kashmir issue essay with outlines and quotations

Essay on Kashmir Issue with Outline and Quotations

This post contains an Essay on Kashmir Issue with Outline and Quotations for the students of Class 10, Class 12, FSc, B.A, BSc, Graduation, and others. The same essay could be written under the title Essay on Kashmir Issue or Few Lines about Kashmir. There are many other important essays for different Classes are available here as well. Click here for more Essays. Kashmir Conflict is between India and Pakistan. Now, this issue is a current affair nowadays and this Essay on Kashmir Problem is very important for exams. Here are 2 essay examples the first one is with outline and quotes and the second one is simple and easy.

Kashmir Issue Essay with Outline and Quotes for Students

A bone of contention.
The right of self-determination.
The inexpressible miseries of the Kashmiris.
India is projecting the struggle as “Muslim Fundamentalism.”
UNO should play an active role.

“Liberty will not descend to a people; It is a blessing that must be earned Before it can be enjoyed.”

Kashmir is a bone of contention between Pakistan and India. The Kashmir issue is the biggest hindrance in the normalization of relations between Pakistan and India. The two countries have fought two full-fledged wars over this issue. In view of its geopolitical significance, India desired to acquire Kashmir when the partition of the sub-continent became inevitable circumstances when the Kashmiri Muslims revolted against the evil designs of India.

“True independence and freedom can only exist in doing what’s right.” (Brigham Young)

Pakistan is of the view that only the people of Kashmir have a right to determine the future of Kashmir. The UN resolutions of August 13, 1948, and January 5, 1949, which were accepted both by India and Pakistan provided for the holding a plebiscite under the UN auspices to settle the Kashmir issue.

02. Essay on Kashmir Issue and its Solution

Kashmir Dispute / Problem / Issue and Its solution

Kashmir was once said to be a heaven on the earth. But at present, the situation is totally different and the circumstances are worst. In Occupied Kashmir, raping of the Muslim girls and women by the armed forces of Hindustan has become common. The Muslim men and women, and boys and girls are being persecuted to death into the torture cells by the Indian army soldiers.

The innocent Kashmiri Muslims are being killed mercilessly on a large scale. In fact, the Valley of Occupied Kashmir has become a slaughter-house of the Kashmiri Muslims. At present, occupied Kashmir is presenting a terrible spectacle.

The U.N.O. passed two resolutions in 1948 and 1949, which were accepted both by Pakistan and Hindustan, for the holding of a plebiscite under the supervision of U.N.O. to settle the Kashmir issue forever. These two resolutions are still hanging fire.

The Western countries are playing the most condemnable role regarding the Kashmir issue. The politicians of these countries seem to be worried about the pollution, caused by smoke and noise, but it is a matter of great regret that they are not paying any attention to the pollution caused by the blood of the innocent Muslims of occupied Kashmir.

The Hindustan Government has so far used all the possible tools to crush the freedom movement of the Kashmiri Muslims in their own homeland. The rulers of Hindustan have so far failed to understand the real problem. They are trying to deal with the freedom-movement of the Kashmir’s as terrorism against Hindustan.

In fact, the freedom-movement of the Kashmiri’s is the expression of the entire community of Kashmir. The students, the traders, the house-wives, the farmers and the politicians are all one in this freedom-movement. The daily killing of innocent Kashmiris has not demoralized them. It has rather given them a new courage, a new zeal, and new confidence to fight for their rights of self-determination.

The Law enforcing Agencies of Hindustan has crippled countless Muslims in the occupied Kashmir. It appears as if Hindustan will never be prepared to recognize the right of self-determination of the Kashmiris as the rulers of Hindustan are not ready to negotiate and solve the Kashmir Issue under Simla Agreement and U.N.O resolutions.

To conclude, the international community must pressurize Hindustan to accept the justified demand of the Kashmiris. It must impose economic restrictions on Hindustan. It must also use force under U.N.O. The time has now come when U.N.O must play an effective role to solve the Kashmir issue as it has played in Iraq-Kuwait case, otherwise, it can lose its vitality as peace-keeping and peace-making organization in the world.

