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EAIFO - Eastern Association of Intercollegiate Football Officials

A leader and innovator in college football officiating since 1945, 2022 ncaa championships, 2022 ncaa division iii championship  – 93.

2022 NCAA D3 1st Round – Suny Cortland (28) at Randolph-Macon (35) – Tom Work, Tom Reaves, Mark McCarter, Stuart Hindman, Clement Vacelot, Steve Borchard, Tom Jackson

2022 NCAA D3 1st Round – UMASS Dartmouth (20) at Ithaca (63) – Ed Dubish, Jim Silva, Russell Gordon, Jay Johnson, Ray Petit, Derek Scacchi, Richard Martinez

2022 NCAA D3 Semifinal – Wartburg (31) at Mount Union (34) – Tom Work, Stephen Borchard, Thomas Reaves, Stuart Hindman, Mark McCarter, Thomas Jackson, Clement Vacelet

2022 NCAA D3 Finals – Mount Union (21) Vs North Central, ILL (28) – Dylan Hill, Nick Tomidy, Mike Grigas, Dave Hergert, Paul Knapp, Rob Guyton, Tim Britton, Dave Fox

2022 NCAA Division II Championship  – 94

2022 NCAA D2 2nd Round – Slippery Rock (27) at Shepherd (37) – Matthew Maille, Matt Williams, Adam Scott, Josh Tobon, Steve Cadorette, Craig Carew, R. Kyle Snow, Scott Banks

2022 NCAA Division I (FCS) Championship – 95 & 98

2022 NCAA FCS 2nd Round – Montana (26) at North Dakota St (49) – Matt Smyth, Chris Keel, Anthony Maynor, Matt Overton, Jonathan Kirk, Ron Roberts, Greg Mota, Lance Ulrich

2022 NCAA FCS 2nd Round – S.E. Louisiana (42) at Samford University (48) – Jim Downey, Jr., Bryant Ferguson, Ray Pittman, Chris Grogan, Jeremy DeAngulo, Peter News, William Moran, William McKeever

2022 NCAA FCS Semifinal – Montana St (18) at S Dakota St (39) – Mike Sechrist, Anthony Maynor, Matt Smyth, Lance Ulrich, Gregory Mota, Matt Overton, Ron Roberts, Jonathan Kirk, Chris Keel, Tim Schoen

2022 Conference Championships – 96.pages

2022 ncaa college football conference championships, 2022-23 ncaa college football bowl schedule, 2022-23 ncaa bowl officiating assignments, 2022-23 ncaa bowl officiating assignments.pages, 2021-22 ncaa bowl officiating assignments .pages, 2022 nfl wild card playoffs jan 14-16 2023.

Super Bowl 57 officiating crew: These are the officials for Kansas City Chiefs vs. Philadelphia Eagles

One of the more underrated aspects that influence the way Super Bowls are played is the crew that is selected to officiate them.

The NFL announced that veteran Carl Cheffers and his crew will oversee play for Super Bowl 57 between the Kansas City Chiefs and the Philadelphia Eagles.

This will mark the third time in the past six Super Bowls – including two of the last three – that Cheffers, who is the vice president of the NFL Referees Association, will be the referee of the NFL's final game of the season. Cheffers, 62, came into the league as a side judge in 2000; he was promoted to referee in 2008.

Kickoff is scheduled for 6:30 p.m. ET on Sunday, Feb. 12 from State Farm Stadium in Glendale, Arizona.

Here's everything you need to know about the officials for Super Bowl 57.

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Who are the Super Bowl 57 officials?

Referee : Carl Cheffers

Umpire : Roy Ellison

Down Judge : Jerod Phillips

Line Judge : Jeff Bergman

Field Judge : John Jenkins

Side Judge : Eugene Hall

Back Judge : Dino Paganelli

Replay Official : Mark Butterworth

Which of the Super Bowl 57 officials have Super Bowl experience?

Five of the eight officials have Super Bowl experience: Cheffers (Super Bowl 55, 52); Ellison (53, 42); Bergman (53, 31); Hall (55, 53) and Paganelli (54, 47). Together, they have a combined decade of Super Bowl experience.

This will be Cheffers' second time officiating a Super Bowl in a game in which Patrick Mahomes and the Chiefs are playing. The first was Super Bowl 55, when the Tampa Bay Buccaneers topped Kansas City, 31-9 .

How does the NFL choose officials for the playoffs?

