established truth passed in the verdicts will be a binding precedent for further trials and proceedings.

9.3. Delivering Reparations

The reparative measures adopted by Bangladesh include forming the Bangladesh Freedom Fighters Welfare Trust to provide monetary benefits to the wounded freedom fighters and families of the martyrs. Along with appreciation letters for every awardee of the ‘Gallantry Awards,’ monetary reparation by way of financial allowance is facilitated by the Bangladesh government. The children and grandchildren of freedom fighters are privileged for a special ‘quota’ facility in Bangladesh government services. Further, victims of torture obtain specialist treatment at the Bangladesh Rehabilitation Center for Trauma Victims and the Center for Rehabilitation of Torture Survivors. Addressing the rape victims of the 1971 War as ‘Birangona’ was a satisfaction measure adopted by the Bangladesh government, as the word ‘Birangona’ gives them a particular position and dignity in society. After the gazette of 2014, the Birangonas are getting monthly allowances, quotas, and special opportunities for their children and grandchildren in the civil service. [39] Bangladesh officially declared 14 December as ‘Martyred Intellectuals Day’ and officially commemorated the intellectuals killed during the 1971 War. 21 February is observed in Bangladesh as Language Martyrs Day in remembrance of the seven students who were killed on 21 February 1952 when armed forces opened fire against the procession held in front of the Provincial Assembly to express defiance against the order that prohibited any demonstration or protest aimed at altering the State language. In 1999, UNESCO proclaimed 21 February as the International Mother Tongue Day in recognition of the sacrifices rendered by Bengalis. The Bangladesh government established the Column of Independence at the historical ‘Suhrawardy Udyan’ to restore the memoir and preserve historical sites related to the 1971 War. Suhrawardy Udyan is significant for being where the 7 March 1971 speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was delivered, and it is the same place from where the Pakistan Army on 16 December 1971 surrendered. Liberation War Museum (LWM), located in Dhaka, is dedicated to the memory of the sacrifices made by the victims of the 1971 War. [40] It has an extensive collection of items relating to the turbulent period of the country’s history, which resulted in East Pakistan becoming an independent nation – Bangladesh. [41] Its education program under the Reachout Program includes a “mobile museum” that visits schools and universities throughout the country and an oral history project conducted in collaboration with schools. The LWM’s Outreach Program has included an oral history project in which students interview family members about past injustices, helping to give young citizens a sense of agency. [42] On 23 October 2001, MOLWA was established to assure the diversified rights of the freedom fighters and their families. Under the ‘Bangladesh Freedom Fighters Welfare Trust Rescue Plan-2010,’ commercial and residential buildings for the freedom fighters and the martyr’s family members are built. In 2011, Bangladesh awarded the highest recognition ‘Bangladesh Freedom Honor’ posthumously to Indira Gandhi for her immeasurable assistance and support to the people of Bangladesh in every sector, including the refugee crisis, political, military, and finally in recognition of Bangladesh as an independent country. Bangladesh observes 25 March as the ‘Genocide Day’ since 2017. The Bangladesh government formed the National Freedom Fighter Council in 2020, assigning to update the list of the freedom fighters and take necessary steps to include the name of the freedom fighters in the databases and the official national gazette.

10. RECOMMENDATIONS

In Bangladesh, albeit the Constitution is based on the fundamental principles of the rule of law, the reality is that only the privileged have access to law and equality before it. For the interest of justice, the judiciary needs to be separated from the executive functions. To enforce the rule of law, enforcement agencies are unavoidable. Legal aid is to be extended for the poor people to enjoy the fundamental rights provided in the Constitution. Independent and specific policy for the rule of law is essential for overcoming ambiguity and anomalies. Further, one or two pillars of the UN proposed transitional justice mechanisms are insufficient to address any post-conflict situation. To improve and ensure the accountability of the 1971 War and deal with human rights violations of a transitional society, the Bangladesh government needs to focus on introducing transitional justice mechanisms by adopting all the five pillars proposed by the UN.  Apart from Prosecution Initiatives, and Delivering Reparations, facilitating initiatives in respect of the Right to Truth by establishing Truth Commissions, Institutional Reform, and National Consultation as described below are required to be incorporated in the government policy to prevent the recurrence of future human rights violations in Bangladesh.

10.1. Right to Truth by Establishing Truth Commissions

Truth-seeking processes assist in investigating the past human rights violations in post-conflict and transitional societies. It is undertaken by Truth Commissions, a quasi-judicial investigative body that charts patterns of past violence to trace the causes and consequences of these destructive events. [43] No such traditional truth and reconciliation commission has ever been established in Bangladesh. Discovering the truth is fundamental and the most challenging task in transitional societies. Victims and offenders have different versions of the truth. Still, unearthing factual truth, narrative truth, social truth, and restorative truth help create common ground to understand what happened during the conflict. [44] The political parties in Bangladesh tried to establish the truth according to their way by delegitimizing the opposite. Truth Commissions could be suitable platforms for considering the root causes of conflict or repression and violations of economic, social, and cultural rights. They aim to uncover the truth about past events and mandates to examine gross human rights violations’ causes, consequences, and nature.

10.2. Institutional Reform

By reforming or structuring just and effective public institutions, institutional reform lets post-conflict and transitional governments stop the recurrence of future human rights violations. [45] The secondary objectives are enabling the rule of law, protecting human rights, and establishing peace and security in society.  Removal or refraining from recruiting people responsible for gross violations of human rights in public services, predominantly in the security and justice sectors, is crucial to facilitating this transformation. The removal of such employees shall comply with due process of law and the principle of non-discrimination. Institutional reform should further incorporate comprehensive training programs for public officials and employees on applicable human rights and international humanitarian law standards. The research and academic works should be explored more at the community level. Bangladesh’s government has not taken many initiatives to reform the different security institutions. The human rights law-based training should be conducted more frequently and mandatorily not only for selected cadre services but should extend to all government and non-government officials working in different sectors. It is challenging to remark on the ways to improve the institutional reformation of Bangladesh when 50 years have already passed after the Liberation War of 1971.

10.3. National Consultations

Before 2010, the UN had four pillars to enact and evaluate transitional justice initiatives for a post-conflict society. [46] In 2010, after the “Guideline Note of the Secretary-General: United Nations Approach to Transitional Justice,” the UN incorporated ‘National Consultations’ as the fifth pillar of transitional justice. The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, in 2009, stated that “National Consultations are a form of dynamic and respectful discourse whereby the consulted parties are given the space to express themselves freely, in a secure environment, with a view for shaping or enhancing the design of transitional justice programs.” [47] The meaningful public participation of men and women is the foundation of the National Consultations. Through public involvement, the needs of the communities affected by conflict or repressive rule are revealed, which forms a basis for the States to craft appropriate transitional justice programs.  The consultative process thereby helps victims and other members of civil society to advance a local title of the resulting program. National consultations can also occur during the planning stages of a truth commission or reparations program. The Bangladesh government should facilitate the process of National Consultations by forming discussion forums, rendering legal and technical advice, encouraging participation of victims, minorities, women, and children. Supporting capacity structuring and mobilizing fiscal and material resources should also be facilitated by the Bangladesh government. Sharing views and resources exchange programs with the non-government organization and civil society organizations could be introduced by the Bangladesh government to enrich the capabilities of different government bodies. [48]

11. ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I acknowledge and thank my supervisor, Prof. Laurent Cleenewerck,  and the Advisory Committee members of Euclid University for the immense support and guidance extended to me in completing the thesis successfully from which this article derived.