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One comment.

June 6, 2023 at 6:14 am

It’s very informative Thank you ☺️

Essay on Kashmir Issue with Outline and Quotations

kashmir issue essay with outlines and quotations

January 2, 2024

Kainat Shakeel

The conflict in the region of Kashmir, positioned in the northern part of the Indian key, has been ongoing for a long time and is relatively complex, which has attracted worldwide attention. To completely understand the Kashmir issue, one must claw into its historical origins, the Line of Control that separates the region, and the intricate network of transnational involvement.

Historical Background

The partition of British India in 1947 is where the Kashmir issue finds its roots. The state of Jammu and Kashmir, which was ruled by a Hindu monarch, became a subject of disagreement due to its Muslim-maturity population. The monarch’s decision to join India caused a territorial conflict, which remains undetermined at indeed moment.

The dispute over Kashmir is more than just a territorial disagreement; it is a fatal calamity that has impacted the existence of millions for decades. – (Malala Yousafzai)

The line of control.

The Line of Control( LoC) is a pivotal aspect of the Kashmir issue, performing as the unofficial boundary between India and Pakistan. It was established in the fate of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 to define the areas of control, but it has not adequately addressed the underpinning issues, resulting in ongoing pressure in the region.

International Involvement

The issue of Kashmir has extended beyond the boundaries of India and Pakistan, as several international players, including the United Nations, have made sweats to step by and resolve the matter. Given the involvement of global powers, the formerly complex geopolitical situation has become indeed more intricate.

Root Causes of the Conflict

Upon further investigation, it appears that there are various complex underlying factors contributing to the issue. The territorial disagreement remains a prominent factor, with India and Pakistan asserting their claims over the region. still, political and cultural confines, as well as religious influences, contribute significantly to the conflict’s complexity.

Kashmir isn’t just a land; it’s a people, a culture, a history, and overall, a deeply confirmed identity that demands respect and understanding.”

Territorial dispute.

At the heart of the matter is the territorial disagreement over Kashmir. Both countries stake a claim to the region, viewing it as integral to their public identity. The failure to reach an agreement has fueled decades of pressure and conflict.

Political and Cultural Dimensions

Beyond territorial enterprises, political and cultural confines further complicate the issue. The distinct individualities within Kashmir, with different cultural confederations, have created a complex shade that requires delicate running to ensure a just and lasting result.

” The Kashmir issue is a memorial that political conflicts have profound mortal consequences, and their resolution requires a deep understanding of the historical and cultural environment.”- (Noam Chomsky)

Religious influence.

Religious factors play a pivotal part in the Kashmir issue, with the region being generally Muslim. The crossroad of religious identity and political bournes adds a subcaste of perceptivity that must be addressed for any resolution to be sustainable.

Impact on the People

The prolonged conflict in Kashmir has had profound consequences on the lives of its residents. A philanthropic extremity has unfolded, marked by wide suffering and privation. The issue has led to mass relegation, migration, and a myriad of social and profitable challenges for the people of Kashmir.

Displacement and Migration

The conflict has forced a significant number of Kashmiris to flee their homes, seeking retreat in safer regions. The relegation and migration haven’t only disintegrated lives but have also contributed to demographic shifts, altering the social fabric of the region.

Social and Economic Consequences

The social and profitable consequences of the Kashmir issue are far-reaching. The constant state of uneasiness hampers experimental sweats, leaving communities scuffling with poverty, lack of educational openings, and a compromised quality of life.

Diplomatic Efforts and Peace Initiatives

Over time, various political sweats and peace enterprises have been accepted to address the Kashmir issue. From UN judgments to bilateral addresses and the involvement of international associations, the pursuit of a peaceful resolution has been ongoing.

UN Resolutions

The United Nations has played a vital part in trying to broker a resolution to the Kashmir issue. judgments have been proposed, outlining a way for a referendum to allow the people of Kashmir to determine their future. still, the perpetration of these judgments has proven fugitive.