The NFL determines postseason assignments based on a grading system used to evaluate officials' performance every week. The best-graded officials will then be assigned to work playoff games. Officials are on year-to-year contracts and for those who are not up to par, it could mean remediation, a demotion or being asked not to come back the next season. 

How frequently does Cheffers' crew throw flags?

Per NFLpenalties.com , Cheffers' crew worked 17 games this season (including a divisional round playoff game between the Cincinnati Bengals and Buffalo Bills) and threw 214 penalty flags (26 declined, four offsetting) which averages to be 12.6 flags thrown. That mark was most for all officiating crews during the 2022 season. In fact, Cheffers' crew also led the NFL last season in flags thrown per game, with 13.9.

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Super Bowl referee returns: 49ers and Chiefs will have same official they had in Super Bowl LIV

This veteran ref will be officiating the nfl's biggest game for the third time.

The officiating assignments for Super Bowl LVIII have officially been handed out, and the NFL will be going with veteran Bill Vinovich to serve as referee. 

This will mark the third time Vinovich has been the referee for a Super Bowl. In a twist, Vinovich was also the referee the last time the Kansas City Chiefs and San Francisco 49ers played in the Super Bowl back in February 2020. Vinovich's crew did a solid job during the game, which the Chiefs won, 31-20. There were a total of nine penalties called in Super Bowl LIV, with five going against the 49ers (for 45 yards) and four going against the Chiefs (for 24 yards). 

The most controversial play of that game was an offensive pass interference against George Kittle that negated a 42-yard gain just before halftime. 

The receiver extends his arm and creates separation while the ball is in the air, therefore it is offensive pass interference. – AL #SBLIV pic.twitter.com/hxAvggDqhS — NFL Officiating (@NFLOfficiating) February 3, 2020

You can read more about the officiating from the game here . 

The Chiefs-49ers game was Vinovich's second stint as a Super Bowl ref. His first one came in Super Bowl XLIX, when the Patriots beat the Seahawks , 28-24, in a game that wasn't sealed until Russell Wilson threw an interception at the goal line in the final 30 seconds. 

If you're wondering how the 49ers and Chiefs have fared with Vinovich, here's a look at their record with him over the past five years ( stats via Pro Football Reference ).

• 49ers:  2-4 (0-1 in 2023)
• Chiefs:  5-2 (0-0 in 2023)

This is the second time this season that Vinovich has seen the 49ers. The veteran official was the referee when San Francisco lost to Baltimore, 33-19, back on Christmas Day. As for the Chiefs, they didn't have Vinovich as a ref for a single game this year. 

Vinovich has already worked one postseason game this season, and that came in the divisional round when he served as the referee in the Lions ' 31-23 win over the Buccaneers .

The 63-year-old Vinovich just finished up his 18th season as an NFL official with 15 of those coming as a referee. Vinovich has actually been an official since 2001, but he had to take a few years off starting in 2007 after experiencing a serious heart condition . 

According to the NFL, the rest of Vinovich's crew for the game will be umpire Terry Killens, down judge Patrick Holt, field judge Tom Hill, line judge Mark Perlman, side judge Allen Baynes and back judge Brad Freeman. Mike Chase will serve as the replay official. 

This will be the fourth Super Bowl for Perlman and Hill, who also worked with Vinovich in Super Bowl XLIX. On the other hand, Killens, Holt, Baynes and Freeman will be officiating in the Super Bowl for the first time. 

Super Bowl LVIII will be kicking off from Allegiant in Las Vegas on Feb. 11 in a game that will be televised on CBS and streamed on  Paramount+ .

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V. I. Lenin

The tasks of the working women’s movement in the soviet republic, speech delivered at the fourth moscow city conference of non-party working women, september 23, 1919.

Delivered: 23 September, 1919 First Published: Pravda No. 213, September 25, 1919 ; Published according to the text of the pamphlet, V. I. Lenin, Speech at the Working Women’s Congress, Moscow, 1919, verified with the Pravda text Source: Lenin’s Collected Works , 4th English Edition, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1965, Volume 30, pages 40-46 Translated: George Hanna Transcription/HTML Markup: David Walters & Robert Cymbala Copyleft: V. I. Lenin Internet Archive (www.marx.org) 2002. Permission is granted to copy and/or distribute this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License

Comrades, it gives me pleasure to greet a conference of working women. I will allow myself to pass over those subjects and questions that, of course, at the moment are the cause of the greatest concern to every working woman and to every politically-conscious individual from among the working people; these are the most urgent questions—that of bread and that of the war situation. I know from the newspaper reports of your meetings that these questions have been dealt with exhaustively by Comrade Trotsky as far as war questions are concerned and by Comrades Yakovleva and Svidersky as far as the bread question is concerned; please, therefore, allow me to pass over those questions.