12. CONCLUSION

The wave of religion in 1947 that divided India and created Pakistan did not stand the test of time. Though religion remained a binding factor, cultural conflict, among many other conflicts within Pakistan, paved the path for the secession of Pakistan and the formation of Bangladesh in December 1971. East Pakistan constantly claimed that West Pakistan was treating it as a colony of Pakistan. Therefore, it had a right to demand outright independence by using force, statehood and sovereignty, and recognition based on self-determination, which is mentioned among the objectives of the UN Charter. India was compelled to intervene in the 1971 War, which decisively shaped and influenced the region’s geopolitics and global order. India maintained just war traditions with no ulterior motive of imperialism or fiscal interest. [49] The majority at the UN were against India and did their best to embarrass the Indian leaders. India’s role in the 1971 War is a classic case of humanitarian intervention where India used the military to protect human rights.  Article 2 (7) of the UN Charter sets out the right of a State to exercise exclusive sovereignty over its domestic affairs. [50] India’s humanitarian intervention goes beyond Article 2 of the UN Charter, which is highly eloquent on non-interference by another State but silent on internal aggression by an autocratic, unfair regime.  The dynamism of conflict in the international system is such that conflict in one country can endanger the peace and safety of the entire region and, by extension, other parts of the world as well. There is, therefore, a need for collective actions by States at the sub-regional, regional, or global level.  The 1971  War has given a new dimension to international law. It is a classic instance of forgotten and unrecognized genocide. The 1971 War thus can be considered as a legitimate option within international law, mainly on account of genocide. Bangladesh was not entirely successful in facilitating initiatives regarding the Right to Truth. It is hard to reconstruct the truth after the passage of decades and decades since the conclusion of the 1971 War. Formation of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions in Bangladesh following similar international structures in other countries would be practical. [51] A combination of all the five pillars of the transitional justice mechanisms proposed by the UN is inevitable in peacebuilding and establishing security in the society of Bangladesh. [52] To this end, the Bangladesh government needs to proactively take steps to incorporate all pillars of the transitional justice mechanisms proposed by the UN in the Bangladesh government policies under the supervision of the Ministry of Liberation War Affairs, Bangladesh.