Bilateral Talks

India and Pakistan have engaged in multiple rounds of bilateral addresses to find a common ground. While some progress has been made, the core issues remain undetermined, leading to periodic escalations of pressure.

Role of International Organizations

International associations, similar to the European Union and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, have also shared in political efforts. Their involvement underscores the global significance of chancing a continuing result to the Kashmir issue.

Current Scenario

Examining the present situation in Kashmir involves considering recent developments and gauging public opinion. The dynamics of the conflict continue to evolve, shaped by political, social, and profitable factors.

Recent Developments

In recent times, there have been shifts in the geopolitical geography, impacting the Kashmir issue. assaying these developments is pivotal to understanding the current state of affairs and prognosticating implicit unborn circles.

In conclusion, the Kashmir issue remains a complex and multifaceted challenge that demands careful consideration and political finesse. Addressing the root causes, understanding the impact on the people, and navigating political efforts are essential ways to achieve a lasting and just resolution.

Kainat Shakeel is a versatile SEO-Content Writer and Digital Marketer with a keen understanding of tech news, digital market trends, fashion, technology, laws, and regulations. As a storyteller in the digital realm, she weaves narratives that bridge the gap between technology and human experiences. With a passion for staying at the forefront of industry trends, her blog is a curated space where the worlds of fashion, tech, and legal landscapes converge.

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V eteran civil rights activist and journalist Gautam Navlakha, who surrendered before National Intelligence Agency (NIA) in New Delhi on April 14 following a Supreme Court order on the Bhima-Koregaon case , has had a long and deep engagement with Kashmir.

As an activist and journalist, Navlakha has visited and worked in Kashmir for decades. Anyone who knows him in Kashmir knows how he’s always spoken out, and written about, their political and human rights. He’s also produced a body of work documenting the changing political situation and rights violations in Kashmir over the years. He’s also written extensively on the impact of heavy militarization on the economy and on the lives of people in Kashmir. Navlakha has equally been a part of many ground-breaking, fact-finding delegations and reports on Jammu and Kashmir, some of which are not available online.

While his writings on Kashmir largely focus on state violence and militarization in the region, his writings on the Maoist insurgency focus on both the sociology and organization of insurgency itself.

About a decade ago, I remember Navlakha speaking in a civil society seminar in Srinagar. The pain in his voice showed a rare concern and deep empathy for the struggles of people in Kashmir.

He also spoke about how it’s probably the only movement where so many people have suffered so much and over many decades without achieving anything substantial in return.

“I can’t understand why Kashmir doesn’t get anything concrete despite all the sacrifices people have made here over decades,” he said, wanting the people to also think about protecting their lives while also resisting abusive power. “You ask any sacrifice and people have made it here. You deserve a better future now.”

I’m reminded of what Belarusian writer Svetlana Alexievich, who was awarded the 2015 Nobel Prize in Literature, said in her moving Nobel Lecture which also sums up the sense of loss and pain in Kashmir.

“Suffering is our capital, our natural resource,” she said. “Not oil or gas – but suffering. It is the only thing we are able to produce consistently. I’m always looking for the answer: why doesn’t our suffering convert into freedom?”

Here’s a list of 10 essays by Gautam Navlakha on Kashmir, with short excerpts and online links to full essays, which were published in different publications, many of them in the reputed Economic and Political Weekly, dating back to the early 1990s.

10 Must-Read Essays on Kashmir by Gautam Navlakha

“Bharat’s Kashmir War” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, December 21, 1991)

This paper attempts to clarify the Kashmir imbroglio by investigating its genesis in the context of the Indian state’s responses.

“In most Indian writings, however, the characterisation of the movement in Kashmir as communal and fundamentalist proceeds from the argument that the Kashmiri Pandits are being hounded out of Kashmir and since they do not share the desire for referendum the demand cannot be ‘nationalist’ since nationalism is a secular identity. The contrary is however true. Nationalism is not the opposite of religious identity. The point of commonality is not just the religious zeal.”

