speech community

A Definition of Speech Community in Sociolinguistics

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• An Introduction to Punctuation
• Ph.D., Rhetoric and English, University of Georgia
• M.A., Modern English and American Literature, University of Leicester
• B.A., English, State University of New York

Speech community is a term in sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology used to describe a group of people who share the same language,  speech  characteristics, and ways of interpreting communication. Speech communities may be large regions like an urban area with a common, distinct accent (think of Boston with its dropped r's) or small units like families and friends (think of a nickname for a sibling). They help people define themselves as individuals and community members and identify (or misidentify) others.

Speech and Identity

The concept of speech as a means of identifying with a community first emerged in 1960s academia alongside other new fields of research like ethnic and gender studies. Linguists like John Gumperz pioneered research in how personal interaction can influence ways of speaking and interpreting, while Noam Chomsky studied how people interpret language and derive meaning from what they see and hear.

Types of Communities

Speech communities can be large or small, although linguists don't agree on how they're defined. Some, like linguist Muriel Saville-Troike, argue that it's logical to assume that a shared language like English, which is spoken throughout the world, is a speech community. But she differentiates between "hard-shelled" communities, which tend to be insular and intimate, like a family or religious sect, and "soft-shelled" communities where there is a lot of interaction.

But other linguists say a common language is too vague to be considered a true speech community. The linguistic anthropologist Zdenek Salzmann describes it this way:

"[P]eople who speak the same language are not always members of the same speech community. On the one hand, speakers of South Asian English in India and Pakistan share a language with citizens of the U.S., but the respective varieties of English and the rules for speaking them are sufficiently distinct to assign the two populations to different speech communities..."

Instead, Salzman and others say, speech communities should be more narrowly defined based on characteristics such as pronunciation, grammar, vocabulary, and manner of speaking.

Study and Research

The concept of speech community plays a role in a number of social science, namely sociology, anthropology, linguists, even psychology. People who study issues of migration and ethnic identity use social community theory to study things like how immigrants assimilate into larger societies, for instance. Academics who focus on racial, ethnic, sexual​ or gender issues apply social community theory when they study issues of personal identity and politics. It also plays a role in data collection. By being aware of how communities are defined, researchers can adjust their subject pools in order to obtain representative sample populations.

• Morgan, Marcyliena H. "What Are Speech Communities?" Cambridge University Press, 2014.
• Salzmann, Zdenek. "Language, Culture, and Society: An Introduction to Linguistic Anthropology." Westview, 2004
• Saville-Troike, Muriel. "The Ethnography of Communication: An Introduction, 3rd ed." Blackwell, 2003.
• Diglossia in Sociolinguistics
• Understanding Dialectology
• Descriptivism in Language
• The Difference Between a Speech and Discourse Community
• Definition and Examples of Linguistic Prestige
• The Meaning of Linguistic Imperialism and How It Can Affect Society
• Definition and Examples of Anti-Language
• What Is Dialect Prejudice?
• What Is Language Standardization?
• Language and Gender Studies
• Social Dialect or Sociolect Definition and Examples
• Discourse Domain
• Phatic Communication Definition and Examples
• Style-shifting (language)
• Definition and Examples of Rhotic and Non-Rhotic Speech
• What Is a Pidgin?

• DOI: 10.1002/9780470756591.CH23
• Corpus ID: 6506101

The speech community

• Peter L. Patrick
• Published 21 January 2008
• Linguistics, Sociology

469 Citations

Methodological nationalism in linguistics, the linguistic ideologies of deep abusive language classification, ‘taking up speech’ in an endangered language: bilingual discourse in a heritage language classroom : lef seminar discussion and comments, order in the creole speech community, coded communities: organizing boundless diversity, dialect convergence in german speech islands, language socialization, authenticity in language ideology, small corpora and pragmatics, a small speech community with many small languages: the role of receptive multilingualism in supporting linguistic diversity at warruwi community (australia), 91 references, the creole continuum and the notion of the community as locus of language, language in society: an introduction to sociolinguistics, modeling the speech community: configuration and variable types in the mexican spanish setting, vernacular language loyalty and social network, the sociolinguistics of language, a student's dictionary of language and linguistics, phonological change and the development of an urban dialect in illinois, discourse strategies: socio-cultural knowledge in conversational inference, language: an introduction to the study of speech, an introduction to sociolinguistics, related papers.