I should like to say a few words about the general tasks facing the working women’s movement in the Soviet Republic, those that are, in general, connected with the transition to socialism, and those that are of particular urgency at the present time. Comrades, the question of the position of women was raised by Soviet power from the very beginning. It seems to me that any workers’ state in the course of transition to socialism is laced with a double task. The first part of that task is relatively simple and easy. It concerns those old laws that kept women in a position of inequality as compared to men.

Participants in all emancipation movements in Western Europe have long since, not for decades but for centuries, put forward the demand that obsolete laws be annulled and women and men be made equal by law, but none of the democratic European states, none of the most advanced republics have succeeded in putting it into effect, because wherever there is capitalism, wherever there is private property in land and factories, wherever the power of capital is preserved, the men retain their privileges. It was possible to put it into effect in Russia only because the power of the workers has been established here since October 25, 1917. From its very inception Soviet power set out to be the power of the working people, hostile to all forms of exploitation. It set itself the task of doing away with the possibility of the exploitation of the working people by the landowners and capitalists, of doing away with the rule of capital. Soviet power has been trying to make it possible for the working people to organise their lives without private property in land, without privately-owned factories, without that private property that everywhere, throughout the world, even where there is complete political liberty, even in the most democratic republics, keeps the working people in a state of what is actually poverty and wage-slavery, and women in a state of double slavery.

Soviet power, the power of the working people, in the first months of its existence effected a very definite revolution in legislation that concerns women. Nothing whatever is left in the Soviet Republic of those laws that put women in a subordinate position. I am speaking specifically of those laws that took advantage of the weaker position of women and put them in a position of inequality and often, even, in a humiliating position, i.e., the laws on divorce and on children born out of wedlock and on the right of a woman to summon the father of a child for maintenance.

It is particularly in this sphere that bourgeois legislation, even, it must be said, in the most advanced countries, takes advantage of the weaker position of women to humiliate them and give them a status of inequality. It is particularly in this sphere that Soviet power has left nothing whatever of the old, unjust laws that were intolerable for working people. We may now say proudly and without any exaggeration that apart from Soviet Russia there is not a country in the world where women enjoy full equality and where women are not placed in the humiliating position felt particularly in day-to-day family life. This was one of our first and most important tasks.

If you have occasion to come into contact with parties that are hostile to the Bolsheviks, if there should come into your hands newspapers published in Russian in the regions occupied by Koichak or Denikin, or if you happen to talk to people who share the views of those newspapers, you may often hear from them the accusation that Soviet power has violated democracy.

We, the representatives of Soviet power, Bolshevik Communists and supporters of Soviet power are often accused of violating democracy and proof of this is given by citing the fact that Soviet power dispersed the Constituent Assembly. We usually answer this accusation as follows; that democracy and that Constituent Assembly which came into being when private property still existed on earth, when there was no equality between people, when the one who possessed his own capital was the boss and the others worked for him and were his wage-slaves-that was a democracy on which we place no value. Such democracy concealed slavery even in the most advanced countries. We socialists are supporters of democracy only insofar as it eases the position of the working and oppressed people. Throughout the world socialism has set itself the task of combating every kind of exploitation of man by man. That democracy has real value for us winch serves the exploited, the underprivileged. If those who do not work are disfranchised that would be real equality between people. Those who do not work should not eat.

In reply to these accusations we say that the question must be presented in this way—how is democracy implemented in various countries? We see that equality is proclaimed in all democratic republics but in the civil laws and in laws on the rights of women—those that concern their position in the family and divorce—we see inequality and the humiliation of women at every step, and we say that this is a violation of democracy specifically in respect of the oppressed. Soviet power has implemented democracy to a greater degree than any of the other, most advanced countries because it has not left in its laws any trace of the inequality of women. Again I say that no other state and no other legislation has ever done for women a half of what Soviet power did in the first months of its existence.

Laws alone, of course, are not enough, and we are by no means content with mere decrees. In the sphere of legislation, however, we have done everything required of us to put women in a position of equality and we have every right to be proud of it. The position of women in Soviet Russia is now ideal as compared with their position in the most advanced states. We tell ourselves, however, that this is, of course, only the beginning.

Owing to her work in the house, the woman is still in a difficult position. To effect her complete emancipation and make her the equal of the man it is necessary for the national economy to be socialised and for women to participate in common productive labour. Then women will occupy the same position as men.