Bharat’s Kashmir War In the last two years a lot has been written on Kashmir. But arguments on all sides have been more in the nature of assertions rather than informed reasoning. J…

“Kashmir: At the Edge of the Possible” by Gautam Navlakha (Economic and Political Weekly, September 17, 1994)

“…since the Indian army cannot defeat militancy and because the government is not trying hard enough for a political solution, not even when political openings come its way, and with involvement of international agencies being increasingly perceived as the only way in which the Indian government can be dissuaded from persisting with its militaristic response to what has been and remains a political problem, the prospect of peace without the association of Hurriyet to work out the framework and modality of a referendum remains remote.”

Kashmir At the Edge of the Possible Kashmir: At the Edge of the Possible Gautam Navlakha The emergence of the militant organisation Harkatul Ansar holds the prospect of mindless violence of a kind one sees in Afghanistan, but the blame for this must rest squarely on the government, on its total lack of foresight.

“India Turns Clock Back” Back by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, May 22, 1993)

“It needs reiteration that chauvinism and anti-Muslim prejudice all over India found sustenance in lies about destruction of temples in Kashmir or in ignorance of the facts of Kashmiri Pandit migration from the valley which actually accelerated after Jagmohan took over in January 1990. This should act as a reminder that if the policy of attrition is not controlled back, the consequences point in the direction of a xenophobic build-up which will pave the way eventually for ‘demo-graphic Indianisation’.”

KASHMIR- India Turns Clock Back The decision to impose army rule in Kashmir, in effect if not formally, represents a tragic turn of policy, as much for India as for the people of Kashmir. Step by step the government has been moving in precisely the direction which the BJP and the Hindu chauvinists have been urging it to take.

“Chrar-e-Sharief: Victory for Hardliners on Both Sides” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, May 20, 1995)

“On May 9, the day before the destruction of Chrar-e-Sharief, the right and left in parliament unitedly condemned the government for ‘kneeling’ before the militants. Not a word was said about the Kashmiri people’s alienation and the violence perpetrated against them. Indeed there was not even the usual vacuous talk of the political process.”

Chrar-e-Sharief-Victory for Hardliners on Both Sides The government’s version of the hunting of Chrar-e-Sharief and the events leading up to it are full of holes, but more important is it that the destruction of the shrine has dealt a blow to the efforts of Kashmiri leaders such as Shabir Shah and Yasin Malik who Have been working courageously to bring the gun under control in Kashmir.

“It’s Never Too Late to Do the Right Thing” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, July 29, 2000)

“History teaches that people are not mere spectators who cannot influence the course of events. When successive governments failed the citizens by dividing the people, then it would be a mistake to leave every-thing to the discretion of the government. It is for us to fight for a just and honourable peace. Irrespective of what the government or militant leadership do in J&K, actions of solidarity can also stem the tide of communal polarisation. But before everything else we must welcome and lend unqualified support to the Kashmiris because it is the inalienable right of all of us to revolt against oppression to defend our dignity and freedom. It is only then our concerns will acquire meaning, and be taken seriously. To the extent people make their own histories the choice is ours.”

Kashmir : It’s Never Too Late to Do the Right Thing An obsession with territorial integrity has undermined the singular importance of the politics of solidarity, preventing an appreciation of the ground realities in Kashmir. The government’s current offer to hold unconditional talks with the militant leadership, while commendable, cannot succeed unless there is a recognition of the urgent need to begin the long process of gaining the confidence of the Kashmiris.

State of Jammu and Kashmir’s Economy” by Gautam Navlakha (EPW, October 6, 2007)

“The Economic Survey for J&K does show how despite the disruptions and privations caused by war, economic performance has improved. Quite apart from sweeping statements about employment in horticulture and the importance of tourism, it does, however, skirt the fact that without addressing the issue of occupation of land by troops and restrictions placed on the use of water resources, both intricately linked to a political solution, problems will remain in the path of realising the full economic potential of the state.”