• Gull, Ayyaz, ‘Charter of Independence: A Critical Study of Mujib’s Six-Point Programme’, 2014, 16.
• Batabyal, Guru Saday, Politico-Military Strategy of the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 , 1st ed. (London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.: Routledge India, 2020), https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429317644.
• Khan, Ruhul Sadik, ‘Significance of March 7 Speech | The Asian Age Online, Bangladesh’, The Asian Age, accessed 14 November 2021, http://dailyasianage.com/news/12791/?regenerate.
• Alam, Rafiul, ‘Significance of Independence Day | The Asian Age Online, Bangladesh’, The Asian Age, accessed 17 November 2021, http://dailyasianage.com/news/14433/?regenerate.
• Sakib Khan, Md Nazmus, ‘The Struggle for Freedom – Birth of a Nation’, OPR (blog), 12 June 2020, http://oxfordpoliticalreview.com/2020/06/12/the-struggle-for-freedom-birth-of-a-nation/.
• ‘Mascarenhas, Anthony, Genocide.Pdf’, accessed 18 November 2021, http://www.cbgr1971.org/files/SundayTime/GenocideAnthonyMascarenhasDocx.pdf.
• Ramesh, Jairam, ‘Behind the Scenes of India’s Response to the East Pakistan Crisis of 1971’, The Wire, accessed 15 November 2021, https://thewire.in/books/indira-gandhi-pn-haksar-east-pakistan-bangladesh.
• Linton, Suzannah, ‘Completing the Circle: Accountability for the Crimes of the 1971 Bangladesh War of Liberation, Criminal Law Forum 21, no. 2 (June 2010): 191–311, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10609-010-9119-8.
• Islam, Rafiqul M, ‘National Trials of International Crimes in Bangladesh: Transitional Justice as Reflected in Judgments | The University Press Limited’, accessed 25 November 2021, http://uplbooks.com/book/national-trials-international-crimes-bangladesh-transitional-justice-reflected-judgments.
• ‘Bangladesh Liberation War’, in Wikipedia , 13 November 2021, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bangladesh_Liberation_War&oldid=1054998580.
• ‘Muktijuddho (Bangladesh Liberation War 1971) – East-West Pakistan – History of Bangladesh’, accessed 17 February 2022, http://www.londoni.co/index.php/23-history-of-bangladesh/1971-muktijuddho/102-muktijuddho-bangladesh-liberation-war-1971-east-west-pakistan-history-of-bangladesh.
• Asadullah, Mohammad Niaz, ‘Economic History of Pakistan: Educational Disparity In East and West Pakistan, 1947–71: Was East Pakistan Discriminated Against?’, Economic History of Pakistan (blog), 31 July 2011, https://economichistoryofpakistan.blogspot.com/2011/07/educational-disparity-in-east-and-west.html.
• Thakur, Tanya, and Chhabra, Ruchira, ‘Pakistan Refugees in India: Partition Stories That Never Faded’, Delhi Post (blog), 28 June 2018, https://delhipostnews.com/4528-2/.
• ‘Accountability and Transitional Justice’, Berkeley Law, accessed 18 November 2021, https://www.law.berkeley.edu/experiential/clinics/international-human-rights-law-clinic/projects-and-cases/accountability-and-transitional-justice/.
• ‘Pakistan: A Political History’, Asia Society, accessed 20 November 2021, https://asiasociety.org/education/pakistan-political-history.
• Nanda, Ved P, ‘A Critique of the United Nations Inaction in the Bangladesh Crisis’, Denver Law Journal 49 (n.d.): 17.
• ‘Voting System | United Nations Security Council’, accessed 14 February 2022, https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/voting-system.
• Batabyal, Guru Saday, ‘Politics in Pakistan and the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971’, n.d., 24.
• Ray, Ashis, ‘1971: When Indira Gandhi Outwitted Nixon’, National Herald, 19 November 2017, https://www.nationalheraldindia.com/opinion/1971-when-indira-gandhi-outwitted-nixon.
• Kidwai, Rasheed, ‘When India Brought Pakistan to Its Knees: How the 1971 War Was Fought and Won’, accessed 20 November 2021, https://www.dailyo.in/politics/pulwama-attack-1971-india-pakistan-war-bangladesh-liberation-abullah-khan-niazi-indira-gandhi/story/1/29564.html.
• Adithya, ‘Relationship between India and Bangladesh, Treaty of Friendship and Peace’, Fully Defence (blog), 29 April 2021, https://fullydefence.com/relationship-between-india-and-bangladesh-treaty-of-friendship-and-peace/.
• Shrivastava, Sanskar, ‘1971 India Pakistan War: Role of Russia, China, America and Britain’, accessed 21 November 2021, http://www.theworldreporter.com/2011/10/1971-india-pakistan-war-role-of-russia.html.
• ‘Situation in the Indian Subcontinent’, accessed 21 November 2021, https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/other/bluebook/1971/1971-1-8.htm.
• Subramaniam, Arjun AVM, ‘Even before 1971 War Started with Pakistan, India Had Won the Battle’, ThePrint (blog), 22 November 2018, https://theprint.in/opinion/even-before-1971-war-started-with-pakistan-india-had-won-the-battle/152975/.
• Raza, Maroof, ‘Pakistan’s Darkest Day’, The Pioneer, accessed 22 November 2021, https://www.dailypioneer.com/2020/columnists/pakistan-s-darkest-day.html.
• Haider, Zaglul, ‘A Revisit to the Indian Role in the Bangladesh Liberation War’, Journal of Asian and African Studies – J ASIAN AFR STUD 44 (28 September 2009): 537–51, https://doi.org/10.1177/0021909609340062.
• Kapoor, Desh, ‘Detailed Story of Pakistan’s Surrender After the 1971 India Pakistan War – Drishtikone’, accessed 22 November 2021, https://drishtikone.com/blog/2006/12/20/how-pakistan-surrendered-1971-india-pakistan-war/.
• ‘Bangladesh Celebrates 50th Victory Day | South Asia Monitor’, accessed 23 November 2021, https://www.southasiamonitor.org/bangladesh/bangladesh-celebrates-50th-victory-day.
• Islam, Rafiqul M, ‘National Trials of International Crimes in Bangladesh: Transitional Justice as Reflected in Judgments | The University Press Limited’.
• Islam, Rafiqul M, Transitional Justice in Bangladesh: Significance, Legacy, and Contribution , National Trials of International Crimes in Bangladesh (Brill Nijhoff, 2019), https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004389380_017.
• Mookherjee, Nayanika, ‘The Raped Woman as a Horrific Sublime and the Bangladesh War of 1971’, accessed 23 January 2022, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1359183515603742.
• Fazi, Muhammad Abdullah et al., ‘Historical Background of the International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh, Unveiling the Truth’, 2018, 6.
• Samad, Abdus, ‘The International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh and International Law’, Criminal Law Forum 27, no. 3 (September 2016): 257–90, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10609-016-9282-7.
• ‘Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal Should Pursue Justice, Not Vengeance’, International Commission of Jurists (blog), 28 February 2013, https://www.icj.org/bangladesh-international-crimes-tribunal-should-pursue-justice-not-vengeance/.
• ‘Bangladesh Cleric Abul Kalam Azad Sentenced to Die for War Crimes – BBC News’, accessed 25 November 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-21118998.
• Habib, Haroon, ‘Bangladesh War Crimes Convict Kamaruzzaman Executed’, The Hindu , 11 April 2015, sec. International, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/execution-of-jamaateislami-leader-muhammad-kamaruzzaman/article7092654.ece.
• ‘Bangladesh Islamist Ghulam Azam Found Guilty of War Crimes’, BBC News , 15 July 2013, sec. Asia, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-23310518.
• ‘Bangladeshi War Criminal Abdul Quader Mollah Executed | News.Com.Au — Australia’s Leading News Site’, accessed 25 November 2021, https://www.news.com.au/world/bangladeshi-war-criminal-abdul-quader-mollah-executed/news-story/098043d950ed891a30669e4b66ee2332.
• Alam, Niloy, and Kallol, Asif Showkat, ‘“Freedom Fighters” Defined for the First Time’, Dhaka Tribune, 8 November 2016, https://archive.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/2016/11/08/freedom-fighters-defined-first.
• ‘Prof. Sakib, Najmus ABM, Victimization During Liberation War 1971 and Transitional Justice – The Case of Bagladesh.Pdf’, n.d.
• ‘Liberation War Museum, Dhaka’, Bangladesh.com, accessed 25 November 2021, https://www.bangladesh.com/attractions/museums/liberation-war-museum/.
• ‘Education and Transitional Justice: Learning Peace’, accessed 23 December 2021, https://documentop.com/education-and-transitional-justice-learning-peace-usaid-eccn_5a9fdcb91723dd6ebef1016f.html.
• ‘TJ – UN Guidance Note.Pdf’, n.d.
• Weitekamp, Elmar GM, and Parmentier, Stephan, ‘Restorative Justice as Healing Justice: Looking Back to the Future of the Concept’, Restorative Justice 4, no. 2 (3 May 2016): 141–47, https://doi.org/10.1080/20504721.2016.1197517.
• Cats-Baril, Amanda, Moving Beyond Transitions to Transformation: Interactions between Transitional Justice and Constitution-Building (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2019), https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2019.39.
• ‘Lambourne, Wendy, What Are the Pillars of Transitional Justice.Pdf’, accessed 26 February 2022, http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/MqLawJl/2014/4.pdf.
• Bayefsky, Anne, ed., ‘Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights’, in The UN Human Rights Treaty System in the 21 Century (Brill | Nijhoff, 2000), 451–58, https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004502758_044.
• Ludwin King, Elizabeth, ‘Big Fish, Small Ponds: International Crimes in National Courts’, 90 Indiana Law Journal 829 (2015) 90, no. 2 (1 April 2015), https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol90/iss2/9.
• Brekke, Bo Christoffer, ‘Humanitarian Intervention and Just War’, n.d., 179.
• United Nations, ‘United Nations Charter (Full Text)’, United Nations (United Nations), accessed 18 February 2022, https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text.
• ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, accessed 18 February 2022, https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/.
• ‘OHCHR_Thematic Paper on Transitional Justice.Pdf’, accessed 18 February 2022, https://www.un.org/peacebuilding/sites/www.un.org.peacebuilding/files/4._ohchr_thematic_paper_on_transitional_justice.pdf.

Publisher Information: The Intergovernmental Research and Policy Journal (IRPJ) is a unique interdisciplinary peer-reviewed and open access Journal. It operates under the authority of the only global and treaty-based intergovernmental university in the world (EUCLID), with other intergovernmental organizations in mind. Currently, there are more than 17,000 universities globally, but less than 15 are multilateral institutions, EUCLID, as IRPJ’s sponsor, is the only global and multi-disciplinary UN-registered treaty-based institution.

IRPJ authors can be assured that their research will be widely visible on account of the trusted Internet visibility of its “.int” domain which virtually guarantees first page results on matching keywords ( .int domains are only assigned by IANA  to vetted treaty-based organizations and are recognized as trusted authorities by search engines). In addition to its “.int” domain, IRPJ is published under an approved  ISSN for intergovernmental organizations  (“international publisher”) status (also used by United Nations, World Bank, European Space Agency, etc.).