Here we are not, of course, speaking of making women the equal of men as far as productivity of labour, the quantity of labour, the length of the working day, labour conditions, etc., are concerned; we mean that the woman should not, unlike the man, be oppressed because of her position in the family. You all know that even when women have full rights, they still remain factually downtrodden because all housework is left to them. In most cases housework is the most unproductive, the most barbarous and the most arduous work a woman can do. It is exceptionally petty and does not include anything that would in any way promote the development of the woman.

In pursuance of the socialist ideal we want to struggle for the full implementation of socialism, and here an extensive field of labour opens up before women. We are now making serious preparations to clear the ground for the building of socialism, but the building of socialism will begin only when we have achieved the complete equality of women and when we undertake the new work together with women who have been ’emancipated from that petty, stultifying, unproductive work. This is a job that will take us many, many years.

This work cannot show any rapid results and will not produce a scintillating effect.

We are setting up model institutions, dining-rooms and nurseries, that will emancipate women from housework. And the work of organising all these institutions will fall mainly to women. It has to be admitted that in Russia today there are very few institutions that would help woman out of her state of household slavery. There is an insignificant number of them, and the conditions now obtaining in the Soviet Republic—the war and food situation about which comrades have already given you the details—hinder us in this work. Still, it must be said that these institutions that liberate women from their position as household slaves are springing up wherever it is in any way possible.

We say that the emancipation of the workers must be effected by the workers themselves, and in exactly the same way the emancipation of working women is a matter for the working women themselves. The working women must themselves see to it that such institutions are developed, and this activity will bring about a complete change in their position as compared with what it was under the old, capitalist society.

In order to be active in politics under the old, capitalist regime special training was required, so that women played an insignificant part in politics, even in the most advanced and free capitalist countries. Our task is to make politics available to every working woman. Ever since private property in laud and factories has been abolished and the power of the landowners and capitalists overthrown, the tasks of politics have become simple, clear and comprehensible to the working people as a whole, including working women. In capitalist society the woman’s position is marked by such inequality that the extent of her participation in politics is only an insignificant fraction of that of the man. The power of the working people is necessary for a change to be wrought in this situation, for then the main tasks of politics will consist of matters directly affecting the fate of the working people themselves.

Here, too, the participation of working women is essential —not only of party members and politically-conscious women, but also of the non-party women and those who are least politically conscious. Here Soviet power opens up a wide field of activity to working women.

We have had a difficult time in the struggle against the forces hostile to Soviet Russia that have attacked her. It was difficult for us to fight on the battlefield against the forces who went to war against the power of the working people and in the field of food supplies against the profiteers, because of the too small number of people, working people, who came whole-heartedly to our aid with their own labour. Here, too, there is nothing Soviet power can appreciate as much as the help given by masses of non-party working women. They may know that in the old, bourgeois society, perhaps, a comprehensive training was necessary for participation in politics and that this was not available to women. The political activity of the Soviet Republic is mainly the struggle against the landowners and capitalists, the struggle for the elimination of exploitation; political activity, therefore, is made available to the working woman in the Soviet Republic and it will consist in the working woman using her organisational ability to help the working man.

What we need is not only organisational work on a scale involving millions; we need organisational work on the smallest scale and this makes it possible for women to work as well. Women can work under war conditions when it is a question of helping the army or carrying on agitation in the army. Women should take an active part in all this so that the Red Army sees that it is being looked after, that solicitude is being displayed. Women can also work in the sphere of food distribution, on the improvement of public catering and everywhere opening dining-rooms like those that are so numerous in Petrograd.

It is in these fields that the activities of working women acquire the greatest organisational significance. The participation of working women is also essential in the organisation and running of big experimental farms and should not take place only in isolated cases. This i5 something that cannot be carried out without the participation of a large number of working women. Working women will be very useful in this field in supervising the distribution of food and in making food products more easily obtainable. This work can well be done by non-party working women and its accomplishment will do more than anything else to strengthen socialist society.

We have abolished private property in land and almost completely abolished the private ownership of factories; Soviet power is now trying to ensure that all working people, non-party as well as Party members, women as well as men, should take part in this economic development. The work that Soviet power has begun can only make progress when, instead of a few hundreds, millions and millions of women throughout Russia take part in it. We are sure that the cause of socialist development will then become sound. Then the working people will show that they can live and run their country without the aid of the landowners and capitalists. Then socialist construction will be so soundly based in Russia that no external enemies in other countries and none inside Russia will be any danger to the Soviet Republic.