State of Jammu and Kashmir’s Economy The 2006-07 Economic Survey for Jammu and Kashmir reveals that despite the privations of conflict, the performance of the economy has improved in recent years. However, unless the two political issues of occupation of land and restrictions on the use of the state’s water resources are removed, the full economic potential of the state will not be realised.

“Doctrine for Sub-conventional Operations: A Critique” (Economic and Political Weekly, April 13, 2007)

In late 2006, the Indian army released its first ever doctrine on sub-conventional operations, i e, internal operations. This article critiques the document. “It is worth nothing what the Army Chief told the students of Sainik School in Thiruvananthapuram on February 17, 2007. According to him, the army’s fight is against the “divisive forces” and “our cause is just” and “we fight to win”. Win in this context means to suppress people.”

Doctrine for Sub-Conventional Operations: A Critique on JSTOR In late 2006, the Indian army released its first ever doctrine on sub-conventional operations, i e, internal operations. This article critiques the document.

“Kashmir: State Cultivation of the Amarnath Yatra” by Gautam Navlakha (Monthly Review, Aug 08, 2008)

“Arguably, when the yatra was halted between 1991 and 1996 due to the threat by a section of the militants it played into the hands of the extreme right wing elements in Indian society who have since then played an integral role in mobilising large numbers of pilgrims. However, it is equally important to note that earlier, schoolchildren and college youth used to act as volunteers and provide assistance to the yatris. Even when this was discontinued after 1996, the main indigenous militant organisation the Hizbul Mujahideen and Muslim Janbaz Force always supported the yatra and consistently demonstrated its opposition towards those who tried to disrupt it. And even today there is no section of people who opposes the yatra. What they resent is the horrendously jingoistic turn that it has taken under the SASB.”

MR Online | Kashmir: State Cultivation of the Amarnath Yatra The origins of the conflagration in June in Kashmir on forest land allocation for construction of facilities for the Amarnath yatra lie in open state promotion of the pilgrimage. The yatra has caused considerable damage to the economy and ecology of the area. The high-handed actions of the Shri Amarnath Shrine Board only aggravated the situation.

“From the Killing Fields of Kashmir to the Finishing Line” by Gautam Navlakha (Sanhati, October 10, 2010)

“Truth and demand for justice are on the side of the Kashmiri people. It would be a sad day were these battles won after so much of sacrifice, is allowed to be squandered for illusory gains at the behest of mealy-mouthed Indian ruling classes. There can be no replacement for right of self-determination. It is in Indian people’s interest, for our own democratic struggle, that we stand by this demand of the Kashmiri people. Defeat of oppressors in Kashmir, unlike the doomsayers, will strengthen our struggle.”

From the Killing Fields of Kashmir to the Finishing Line By Gautam Navlakha Where armed conflicts have gone on for a long period (decades) and where negotiations have been used by the State to win time or tire out opponents, or talks are deadlocked or cannot ensure compliance with whatever solution is reached, then making a reference to the people is the most sensible way […]

“The Kashmir Question: Nation-state, War, and Religion” by Gautam Navlakha (Indian Cultural Forum, Feb 2018)

“India’s working people cannot emancipate selves if they do not come out strongly against the persecution of the Kashmiri people at the hand of the same bourgeoisie nation-state which exploits and oppresses Indian people in general. While the Indian public may not influence external developments vis a vis Pakistan or China, they certainly can affect domestic perceptions and transform the terms of debate. Therefore, it matters how India’s progressives steer their political course and whether they can provide an alternate perspective on Kashmir to counter the myopic official discourse. It needs no reiteration that it is “never too late to do the right thing.”

The Kashmir Question: Nation-State, War and Religion – Gautam Navlakha Gautam Navlakha

Relevant Links

‘My Hope Rests on a Speedy and Fair Trial’: Gautam Navlakha Before His Surrender The Supreme Court recently rejected the bail applications of scholar and activist Gautam Navlakha, who was booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, or UAPA for allegedly fomenting violence during during the Bhima Koregaon event. The top court gave him and scholar Anand Teltumbde one week to surrender.