IRPJ offers:

• United Nations Treaty reference on your published article (PDF).
• “Efficiency” driven and “author-focused” workflow
• Operates the very novel author-centric metric of “Journal Efficiency Factor”
• Minimal processing fee with the possibility of waiver
• Dedicated editors to work with graduate and doctoral students
• Continuous publication i.e., publication of articles immediately upon acceptance
• The expected time frame from submission to publication is up to 40 calendar days
• Broad thematic categories
• Every published article will receive a DOI from Crossref and is archived by CLOCKSS.

[1] Gull, Ayyaz, ‘Charter of Independence: A Critical Study of Mujib’s Six-Point Programme’, 2014, 16.

[2] Batabyal, Guru Saday, Politico-Military Strategy of the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971 , 1st ed. (London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2021.: Routledge India, 2020), https://doi.org/10.4324/9780429317644.

[3] Khan, Ruhul Sadik, ‘Significance of March 7 Speech | The Asian Age Online, Bangladesh’, The Asian Age, accessed 14 November 2021, http://dailyasianage.com/news/12791/?regenerate.

[4] Alam, Rafiul, ‘Significance of Independence Day | The Asian Age Online, Bangladesh’, The Asian Age, accessed 17 November 2021, http://dailyasianage.com/news/14433/?regenerate.

[5] Sakib Khan, Md Nazmus, ‘The Struggle for Freedom – Birth of a Nation’, OPR (blog), 12 June 2020, http://oxfordpoliticalreview.com/2020/06/12/the-struggle-for-freedom-birth-of-a-nation/.

[6] ‘Mascarenhas, Anthony, Genocide.Pdf’, accessed 18 November 2021, http://www.cbgr1971.org/files/SundayTime/GenocideAnthonyMascarenhasDocx.pdf.

[7] Ramesh, Jairam, ‘Behind the Scenes of India’s Response to the East Pakistan Crisis of 1971’, The Wire, accessed 15 November 2021, https://thewire.in/books/indira-gandhi-pn-haksar-east-pakistan-bangladesh.

[8] Linton, Suzannah, ‘Completing the Circle: Accountability for the Crimes of the 1971 Bangladesh War of Liberation’, Criminal Law Forum 21, no. 2 (June 2010): 191–311, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10609-010-9119-8.

[9] Islam, Rafiqul M, ‘National Trials of International Crimes in Bangladesh: Transitional Justice as Reflected in Judgments | The University Press Limited’, accessed 25 November 2021, http://uplbooks.com/book/national-trials-international-crimes-bangladesh-transitional-justice-reflected-judgments.

[10] ‘Bangladesh Liberation War’, in Wikipedia , 13 November 2021, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bangladesh_Liberation_War&oldid=1054998580.

[11] ‘Muktijuddho (Bangladesh Liberation War 1971) – East West Pakistan – History of Bangladesh’, accessed 17 February 2022, http://www.londoni.co/index.php/23-history-of-bangladesh/1971-muktijuddho/102-muktijuddho-bangladesh-liberation-war-1971-east-west-pakistan-history-of-bangladesh.

[12] Asadullah, Mohammad Niaz, ‘Economic History of Pakistan: Educational Disparity In East and West Pakistan, 1947–71: Was East Pakistan Discriminated Against?’, Economic History of Pakistan (blog), 31 July 2011, https://economichistoryofpakistan.blogspot.com/2011/07/educational-disparity-in-east-and-west.html.

[13] Thakur, Tanya, and Chhabra, Ruchira, ‘Pakistan Refugees in India: Partition Stories That Never Faded’, Delhi Post (blog), 28 June 2018, https://delhipostnews.com/4528-2/.

[14] ‘Accountability and Transitional Justice’, Berkeley Law, accessed 18 November 2021, https://www.law.berkeley.edu/experiential/clinics/international-human-rights-law-clinic/projects-and-cases/accountability-and-transitional-justice/.

[15] ‘Pakistan: A Political History’, Asia Society, accessed 20 November 2021, https://asiasociety.org/education/pakistan-political-history.

[16] Nanda, Ved P, ‘A Critique of the United Nations Inaction in the Bangladesh Crisis’, Denver Law Journal 49 (n.d.): 17.

[17] ‘Voting System | United Nations Security Council’, accessed 14 February 2022, https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/voting-system.

[18] Batabyal, Guru Saday, ‘Politics in Pakistan and the Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971’, n.d., 24.

[19] Ray, Ashis, ‘1971: When Indira Gandhi Outwitted Nixon’, National Herald, 19 November 2017, https://www.nationalheraldindia.com/opinion/1971-when-indira-gandhi-outwitted-nixon.

[20] Kidwai, Rasheed, ‘When India Brought Pakistan to Its Knees: How the 1971 War Was Fought and Won’, accessed 20 November 2021, https://www.dailyo.in/politics/pulwama-attack-1971-india-pakistan-war-bangladesh-liberation-abullah-khan-niazi-indira-gandhi/story/1/29564.html.

[21] Adithya, ‘Relationship between India and Bangladesh, Treaty of Friendship and Peace’, Fully Defence (blog), 29 April 2021, https://fullydefence.com/relationship-between-india-and-bangladesh-treaty-of-friendship-and-peace/.

[22] Shrivastava, Sanskar, ‘1971 India Pakistan War: Role of Russia, China, America and Britain’, accessed 21 November 2021, http://www.theworldreporter.com/2011/10/1971-india-pakistan-war-role-of-russia.html.

[23] ‘Situation in the Indian Subcontinent’, accessed 21 November 2021, https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/other/bluebook/1971/1971-1-8.htm.

[24] Subramaniam, Arjun AVM, ‘Even before 1971 War Started with Pakistan, India Had Won the Battle’, ThePrint (blog), 22 November 2018, https://theprint.in/opinion/even-before-1971-war-started-with-pakistan-india-had-won-the-battle/152975/.

[25] Raza, Maroof, ‘Pakistan’s Darkest Day’, The Pioneer, accessed 22 November 2021, https://www.dailypioneer.com/2020/columnists/pakistan-s-darkest-day.html.

[26] Haider, Zaglul, ‘A Revisit to the Indian Role in the Bangladesh Liberation War’, Journal of Asian and African Studies – J ASIAN AFR STUD 44 (28 September 2009): 537–51, https://doi.org/10.1177/0021909609340062.

[27] Kapoor, Desh, ‘Detailed Story of Pakistan’s Surrender After the 1971 India Pakistan War – Drishtikone’, accessed 22 November 2021, https://drishtikone.com/blog/2006/12/20/how-pakistan-surrendered-1971-india-pakistan-war/.

[28] ‘Bangladesh Celebrates 50th Victory Day | South Asia Monitor’, accessed 23 November 2021, https://www.southasiamonitor.org/bangladesh/bangladesh-celebrates-50th-victory-day.

[29] Islam, Rafiqul M, ‘National Trials of International Crimes in Bangladesh: Transitional Justice as Reflected in Judgments | The University Press Limited’.

[30] Islam, Rafiqul M, Transitional Justice in Bangladesh: Significance, Legacy, and Contribution , National Trials of International Crimes in Bangladesh (Brill Nijhoff, 2019), https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004389380_017.