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speech community

Definition of speech community

Examples of speech community in a sentence.

These examples are programmatically compiled from various online sources to illustrate current usage of the word 'speech community.' Any opinions expressed in the examples do not represent those of Merriam-Webster or its editors. Send us feedback about these examples.

Word History

1894, in the meaning defined above

Dictionary Entries Near speech community

speechcraft

Cite this Entry

“Speech community.” Merriam-Webster.com Dictionary , Merriam-Webster, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/speech%20community. Accessed 30 Aug. 2024.

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Literary English

Speech Communities in Sociolinguistics | Linguistics

In the vast realm of sociolinguistics, one captivating concept that stands out is “Speech Communities.” These communities form the basis of human language interactions, shaping the way we communicate and connect with one another. In this article, we will delve into the intriguing world of speech communities, exploring their definitions, intersections, and the concept of a community of practice.

What are Speech Communities?

A speech community refers to a group of people who share a common language or dialect and use it to communicate with one another regularly. It is essential to note that speech communities are not solely defined by geographical boundaries but can transcend physical distances through shared linguistic characteristics. In the social context, we expect certain individuals to exhibit linguistic behaviors similar to others, signifying that they may use the same language, dialect, or variety, and thus belong to the same speech community.

The term “speech community” originates from the German Sprachgemeinschaft. Another way to define it is as a group of people who share linguistic norms and expectations concerning language usage. However, there are some ambiguities surrounding this term, and its precise definition remains a topic of debate in scholarly literature.

When defining speech communities, certain aspects are often emphasized, including shared community membership and shared linguistic communication. As sociolinguistics examines language use within or among groups of speakers, the notion of a “group” becomes crucial. Defining a group can be challenging, so instead, we can consider its characteristics:

• A group must consist of at least two members, with no upper limit.
• People can come together in groups for various reasons, such as social, religious, political, cultural, familial, vocational, or avocational purposes.
• Groups may extend beyond their members as individuals can join or leave.
• Group members might also belong to other groups, and they may or may not have face-to-face interactions.
• The organization of a group can be either tight or loose.

Lyons (1970) provides a definition of a ‘real’ speech community as “all the people who use a given language (or dialect).” However, this definition raises questions about how to define a language or dialect, making it synonymous with the definition of a speech community. Thus, a speech community is essentially a social group with distinct speech characteristics that are of interest and can be described coherently.

Definitions of Speech Communities

Throughout the history of sociolinguistics, several distinguished linguists have offered their perspectives on speech communities:

•   Bloomfield (1933) offers a definition of a speech community as “a group of people who communicate through speech.”
• Charles Hockett, a prominent linguist, defined a speech community as a group of people who share a set of rules for communication. These rules encompass both verbal and non-verbal elements, enabling effective understanding and interaction within the community.
• Gumperz (1971) describes a speech community as “any gathering of individuals who regularly and frequently interact using a common set of spoken symbols, and they are distinguished from similar gatherings by notable differences in language usage”.
• William Labov, another influential figure in the field, emphasized the role of social factors in defining speech communities. According to Labov, members of a speech community not only share linguistic features but also adhere to specific norms and attitudes towards language usage.
• As stated by Patrick (2002), the category of group that sociolinguists have typically endeavored to investigate is referred to as the speech community.
• Dell Hymes introduced the concept of “communicative competence” as a defining characteristic of speech communities. This notion emphasizes the ability of community members to understand and produce language appropriately within various social contexts.