India Covid-19: SC Decision To Send HRDs Gautam Navlakha And Anand Teltumbde To Jail Is Cruel And Disappointing – Amnesty International India Amnesty International India Bangalore / New Delhi: 10 April 2020 12:39 pm Amid the spread of COVID-19, the Supreme Court of India’s order directing the arrest and imprisonment of two human rights defenders, Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha within a week, is disappointing.

Why is India targeting writers during the coronavirus pandemic? | Priyamvada Gopal and Salil Tripathi As a lethal virus scorches its way across continents, the leftwing Indian rights campaigner Gautam Navlakha has been reminding us of the words of Leonard Cohen, urging people to speak up for the right things: “There is a crack/a crack in everything, that’s how light gets in.”

‘New Low in India’s Political History’: PUDR Condemns Anand Teltumbde, Gautam Navlakha’s Arrests New Delhi: Condemning the arrest of social activists and intellectuals Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha on Tuesday, the People’s Union for Democratic Rights (PUDR) said that this “attempt to browbeat rights activists” marked a “deep and scathing new low in the political history of contemporary India”.

India: Activists Detained for Peaceful Dissent (New York) – Indian authorities on April 14, 2020 detained two rights activists who have been critics of government policies, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should immediately drop all charges under a counterterrorism law against Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha for allegedly inciting caste-based violence along with other activists during a demonstration in Maharashtra state in 2017.

Mounting international concern over detention of civil rights activists in India in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic Over 5,000 Individuals and 15 Organizations Sign Global Statement of Support for Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Mr. Gautam Navlakha On 16 March 2020, a Supreme Court bench comprising the judges Arun Mishra and Mukeshkumar Rasikbhai Shah rejected the anticipatory bail pleas of the civil-rights activist Gautam Navlakha and the writer Anand Teltumbde, in relation to the violence at Bhima Koregaon in January 2018.

Stand in Solidarity with Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha Stand in Solidarity with Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha Statement by Activists, Academics and Concerned Citizens In August 2018, the Pune Police implicated Prof. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha with other human right activists and lawyers in the now-infamous fabricated Elgar Parishad case.

Journalist Gautam Navlakha tells CPJ he fears imprisonment amid COVID-19 pandemic New Delhi, April 9, 2020 — Indian authorities should stop pursuing the arrest of journalist Gautam Navlakha, and should cease holding journalists in jail during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

Clampdown On Dissent Continues During The Covid-19 Pandemic In India The clampdown on dissent in India continues. Even during a pandemic, the Government of India is seeing to that targeting those critical of the government are being targeted. When hard-won rights to expression and peaceful protest are weakened, everyone stands to lose.

Human Rights Defender Gautam Navlakha’s Letter Before His Arrest As I prepare to Ieave to surrender before the NIA headquarters in Delhi I am glad that Justice Arun Mishra and Justice Indira Banerjee gave me another week of freedom when they passed the order on April 8, 2020. A week of freedom means a lot in my condition, even in the age of lockdown.

Global Solidarity Staement for Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha – Jamhoor This is a time sensitive petition for the immediate release of Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha, two of India’s foremost civil rights activists and public intellectuals. Please read and sign this petition here: Global Solidarity Statement for Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha .

Human rights groups denounce Indian activists’ arrest as crackdown on dissent – La Prensa Latina Media New Delhi, Apr 15 (efe-epa).- Human rights nonprofits on Wednesday came down hard against the Indian government a day after the arrest of scholar Anand Teltumbde and rights activist Gautam Navlakha under an anti-terrorism law for allegedly inciting violence during a protest in 2018, calling it a clampdown on dissent.

96c03acb00 – United States Department of State India is a multiparty, federal, parliamentary democracy with a bicameral legislature. The president, elected by an electoral college composed of the state assemblies and parliament, is the head of state, and the prime minister is the head of government.