[31] Mookherjee, Nayanika, ‘The Raped Woman as a Horrific Sublime and the Bangladesh War of 1971’, accessed 23 January 2022, https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1359183515603742.

[32] Fazi, Muhammad Abdullah et al., ‘Historical Background of the International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh, Unveiling the Truth’, 2018, 6.

[33] Samad, Abdus, ‘The International Crimes Tribunal in Bangladesh and International Law’, Criminal Law Forum 27, no. 3 (September 2016): 257–90, https://doi.org/10.1007/s10609-016-9282-7.

[34] ‘Bangladesh International Crimes Tribunal Should Pursue Justice, Not Vengeance’, International Commission of Jurists (blog), 28 February 2013, https://www.icj.org/bangladesh-international-crimes-tribunal-should-pursue-justice-not-vengeance/.

[35] ‘Bangladesh Cleric Abul Kalam Azad Sentenced to Die for War Crimes – BBC News’, accessed 25 November 2021, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-21118998.

[36] Habib, Haroon, ‘Bangladesh War Crimes Convict Kamaruzzaman Executed’, The Hindu , 11 April 2015, sec. International, https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/execution-of-jamaateislami-leader-muhammad-kamaruzzaman/article7092654.ece.

[37] ‘Bangladesh Islamist Ghulam Azam Found Guilty of War Crimes’, BBC News , 15 July 2013, sec. Asia, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-23310518.

[38] ‘Bangladeshi War Criminal Abdul Quader Mollah Executed | News.Com.Au — Australia’s Leading News Site’, accessed 25 November 2021, https://www.news.com.au/world/bangladeshi-war-criminal-abdul-quader-mollah-executed/news-story/098043d950ed891a30669e4b66ee2332.

[39] Alam, Niloy, and Kallol, Asif Showkat, ‘“Freedom Fighters” Defined for the First Time’, Dhaka Tribune, 8 November 2016, https://archive.dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/2016/11/08/freedom-fighters-defined-first.

[40] ‘Prof. Sakib, Najmus ABM, Victimization During Liberation War 1971 and Transitional Justice – The Case of Bagladesh.Pdf’, n.d.

[41] ‘Liberation War Museum, Dhaka’, Bangladesh.com, accessed 25 November 2021, https://www.bangladesh.com/attractions/museums/liberation-war-museum/.

[42] ‘Education and Transitional Justice: Learning Peace’, accessed 23 December 2021, https://documentop.com/education-and-transitional-justice-learning-peace-usaid-eccn_5a9fdcb91723dd6ebef1016f.html.

[43] ‘TJ – UN Guidance Note.Pdf’, n.d.

[44] Weitekamp, Elmar GM, and Parmentier, Stephan, ‘Restorative Justice as Healing Justice: Looking Back to the Future of the Concept’, Restorative Justice 4, no. 2 (3 May 2016): 141–47, https://doi.org/10.1080/20504721.2016.1197517.

[45] Cats-Baril, Amanda, Moving Beyond Transitions to Transformation: Interactions between Transitional Justice and Constitution-Building (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2019), https://doi.org/10.31752/idea.2019.39.

[46] ‘Lambourne, Wendy, What Are the Pillars of Transitional Justice.Pdf’, accessed 26 February 2022, http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/MqLawJl/2014/4.pdf.

[47] Bayefsky, Anne, ed., ‘Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights’, in The UN Human Rights Treaty System in the 21 Century (Brill | Nijhoff, 2000), 451–58, https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004502758_044.

[48] Ludwin King, Elizabeth, ‘Big Fish, Small Ponds: International Crimes in National Courts’, 90 Indiana Law Journal 829 (2015) 90, no. 2 (1 April 2015), https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol90/iss2/9.

[49] Brekke, Bo Christoffer, ‘Humanitarian Intervention and Just War’, n.d., 179.

[50] United Nations, ‘United Nations Charter (Full Text)’, United Nations (United Nations), accessed 18 February 2022, https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text.

[51] ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission’, accessed 18 February 2022, https://www.justice.gov.za/trc/.

[52] ‘OHCHR_Thematic Paper on Transitional Justice.Pdf’, accessed 18 February 2022, https://www.un.org/peacebuilding/sites/www.un.org.peacebuilding/files/4._ohchr_thematic_paper_on_transitional_justice.pdf.

Table of Contents

RECENT ARTICLES:

Comparing Standard Processes for Designing M&E Frameworks with My Over 18 Years of International Development Experience in West Africa: Key Differences, Underlying Causes, and Impact on Program Success

Keywords: Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E), West Africa, Development Projects, Stakeholder Engagement, Program Theory, M&E Frameworks, Resource Constraints, Contextual Adaptability, and Capacity Building. ABSTRACT This paper

Using The Creative Arts for Resolution of Environmental and Climate Change Related Disputes

Using The Creative Arts for Resolution of Environmental and Climate Change-Related Disputes Important: to view this article with the images, please access the PDF at

Announcing the End of Plastic Pollution: Towards a Global Treaty

Note: to view this article with its images/photos please access at https://euclid.egnyte.com/dl/ZeQt9jNOdc Authors: Charalee Graydon, Marta Arbab Charalee Graydon – Assistant Professor, EUCLID (Euclid University)

The Case for Privacy in Diplomatic Negotiations: Lessons from the 1787 Constitutional Convention, the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 1998 Good Friday Accords

ABSTRACT Transparency has come to be the hallmark of liberal democratic government. Inspired by Woodrow Wilson’s “Fourteen Points” Speech, “open contracts, openly arrived at” is

Challenges and Strategies for Improving Hemophilia Care in Refugee Settings: A Comprehensive Examination from Health Systems, Humanitarian, Legal, and Healthcare Innovation Perspectives

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the critical healthcare challenges faced by refugees, particularly the management of chronic conditions like hemophilia, in the context of displacement due

Strengthening Public Sector Health Systems For Global Progress. Are There Lessons To Be Learned From Rwanda?

ABSTRACT One challenge experienced by health systems globally is the management of complex and changing health needs in areas of constrained resources. Building and strengthening

Publisher information: The Intergovernmental Research and Policy Journal (IRPJ) is a unique interdisciplinary peer-reviewed and open access Journal. It operates under the authority of the only global and treaty-based intergovernmental university in the world (EUCLID), with other intergovernmental organizations in mind. Currently, there are more than 17,000 universities globally, but less than 15 are multilateral institutions, EUCLID, as IRPJ’s sponsor, is the only global and multi-disciplinary UN-registered treaty-based institution.

Copyright © 2020 IRPP et al. This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License , which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

The appropriate office and officer will reply within 2 business days. If calling a EUCLID office, make sure to call the correct location based on your profile.

The application review process takes 4-6 business days after receipt of form and file.