Intersecting Communities

Speech communities often intersect, leading to intriguing linguistic phenomena. In areas where multiple speech communities coexist, language contact can result in dialectal variations, code-switching, and language borrowing.

1. Multilingual Communities

In regions with diverse language groups, multilingual communities emerge. These communities foster a rich linguistic environment, where individuals might be proficient in multiple languages and engage in code-switching effortlessly.

2. Urban vs. Rural Communities

Urban centers, characterized by greater diversity and mobility, often house a variety of speech communities. On the other hand, rural areas might have more homogeneous speech communities with distinct linguistic features.

6.3 Language, Community, and Culture

Learning outcomes.

By the end of this section, you will be able to:

• Explain the role of culture in the acquisition of language.
• Describe how language can form the foundation of sociocultural groups in speech communities.
• Describe how people code-switch among speech communities.

While language is critical to individual human thought, its basic function is to communicate messages in human communities. That is, language is fundamentally social. Through social interaction, humans learn the language of their community. And through language, humans express community identity and coordinate their activities.

Language Acquisition and Language Socialization

Imagine that someone handed you a babbling baby and said to you, “Teach this baby the basic rules and values of our culture.” What would you do?

Likely, you’d start by teaching the baby your language. Without language, it’s pretty hard to teach rules and values (unless you are a really good mime). Luckily, babies come into the world with special cognitive abilities that make them ready to learn language. Most babies undergo a rapid process of language learning between the ages of nine months and three years. Babies proceed through a set of stages that allow them to learn language just by being exposed to surrounding talk. Many scholars study the problem of language acquisition , examining precisely how humans manage to learn language in a diversity of sociocultural contexts.

So your babbling baby would probably learn language just by being exposed to it. But what if someone wanted to hasten the process or make sure their baby was particularly excellent with language?

An American would probably interact with the baby in a particular way, sitting the baby on their lap facing them, pointing to objects and asking basic questions in a quiz-like fashion. “See the cookie? Where did the cookie go? In my tummy!” The person might say these types of things while talking in a high-pitched, sing-song voice. Linguists call this type of talk “motherese.” In many other cultures, caregivers do not interact with babies in this way. In some cultures, oversimplified “baby talk” is considered detrimental to language learning. The context of language learning might involve a whole host of characters beyond the baby and the caregiver, encompassing all household relatives, neighbors, visitors, and even strangers. Language is not always “taught” to babies, but is often witnessed and overheard. Rather than quizzing her baby American style, a mother in Kaluli society in Papua New Guinea is more likely to sit her baby on her lap facing outward, talking “for” the baby in conversations with siblings (Ochs and Schieffelin [1984] 2001). In West Africa, babies spend large parts of the day wrapped on the backs of their mothers where face-to-face interaction with her is impossible. But they overhear the talk around them all day long, and people frequently engage their attention in brief interactions. In the field of language socialization , researchers go beyond the various stages of language learning to focus on the social contexts in which language is acquired. As social contexts shape the way children learn language, language itself becomes a means of learning about sociocultural life.

Whether facing their caregivers or facing out to the social world around them, babies in all cultures learn to be proficient in their languages. And yet, in American culture, the notion persists that language proficiency relies on very precise forms of interaction between caregiver and baby, the American model of motherese. Every culture has specific ideas about language, how it is acquired, how it varies across social groups, how it changes over time, etc. These ideas are termed language ideologies . Some of these ideas, like the notion that babies have a special “window” of opportunity for learning language, are supported by linguistic research. Others, however, are challenged by ethnographic and cross-cultural research.

Speech Communities and Code Switching

A ten-year-old girl described one of her stuffed animals as “derpy.” Here is a snippet of her conversation with her mother:

Thisbe: Look at his face. He’s so derpy. Jennifer: Derpy? I don’t know that word. What does it mean? Thisbe: Like, kind of stupid. Kind of dumb. Jennifer: Oh, ok. Like Clover [our dog], when she fell off the couch. Was that derpy? Thisbe: No, that’s not derpy! It’s like ... Mom, I just can’t explain it to you. You just have to know.