Under UAPA, Process Itself Becomes Punishment, Writes Activist Gautam Navlakha Before Surrendering | NewsClick As the country remembers Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar on the occasion of his birth anniversary, civil rights activists Gautam Navlakha and Anand Teltumbde, who were booked under the draconian UAPA in relation to the Bhima Koregaon violence in 2018, are set to surrender to the police.

Indian columnist arrested on trumped-up “Maoism” charge | Reporters without borders Reporters Without Borders (RSF) calls for the immediate and unconditional release of Gautam Navlakha, a well-known columnist and human rights defender who, despite serious humanitarian concerns, has been jailed on a flimsy charge brought by India’s counter-terrorism police, the National Investigation Agency (NIA).

Persecution of rights activists and voices of dissent in India Recently, in a series of synchronized raids carried throughout India, various human rights activists and vocal critics of the ruling government were arrested under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), an anti-terror law. These arrests have been widely criticized for being politically motivated as they are aimed at curbing the right of free speech and dissent or criticism towards the government.

Dalit leaders condemn Anand Teltumbde’s arrest on 14 April-Ambedkar Jayanti On 16 March 2020, a Supreme Court bench comprising the judges Arun Mishra and Mukeshkumar Rasikbhai Shah rejected the anticipatory bail pleas of the civil-rights activist Gautam Navlakha and the writer Teltumbde, in relation to the violence at Bhima Koregaon in January 2018.

UK Rights Organisations condemn arrest of Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha UK Rights Organisations condemn the imminent arrest of Prof Dr Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha Demand prompt release of all political and democratic rights activists in Indian jails 08 April 2020 The police in the State of Maharashtra, India, acting at the behest of the central BJP Hindutva government, is forcing the arrest of Professor […]

Statement by Hindus for Human Rights and Global Indian Progressive Alliance Protesting the Arrest of Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha – Hindus For Human Rights Dr. Anand Teltumbde is a highly respected and revered scholar and human rights defender. Along with his comrade in justice work, Gautam Navlakha, Dr. Teltumbde will be arrested today on demonstrably fabricated charges related to the Bhima Koregaon case.

Dalit Leaders, Political Representatives Condemn Dr Teltumbde’s Imminent Arrest on Ambedkar Jayanti | NewsClick Ahead of the Anand Teltumbde’s surrender on April 14 [also the ocaasion of B R Ambedkar’s birth anniversary] in accordance with the Supreme Court order, Dalit, Adivasi, OBC and minority leaders have demanded that he be allowed “to live and write, to be a free spirit that enlivens our democratic selves”.

MASS condemn arrest of Gautam Navalakha and Anand Teltumbe Guwahati: The Manab Adhikar Sangram Samiti (MASS) is disturbed and dismayed by the Supreme Court of India’s decision to allow for the detention of civil rights activist Gautam Navalakha and Anand Teltumbe after August 14,2020. Both had been implicated in Bhima Korgoan case of 2018, where many Dalit activists were hurt in rioting by mobs supported by powerful local politicians.

‘A tragedy for India’: Author Arundhati Roy on arrests of activists Anand Teltumbde, Gautam Navlakha ‘They have both been accused of outlandish crimes.’

In Solidarity with and Appeal to Acquit Prof. Anand Teltumbde In Solidarity with and Appeal to Acquit Prof. Anand Teltumbde Statement by IIMA faculty, students and alumni Over 280 students, faculty members and alumni of Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad (IIMA), have signed a statement in solidarity with their illustrious alumnus, Anand Teltumbde who apart from being a corporate leader and teacher has done so much to the society.

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Kashmir Issue Essay With Outlines And Quotations

By Arbaz Javed

The goal of the Kashmir Issue Essay is to provide an overview to the readers surrounding the Kashmir conflict. The issue of Kashmir is a subject with significant political and historical resonance. The beautiful Kashmir area is situated between India and Pakistan and has been a source of tension for many years.