EUCLID (Pôle Universitaire Euclide |Euclid University) A treaty-based organization with international liaison and representative offices in: New York, Washington DC, Montpellier (France)

Headquarters: Bangui, Central African Republic Commonwealth / ECOWAS Headquarters: Banjul, The Gambia

Studying with EUCLID

• Ph.D. / Doctorate
• Master's degrees
• Bachelor's degrees
• Habilitation and Post-Doc
• Specialized Certificates

Quick Access

• Tuition and Fees
• Scholarship Programs
• News and Events
• Faculty Profiles

Legal Protection Switzerland

About EUCLID

• Legal Status
• Accreditation
• Offices and HQs
• Annual Reports

The EUCLID Charter in UNTS

IRPJ: A PEER-REVIEWED ACADEMIC JOURNAL SPONSORED BY AN INTERGOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION UNDER UN-PUBLISHED TREATY MANDATE

• DOI: 10.1177/0974928416637921
• Corpus ID: 156198267

Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Narratives, Impacts and the Actors

• Published 6 May 2016
• Political Science, History
• India Quarterly

13 Citations

Youth’s perception on the spirit and achievement of the 1971 liberation war of bangladesh: a qualitativestudy, subverting war narrative in the purview of gender justice: analysing bishkanta (2015): a liberation war documentary from bangladesh, genocidal violence, nation-building, and the bloody birth of bangladesh, ‘cartographies of struggle’: remapping the plight of bengali women in/after the 1971 war in kamila shamsie’s kartography, the politics of cultural memory ad culinary nationalism: revisiting the bangladesh liberation war through nadeem zaman’s in the time of the others, genocide in the liberation war of bangladesh and its characteristics: a case study on gopalpur genocide, the conflicts between the secular and the religious in tahmima anam’s the good muslim, the conflict of illegal migrants and transit between india and bangladesh, mangled homes, tangled homeland: religion and gender in tanvir mokammel’s chitra nadir pare, “fight, die, and if required kill”: hindu nationalism, misinformation, and islamophobia in india.

• Highly Influenced

29 References

War and secession: pakistan, india, and the creation of bangladesh, dynamics of pakistan’s disintegration: the case of east pakistan 1947–1971, the struggle for pakistan: a muslim homeland and global politics, islamist militancy in bangladesh : a complex web, losing the victims: problems of using women as weapons in recounting the bangladesh war, refugees and borders in south asia: the great exodus of 1971, militarism and women in south asia, the bangladesh reader: history, culture, politics, a history of bangladesh, imagined communities : reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism pdf, related papers.

Showing 1 through 3 of 0 Related Papers

My Experience of the 1971 War for Freedom for Bangladesh

This article by network member Urmi Rahman is based on the paper she presented at the International Conference on Bangladesh: Revisiting Freedom and Independence organised by the Department of Comparative Literature, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, on 30 and 31 March, 2023. More than 100 people attended Urmi Rahman’s session, including former Member of Parliament Professor Malini Bhattacharya, and members of the Bengal chapter of the Network of Women in Media, India.

By Urmi Rahman

I am very proud and fortunate to have been a witness to the war for freedom for Bangladesh. I am one of the millions of people who have their personal stories about the war. This is my story.

We were then living in the coastal town of Khulna. My father was the Forest Manager of Khulna Newsprint Mill. I was doing my BA Honours in Bengali Literature. My sister, Tandra (Tonu), was just in kindergarten school. My youngest sister, Shoma, was born later. Khulna is a pleasant, peaceful town, culturally very rich. The Mill colony was located at the junction of two rivers – Bhairab and Rupsa. It was a nice colony with a park, swimmimg pool, club house, etc. A high wall separated the residential bungalows from the rivers. Behind that wall was the Naval Base.

In those days not every household used to have television sets; radio was more popular. Our club house had a TV and we used to go there to watch the news. The Awami League, a mainly East Pakistan based political party, had won the last election with a decisive majority, but the administration was not prepared to hand over rule to them. In protest against this, on 7 March 1971, the leader of the Awami League, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, launched a non-cooperation movement. The whole of what was then East Pakistan joined in that movement. Some paramilitary forces, known as the East Pakistan Rifles, also took part in the non-cooperation movement. However, soon they had to go into hiding at a secret camp in order to take shelter against the Pakistani Army.

Some of the ladies from our colony, including my mother, started sending cooked food to the camp. They had to do it secretly, hiding their activities from the West Pakistani officers who were posted in the Mill and lived in the colony. These officers were supportive of the Martial Law Regime imposed by General Yahiya Khan. We were very disappointed by the stand taken by these officers.

Dhaka TV was telecasting patriotic songs and news during the non-cooperation movement. Suddenly one day the telecast was off the air. Later we came to know about the terrible genocide that had taken place in Dhaka on 25 March 1971. Later, on 27 March, the Pakistani Army reached other towns and areas in the country, including Khulna.

They tried to attack the Khulna Newsprint Mill Colony. When they reached the Junior Colony they faced some resistance from the officers and staff. These people tried to resist that attack with whatever they had with them, and some of them were killed. An officer we used to call Alam Chacha was stabbed to death with a bayonet.

That day the Army left without doing much more harm, but the Newsprint Mill Colony was later attacked again by a group of miscreants. The group consisted of Biharis who had a big settlement outside the gate of the mill. They obviously supported the government of Pakistan. I am not saying that all the people in that settlement were hooligans, but some of them were and they raided and attacked our colony. Most of us had gathered at the General Manager’s Bungalow, which was on the bank of the river Bhairab. The group killed a number of people in the colony. Someone later told us that when he ventured to visit the scene where the killings had taken place after the hooligans had left, he saw a one-year-old baby lying on its mother’s blood-soaked, dead body and crying. It made us very sad.

For many days after this the officers and the rest of us did not dare to stay in the Newsprint Mills Colony. We left the mill and took shelter at the home of my father’s friend, whom we used to call Putul Mama. He lived in Khulna city and was the General Manager of the Pakistan Match Factory. Many of the other mill officers also left the colony and took shelter in the houses of friends or relatives. But such respite was short-lived.

The Khulna Newsprint Mill was Pakistan’s only newsprint factory – so the authorities were keen to keep it open. They went to Khulna city in search of all the officers and brought them back to the Mill along with their families. We all came back to our colony. After a few days, my father told us that, if the situation became worse, he might have to run away and hide somewhere. That would be easier for him to do if he was alone, without the rest of us to think about. So he decided to leave us with his elder brother.

We were to travel by river on a steamer service called `Rocket’. There was another reason for doing that. One of my classmates, Manju, was with us. After doing her Higher Secondary she had joined the famous Brojolal College to study towards an Honours in Chemistry. Her father had been transferred to Barisal and my parents had invited her to stay with us. During that crisis period my mother was more worried about her safety than about ourselves. Since Barisal was on the route of our steamer, we could drop her off there. So we took the steamer and dropped Manju at her father’s place in Barisal; she left us in tears. We carried on with our journey and finally reached Dhaka, the capital city of East Pakistan.

My Chacha-Chachi and cousins were very happy and relieved to see us. When we reached Chacha’s house, we came to know that the youngest two among Chacha-Chachi’s seven children (they were twin boys) had left home, leaving behind a small note saying that they were going to join the Liberation Army as freedom fighters. We were naturally very worried for them; at the same time we also felt very proud.