All speakers of a particular language form a hypothetical community, sharing a common grammar and vocabulary, as well as a set of understandings about how language is used in different situations. Within this large group are smaller groups of speakers who use the common language in special ways unique to that group. Anthropologists use the term speech community to describe such a group (Muehlmann 2014). Speech communities often have distinctive vocabularies, grammatical forms, and intonation patterns. Using these features appropriately, members of the speech community demonstrate their membership in the group.

The concept of speech community was originally used to describe the distribution of dialects in a language. A dialect is a form of language specific to a particular region. For instance, in the Philadelphia metropolitan area, it’s common for local people to pronounce the word “water” as “woohder,” as if it nearly rhymes with the word “order.” It’s also common to use the phrase “yooz” for the second-person plural (as in, “Yooz better drink some woohder!”). Linguists William Labov , Sharon Ash , and Charles Boberg famously mapped out these dialectical differences in different regions of the United States (2006). Over time, a dialect can accumulate such unique linguistic features that it develops into a separate language. Indeed, the distinction between a well-developed dialect and a language is largely political. Nation-states may downplay regional differences as mere dialects in order to maintain linguistic unity, while separatist political movements may champion their way of speaking as an entirely different language in order to justify their demands for independence.

Other researchers have focused on the speech communities of ethnic groups and immigrants. Researchers use the term vernacular to describe dialects that are not necessarily regional but associated with specific social categories, such as groups based on ethnicity, age, or gender. Anthropological research on African American Vernacular English (AAE), Chicano English, and Native American English have all shown how these vernaculars shape distinctive forms of storytelling, arguing, and criticism (Chun and Lo 2015). Rather than seeing ethnic vernaculars as “incorrect” forms of English, researchers demonstrate how vernaculars like AAE are highly structured linguistic systems with regular grammatical patterns and innovative vocabularies (Labov 1972a). In formal settings like American classrooms and courtrooms, these alternative ways of using English are too often stigmatized as lazy, unintelligent, or just plain wrong. Believing their own English to be the “correct” form, authority figures often forbid the use of alternative vernaculars of English and refuse to engage in any effort to understand those forms.

More recent research on vernaculars has explored how speakers maneuver among the styles of language they encounter in their daily lives, engaging in various languages, dialects, vernaculars, and other elements of style. We all use a variety of linguistic styles, and many speak more than one language. Addressing different audiences, U.S. President Barack Obama used linguistic strategies to “Whiten,” “Blacken,” “Americanize,” and “Christianize” his public identity, thus subverting racial stereotypes and indicating his membership in a diversity of communities (Alim and Smitherman 2012). In parts of the world that were previously colonized by Europeans, European languages have been maintained as the formal language of government and education even as most people speak local languages in their everyday interactions with kin, neighbors, merchants, and other community members. In these postcolonial contexts, people tack back and forth between various styles of their local languages as well as shifting between the local language and the European one. Such strategic maneuvering among linguistic styles, called code-switching , is done by people in many difference contexts.

For many people, the style of language spoken in elite settings such as schools and government institutions has the effect of disempowering and marginalizing them. Linguistic anthropologists examine how vernaculars associated with elite and professional groups become a means of in-group solidarity and out-group exclusion. Anthropologist and lawyer Elizabeth Mertz (2007) conducted participant observation in first-year classes at several American law schools, looking at how law students are taught to “think like a lawyer.” Using a version of the Socratic method, law professors teach their students to set aside the moral and emotional elements of cases to view them purely as texts subject to abstract, professional analysis. The ability to master the linguistic maneuvering and arcane vocabulary of this form of analysis becomes a prerequisite for becoming a lawyer. The American justice system is thus dominated by people who are trained to set aside humanistic concerns in favor of textual authority and manipulation. Mertz’s study shows how people are socialized by language throughout their lives, not just in childhood. And it alerts us to the way that language can be used to elevate the learned perspectives of elites, dismissing the moral and emotional perspectives of others.