Collected Works Volume 30 Collected Works Table of Contents Lenin Works Archive

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Le Corbusier’s triumphant return to Moscow

The exhibition of French prominent architect Le Corbusier, held in The Pushkin Museum, brings together the different facets of his talent. Source: ITAR-TASS / Stanislav Krasilnikov

The largest Le Corbusier exhibition in a quarter of a century celebrates the modernist architect’s life and his connection with the city.

Given his affinity with Moscow, it is perhaps surprising that the city had never hosted a major examination of Le Corbusier’s work until now. However, the Pushkin Museum and the Le Corbusier Fund have redressed that discrepancy with the comprehensive exhibition “Secrets of Creation: Between Art and Architecture,” which runs until November 18.

Presenting over 400 exhibits, the exhibition charts Le Corbusier’s development from the young man eagerly sketching buildings on a trip around Europe, to his later years as a prolific and influential architect.

The exhibition brings together the different facets of his talent, showing his publications, artwork and furniture design alongside photographs, models and blueprints of his buildings.

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Irina Antonova, director of the Pushkin Museum, said, “It was important for us to also exhibit his art. People know Le Corbusier the architect, but what is less well know is that he was also an artist. Seeing his art and architecture together gives us an insight into his mind and his thought-processes.”

What becomes obvious to visitors of the exhibition is that Le Corbusier was a man driven by a single-minded vision of how form and lines should interact, a vision he was able to express across multiple genres.

The upper wings of the Pushkin Museum are separated by the central stairs and two long balconies. The organizers have exploited this space, allowing comparison of Le Corbusier’s different art forms. On one side there are large paintings in the Purist style he adapted from Cubism, while on the other wall there are panoramic photographs of his famous buildings.

Le Corbusier was a theorist, producing many pamphlets and manifestos which outlined his view that rigorous urban planning could make society more productive and raise the average standard of living.

It was his affinity with constructivism, and its accompanying vision of the way architecture could shape society, which drew him to visit the Soviet Union, where, as he saw it, there existed a “nation that is being organized in accordance with its new spirit.”

The exhibition’s curator Jean-Louis Cohen explains that Le Corbusier saw Moscow as “somewhere he could experiment.” Indeed, when the architect was commissioned to construct the famous Tsentrosoyuz Building, he responded by producing a plan for the entire city, based on his concept of geometric symmetry.

Falling foul of the political climate

He had misread the Soviet appetite for experimentation, and as Cohen relates in his book Le Corbusier, 1887-1965, drew stinging attacks from the likes of El Lissitsky, who called his design “a city on paper, extraneous to living nature, located in a desert through which not even a river must be allowed to pass (since a curve would contradict the style).”

Not to be deterred, Le Corbusier returned to Moscow in 1932 and entered the famous Palace of the Soviets competition, a skyscraper that was planned to be the tallest building in the world.

This time he fell foul of the changing political climate, as Stalin’s growing suspicion of the avant-garde led to the endorsement of neo-classical designs for the construction, which was ultimately never built due to the Second World War.

Situated opposite the proposed site for the Palace of the Soviets, the exhibition offers a tantalizing vision of what might have been, presenting scale models alongside Le Corbusier’s plans, and generating the feeling of an un-built masterpiece.

Despite Le Corbusier’s fluctuating fortunes in Soviet society, there was one architect who never wavered in his support . Constructivist luminary Alexander Vesnin declared that the Tsentrosoyuz building was the "the best building to arise in Moscow for over a century.”

The exhibition sheds light on their professional and personal relationship, showing sketches and letters they exchanged. In a radical break from the abstract nature of most of Le Corbusier’s art, this corner of the exhibition highlights the sometimes volatile architect’s softer side, as shown through nude sketches and classical still-life paintings he sent to Vesnin.

“He was a complex person” says Cohen. “It’s important to show his difficult elements; his connections with the USSR, with Mussolini. Now that relations between Russia and the West have improved, we can examine this. At the moment there is a new season in Le Corbusier interpretation.” To this end, the exhibition includes articles that have never previously been published in Russia, as well as Le Corbusier’s own literature.

Completing Le Corbusier’s triumphant return to Russia is a preview of a forthcoming statue, to be erected outside the Tsentrosoyuz building. Even if she couldn’t quite accept his vision of a planned city, Moscow is certainly welcoming him back.

All rights reserved by Rossiyskaya Gazeta.

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