Chacha’s eldest daughter, Nina, and her husband, Mahmud, were both doctors; so was another daughter, Rini. They spent most of their time at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital, where they worked with the other doctors looking after many wounded victims of the Pakistan Army. At home, Chacha’s youngest daughter, Piu, six months older than me, and I were very depressed that we were not doing anything to be helpful.

One of my school friends, Miru, who was also a distant relative, lived nearby. We were allowed to visit their house. She was also depressed like us. Then, one day, she told us that if we were interested we could translate some leaflets from English into Bengali and her brother, Shaukat, could secretly send them across the border from inside East Pakistan. We were quite happy to do something.

At that time we were doing some embroidery to kill time. We used to go to Miru’s house taking a file full of designs for embroidery, hiding the leaflets among the designs. But one day I was almost caught. I was alone, returning from Miru’s house in a rickshaw, hiding a leaflet among my designs for embroidery. To return from their house, we had to pass Peel Khana. That day, I saw that para-military forces were checking all the vehicles – cars and rickshaws. I panicked; all my blood seemed to turn into water. I could not think of any way out. But when my turn came, the para-military soldier took one look at me and, for some reason, asked the rickshawala to carry on, showing no interest in me. I don’t know why he let me go. Maybe he had a sister of my age, or maybe he was a Bengali and forced against his will to work with the Pakistani military regime. But I thanked my luck and that unknown soldier.

However, that work was not enough for us and we were still depressed. Then came a family friend and my Chachi’s colleague, Dr Shafiullah – Shafi Mama to us – along with an intellectual and writer, Dr Borhanuddin Khan Jahangir. They asked us if we wanted to do some work for the Muktijuddha – Liberation War. We were very happy to say yes.

They asked us to do several things. First, we collected money and clothes for the freedom fighters, whom we called Muktijoddha. We only went to the houses of people we knew were supporters of the Muktijuddha. Then, one day, Shafi Mama and Dr Jahangir asked us to drop off a letter to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). When the India-Pakistan war broke out in December, they asked us to go to Sadar Ghat, on the banks of the river Buri Ganga, to check how many bunkers and trenches had been dug there. It was quite risky work. We were fairly young and Sadar Ghat was quite far from our home. We told our parents that we were going to Miru’s house and took a rickshaw to go to Sadar Ghat. Luckily we were able to finish counting the bunkers and trenches without raising anyone’s suspicions and returned home safely.

My Chacha’s second son was an exceptional person: kind-hearted and popular with friends. His name was Tubul; we called him Tubby. He had some contact with the guerilla freedom fighters. They occasionally came to the city to carry out some operation or other and had to stay somewhere. They could not stay with their families as there was constant surveillance on them. So they stayed whereever they could – like the house of a friend with whom they could not be readily connected. My Chacha’s house was one such shelter for them.

This particular group was named Crack Platoon. Some of their operations involved discouraging students who were still attending schools and colleges. They blasted bombs in educational institutions and in the vicinity of high-end hotels and guest houses, like the Hotel Intercontinental where foreign journalists usually stayed. We were very happy to do something for them, although we knew that it was risky business. We frequently cooked for them. One day one of them had tears in his eyes. He told us that they had forgotten that the colour of rice was white. The rice in their camp was mixed with soil and grit – so its colour was like dirt. Hearing that made us very sad; it also made us think that our twin brothers who were engaged in fighting for our country must be filling their bellies with dirty food.

Our eldest sister, Nina, and her husband, Mahmud, decided to cross the border. Some of Mahmud Dulabhali’s (brother-in-law’s) friends had started field hospitals on the other side of the border, and they wanted to join those serving there. Our parents decided that Piu and I should also go with them because it would be much safer than staying in the besieged city. We were ready to go with Nina and Dulabhai. Arrangements were made.

In the meantime, some guerilla fighters were captured by the Pakistan Army. And one among them must have given the army the address of our house while undergoing torture. One day before our departure, the Pakistan Army turned up at our house and searched the whole place. My Chachi’s father, Tamijuddin Khan, used to be the Speaker of the Pakistan Assembly at one point. There was a photo of him with US president John F. Kennedy in our drawing room. One of the Pakistani soldiers asked how that photo came to be there. Our brother, Tubby, told them that he was their Nana (maternal grandfather). The soldier commented that he could not understand how a relative of such a ‘Shariff’ (noble) person could be a ‘Gaddar’ (traitor) like this. They could not find anything incriminating in our house – yet they took Tubby away with them.

We had to give up the plan to leave the country. We were very upset. One day later, around dawn – 5am or so, the phone rang. It was the Officer in Charge of the Ramna Police Station. He told Chachi, “If you want to see your son, then come now, but you will have to leave before 7am, when they will be taken to MP Hostel.’ Later we came to know that those taken into custody were subjected to interrogation and torture. My mother and Chachi hurriedly took whatever cooked food there was in the house and went to see Tubby. Ma and Chachi went to meet him with some food every day, over several days.

Finally, Tubby was released. Our elder brother and sisters had tried in various ways to persuade influential people that Tubby was innocent. Maybe he was released because he happened to be Tamijuddin Khan’s grandson. When he returned home, he never took off his shirt in front of us. But one day, when he was about to go for a shower and took off his shirt unconsciously, we saw signs of torture all over his back. “I never changed my statement,” he told us with a half-smile. “I knew that if I did they would think I know more.”

Then, in December, war broke out between India and Pakistan. Before and during that time the Pakistani Army indiscriminately dropped bombs on people’s houses. Some of our relatives came to Chacha’s house for shelter. During the war there were frequent cockfights in the sky between Indian and Pakistani aircraft. We used to run up to the rooftop at all hours to watch the manoeuvres. The elders used to get very angry and always ordered us to come down. Of course, they were actually scared that we could be hit by stray bullets.

When the Indian Army finally called upon the Pakistani Army to lay down arms, the order was announced from the sky, from helicopters. Ultimately Pakistan had no choice but to surrender. It was on 16 December 1971 that Dhaka and the rest of East Pakistan became independent. The Pakistani Army was asked to surrender their weapons to the Indian and Bangladeshi Armies. The event was organised on the Race Course Ground.

Even on that occasion the Pakistani Army threatened to fire at the crowds, mostly Bengalis, standing on the sides of the streets and cheering. So while our elder brothers and male members of our immediate and extended families went to witness the surrender, we girls were not allowed to go out. We decided to use our time to prepare some posters to hang in different places in Dhaka the next day. But we did not have any paper or colours. Finally we used old newspapers and ‘Alta’ (lac-dye, which Bengali women use to anoint the soles of their feet).

That night we were too excited to go to bed. Quite late at night, we heard the sound of a jeep at the gate, followed by banging sounds. At first we were a little scared because, over the past nine months, we had become habituated to being badly startled by such sounds coming without warning. On 16 December we heard a similar sound again. At first we tried to ignore it but, since it was persistent, we had to open the gate.