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At Bridge Speech Therapy, we are committed to helping children bridge the gap between speech, language, and literacy skills in their most convenient setting. We know that every child is unique, and it is our mission to identify strengths, address communication challenges, and work alongside parents and teachers to attain meaningful goals.

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61.08.01 Free Speech and Peaceful Assembly Procedure

Time, Place, and Manner

The following administrative procedure applies to all individuals on college property, including, but not limited to, students, employees, college groups, community groups and individuals, and commercial organizations, unless expressly noted otherwise.

College premises cannot be used for unauthorized events. Request to reserve space must be submitted pursuant to College Property and Facilities Policy - 70.01 and the associated administrative procedures. Unauthorized use of college buildings and grounds by employees, students, or visitors is prohibited. Individuals on the campus between the hours of midnight and 7:00 a.m., other than workers on shift during those times, must notify the public safety office of their presence and failure to do so may result in issuance of a trespass notice.

Demonstrations and/or rallies shall not block stairways, walkways, entrances and exits from buildings, or roadways, or otherwise restrict free movement on college property. If a counter demonstration occurs, the college’s public safety office, in coordination with college leadership and local law enforcement authorities, may establish a buffer zone between the groups.

The college recognizes that it is possible that demonstrations and rallies may occur spontaneously. Nevertheless, demonstrations and/or rallies shall not take place inside college buildings without at least three days explicit prior written authorization by the college president or designee.

Materials shall not be posted on college structures, including, but not limited to, windows, doors, trees, refuse containers, utility poles, fountains, benches, walls, fences, or vehicles. Materials that are posted improperly, and/or materially disrupt or interfere with the normal activities of the college will be removed promptly by college facilities staff.

If the college president, or designee, determines that a demonstration involves unlawful or disruptive activities or is otherwise interfering with the educational and operational functions of the college, the college president, or designee, shall make an effort, if possible, to end such activities by speaking directly to those demonstrators who are engaging in the activities and requesting that such activities cease. If unlawful or disruptive activities continue, participants shall be informed that local authorities will be notified. The president, or designee, is authorized to notify local authorities immediately in situations where there is a reasonable belief that injury to individuals or material damage to college property is imminent.

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Jack dorsey backs bitcoin and nostr to cut censorship with free speech.

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WASHINGTON, DC - SEPTEMBER 5: Twitter chief executive officer Jack Dorsey testifies during a House ... [+] Committee on Energy and Commerce hearing about Twitter's transparency and accountability, on Capitol Hill, September 5, 2018 in Washington, DC. Earlier in the day, Dorsey faced questions from the Senate Intelligence Committee about how foreign operatives use their platforms in attempts to influence and manipulate public opinion. (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

With increasing restrictions on digital freedoms worldwide, events like Nostriga and Baltic Honeybadger are becoming important arenas for the future of free speech and privacy.

The recent arrest of Telegram CEO Pavel Durov and the enforcement of the EU’s Digital Services Act show the growing global trend towards censorship and control. As governments and platforms impose new restrictions, peer-to-peer networks and open-source solutions, like those discussed at these conferences, offer a path forward in preserving our digital rights.

These developments reflect a rising wave of control over digital liberties and information. From China’s 'Great Firewall,' which restricts internet access, to Russia’s crackdown on independent media and Turkey’s suppression of social media, the pattern is clear.

Even in Western democracies, interdiction is on the rise, with incidents in the UK where individuals have been jailed for posting 'insulting material' on social media. This global crackdown shows the need for decentralized protocols to protect against excessive regulation.