To our delight, we found the Guerilla Muktijoddhas who had taken shelter in our house during operations in Dhaka city outside the compound. They were dressed in lungis, jubilantly waving firearms. Their faces split into broad smiles as they told us that they were just outside the city when the surrender was announced. They decided to come to our house to pay their respects to our family and thank Chachi for taking motherly care of them. All of them were animated and kept on talking. They asked Chachi for food, saying they were hungry. We did not have anything at home. So we decided to wake up our local shop keeper. He could only provide some biscuits and fluffed rice (‘murree’). The freedom fighters were happy with that.

The next day we told the elders that we were going out to join the Victory Day celebrations. Miru also came and joined us. First we went to the Language Martyrs Memorial or Shaheed Minar to put up posters. While we were doing that, two or three persons approached us and asked if they could interview us. We asked for their identity, and a very handsome person told us they were from All India Radio (AIR). I politely asked for his name because, during the previous nine months, we had become fans of some of the AIR broadcasters. He told us he was a journalist and his name was Chanchal Sircar. I felt very excited as I used to listen to his radio talk, called ‘Amar Mote’(In my opinion), with my father. Chanchalda interviewed us and, from that moment onwards, as long as he was alive, I enjoyed his affection.

After that we went to a few other places. Everywhere people had gathered to celebrate the victory. The crowds were full of joyous excitement but also very disciplined. They moved out of our way and made room for us to proceed. They kept telling each other, ‘Move away, our sisters have come.’ Some more freedom fighters entered the city and joined these gatherings. We greeted each other, spoke to them. Everyone was jubilant, happy and excited.

This is my personal account. What I was able to do during the freedom struggle was a drop in the ocean. But, overall, the women of Bangladesh made a huge and remarkable contribution to the war of independence. Some worked as guerilla fighters, some nursed the wounded or sick people, including the Muktijodhhas (freedom fighters). Some carried messages from one place to another. They hid weapons, they gave shelter to the guerilla workers. Groups of men and women went to different camps and refugee shelters to entertain people there by singing patriotic songs. Women were very active in every aspect of the struggle for independence. Many became Shaheed (martyrs), many others lost their near and dear ones.

Women political leaders went to different refugee camps and recruited female volunteers. One of these women freedom fighters was Shirin Banu Mitil, who joined the war face to face disguised as a man. Kakon Bibi was a freedom fighter who also worked as a secret agent during the liberation war. Apart from them, Ira Kar, Gita Kar, Laila Parveen Banu and 36 others also joined the liberation movement. Since there was a shortage of weapons, some of them worked in field hospitals and others joined the forces in different capacities.

Sufia Kamal was a writer, feminist leader and political activist who took part in Bengali nationalist movements even in 1950s. At one point she was the president of the biggest women’s group in the country, Bangladesh Mohila Parishad. Her two daughters, Sultana Kamal and Saeeda Kamal, left the country during the liberation struggle and joined the Mukti Bahini (guerilla resistance force). They worked in a field hospital set up by Bangladeshi doctors on the other side of the border. Dr Sitara Begum, Taramon Bibi, Rounak Mohal Dilruba Begum, Ferdousi Priyabhashini and Rokeya Begum also participated in the liberation movement.

Three of these women – Sitara Begum, Taramon Bibi and Kakon Bibi – received one of the highest national awards, Bir Protik, for their contributions to the war for freedom. However, all of them remain immortal in the annals of the glorious liberation war that led to the birth of Bangladesh as a nation.

Urmi Rahman is a journalist and author now based in Kolkata. After working for 12 years with a number of Bangladeshi newspapers/journals and the Bangladesh Press Institute, she joined the BBC World Service in London in 1985 as a producer-broadcaster. Urmi has a number of publications to her credit, both fiction and non-fiction. She is a member of the Bengal Chapter of the NWMI.

Read: NWMI Bengal meet with Bangladeshi journalist Urmi Rahman – NWM India

NWMI expresses solidarity with WCC

Nwmi demands time-bound inquiry into abuse by hrrfj awardee, nwmi runs a series of popular workshops for better election reporting, make it right: nwmi’s guidelines for safe newsrooms.

The Pandemic through NWMI Fellow Akhila Easwaran’s Lens

The Emergency: Writing Back to the Future

© 2024 Network of Women in Media, India (NWMI).

Original articles may be reproduced for non-commercial purposes with due credit to nwmindia.org

Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.

To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser .

Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link.

• We're Hiring!
• Help Center

Bangladesh Liberation War, 1971

Related Papers

Arif Murad Talukdar

Moonis Ahmar

Iffat Tasnim Pinky

From the beginning of the creation of Pakistan there had been controversies of language. In 1947, that controversy took a permanent place. In 1948, Dhirendranath Dattas' demand of using Bangla language beside English and Urdu was rejected. On 19th March, Muhammad Ali Jinnah proposed to write Bangla with Arabic alphabets and that made people of West Bengal angry. The movements in those times were the first movement against the Pakistani rulers. At that time people realized the importance of their own development by focusing on their mother tongue. In 1952s' Language Movement people erupted in protests. For violating section 144 on 21 February people were shot by police. Barkat, Jabber, Rafiq, Salam, Shafiur were killed. Those massacres made a big reaction in the minds of Bengalis. This movement made the people of the country aware of their rights, unity and freedom. They realized that they need to develop politics, economy, education, culture with their own identity as Bengali. This unity of identity later played a role in the establishment of the state of Bangladesh.

Bangla is the one and only language in the world for which many people have sacrificed their lives. There might be some different nations or countries that have demanded for or requested acknowledgment of their language; however Bangla is the only language for which peoples have made the most astounding sacrifice. For this reason in 1999, UNESCO declared 21 February as International Mother Language Day. The significance of the Movement lies in the way that it was this Language Movement which given socio-politico-psychological premise on which resulting development for territorial self-governance developed in the then East Pakistan driving at last to the rise of the different sovereign nationhood of Bangladesh in 1971.

M Shahriar Sonet

CSE1 NOTREDAME

kamran akber

South Asian Studies

Zarina Qasim

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.

RELATED PAPERS

Mostak Ahmed

European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS)

Journal of Asiatic Society for Social Science Research

Swarni Swarni

Maryam Mastoor

Syed Nouman A L I Shah

Muhammad Usman

Dr. G H U L A M MUSTAFA

Md Rafiqul Islam

Asifa Qasim

Shamim Ahmed Nice

History Workshop Journal

Natasha Velko

Sanchita Bhattacharya, Ph.D.

Md Toriqul Islam

Saleh Ahmed Kha Sahil

Language and Politics in Pakistan by Tariq Rahman

Dr. Tariq Rahman

Xuhaib Afzal

Rizwan Ullah Kokab

m waseem noonari

Zulfiqar Shah

David S Cohen

Ghulam Mustafa

Tariq Rahman

SARDAR MONSUR AHMAD

Yasmin Saikia

•   We're Hiring!
•   Help Center
• Find new research papers in:
• Health Sciences
• Earth Sciences
• Cognitive Science
• Mathematics
• Computer Science
• Academia ©2024