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At Nostriga, Jack Dorsey spoke of Nostr’s role as a protocol dedicated to free speech, a vision he supported by funding the event without commercial sponsors or speakers. “Nostr is censorship resistant,” Dorsey stated, expressing regret that Twitter couldn’t have been an open-source project.

The importance of these peer-to-peer frameworks is revealed by the fact that 72% of the world’s population now lives under some sort of authoritarianism , with this trend even creeping into Western democracies. In the UK, individuals have recently been jailed for posting ‘insulting material’ on Facebook, demonstrating the growing tension between free expression and state control. On the main stage, Preston Pysh warned, “Governments are trying to step in and censor information, and it’s going to get worse.”

Privacy and censorship resistance were key themes at Nostriga, represented by protocols like Henhouse.social . Led by MK Fain, who faced cancellation in 2019 for sharing her experiences as a woman online, Henhouse.social uses Nostr's decentralized structure to provide women with a safe space to connect and collaborate without fear of restriction. The design ensures that content removed from one relay remains accessible through others.

Nostr uses "relays," like servers that pass along messages. If one relay blocks or censors your message, another can still share it. Relays are akin to different branches of a postal service, where if one refuses to deliver a message, another can step in. This system makes it difficult for any single entity to control or stop communication.

Recent developments in major social media platforms further demonstrate the importance of decentralized networks. In a recent letter, Mark Zuckerberg announced that Meta would be scaling back its content censorship policies, acknowledging the growing concerns and the role of social media in public discourse.

This follows revelations from the ' Twitter Files ,' which exposed how Twitter had previously collaborated with government agencies to suppress certain information, sparking a widespread debate about the boundaries of suppression of information and the responsibility of tech giants. These examples underline the need for protocols like Nostr that are designed to resist such external pressures and protect the integrity of digital communication.

As discussions at Nostriga and Baltic Honeybadger focused on defending digital rights, innovators like Ben Arc demonstrated how creative, open-source tools can support these efforts. During workshops, Ben demonstrated how his LNBits extension, Diagon Alley, influenced Nostr’s development . Known for his creative approach, Ben has made complex technology more accessible and engaging, using quirky methods like triggering bubble machines and electric shocks to send "sats"—small units of bitcoin—on the Lightning Network.

The Open Source Activism panel discussed the importance of open-source tools in protecting against authoritarian governments. Lyudmyla Kozlovska, who has faced persecution for helping activists, stressed, “If you don’t defend it, you will lose it,” reinforcing the role of open-source technology.

On the Cypherpunk stage, Max Hillebrand reminded the audience, "Privacy is not just a right; it's a responsibility we must actively protect." The panels and talks also addressed the need for decentralized financial systems like bitcoin. In one talk about Libertarianism, Friedrich A. Hayek’s words, ironically quoted in 1984, resonated deeply with the audience:

“I don’t believe we shall ever have good money again before we take it out of the hands of government; that is, we can’t take it violently out of the hands of government; all we can do is by some sly roundabout way to introduce something they can’t stop.”

This quote captured the belief that decentralized systems are important for a financial framework free from government control. Bitcoin is considered "sound money" because it is resistant to interference and immune to government-imposed inflation—qualities that align with Hayek's vision of money independent of state influence.

The intersection of AI and privacy was another important topic at Baltic Honeybadger. Discussions on federated learning discussed the importance of developing AI models that protect user data while enabling technological advancement.

As the world edges towards unprecedented digital surveillance and control, the importance of decentralized networks like Nostr and bitcoin becomes clear. The discussions at Nostriga and Baltic Honeybadger cannot be overstated. These events are not just gatherings—they are the frontline in the battle to preserve our most fundamental rights in the digital age. The technologies and ideas born from these conferences offer more than hope; they represent a blueprint for resisting the tide of digital authoritarianism.

In a future where privacy and free speech face growing threats, decentralized systems like these will serve as bastions for safeguarding our freedoms, ensuring that the rights to speak, connect, and think freely are preserved.

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