The Kashmir Valley’s territorial sovereignty, which is located in the Indian subcontinent’s north, is at its center. Long-lasting conflict, tensions, and human suffering have resulted from this issue’s complex historical, political, and cultural components.

The Kashmir issue is an ongoing boundary dispute between India, Pakistan, and China over the Kashmir area. Since the division of British India in 1947, Kashmir has served as a flashpoint for conflict due to its strategic location between the three nuclear-armed nations.

Table of Contents

Historical Background

First, We must explore the historical foundations of the Kashmir issues to comprehend the full essay. Kashmir was a kingdom of princes with a mostly Muslim population that a Hindu Maharaja governed at the time that India and Pakistan gained their independence. Initially seeking independence, the Maharaja eventually submitted to India in exchange for military support after being attacked by Pakistani tribes.

In 1947–1948, this led to the start of the first India–Pakistan war. Following a cease-fire mediated by the UN, Kashmir was divided between the two new nations along the Line of Control, with India controlling Jammu, Kashmir Valley, and Ladakh and Pakistan possessing around one-third of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan.

The Human Dimension

Rapid conflict-escalation over the Kashmir problem resulted in three major wars between India and Pakistan in 1947–1948, 1965, and 1999. The extended battle has caused a great deal of hardship among people, forced many people to from their homes, claimed many lives, and hurt both countries economies. The Line of Control (LoC), a de facto boundary created following the 1971 conflict, is still a very militarized area.

“While Jammu and Kashmir’s history has been rich and diverse, it has also been affected by conflicts and disputes.” – Dr. Manmohan Singh

Political Complexities

Different interpretations of the Maharaja’s Instrument of Accession led to the political complications of the Kashmir question. India claims that the Maharaja’s accession, which claims Kashmir in the Indian Union, was legal and complete. On the other hand, Pakistan argues that the region has to join Pakistan because of its majority Muslim population.

“There’s a population behind the political discourse that yearns for stability, security, and a better future.” – Malala Yousafzai

International Dimensions

The Kashmir issue has raised concerns in the international community because it could develop into a larger conflict involving two nuclear-armed countries. Since the beginning of the conflict, the United Nations has taken part, adopting a number of resolutions that demand a vote to decide the destiny of the region.

However, India’s insistence that Kashmir is a fundamental component of its territory has prevented these resolutions from being put into effect.

“The resolution of the Kashmir issue would not only bring relief to the region but also contribute to global stability.” – Kofi Annan

Steps Towards Peace

Numerous efforts tried throughout the years to resolve the Kashmir conflict and maintain durable peace in the region. Building bridges and developing understanding between India and Pakistan has benefited from diplomatic conversations, track-two diplomacy, and interpersonal connections.

“Peace cannot be possible by force, it can only be sovle by understanding.” – Albert Einstein

The Road Ahead

As we look to the future, it’s critical to understand that the Kashmir issue is a complex intersection of historical, political, and human elements. It is essential that the leaders of Pakistan and India hold ongoing, serious discussions while taking into account the aspirations of the people of Kashmir.

Understanding the Kashmir issue essay teaches us valuable lessons about the importance of diplomacy, humanity, and the power of unity. If you want to know more information about the Kashmir issue, you can visit the official website of the Pakistani national assembly . Beyond the local level, its effects have an impact on regional stability and global security.

All parties must engage in constructive conversation, uphold human rights, and take the aspirations of the Kashmiri people into account in order to achieve a permanent resolution. The only way the protracted Kashmir conflict can be settled peacefully is with an all-encompassing. An inclusive approach that guarantees a better future for the local population.

“The Kashmir issue calls for wisdom, compassion, and a collective effort to create a brighter future for the generations to come.” – Nelson Mandela

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Kashmir: The Roads Ahead

Subscribe to this week in foreign policy, stephen p. cohen stephen p. cohen former brookings expert.

March 1, 1995

37 min read

This chapter was first presented to a MCISS-South Asia seminar in 1992, and revised as a note prepared for the Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs of the Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Department of State. Both were based upon research conducted during the course of a joint U.S.-Russian study of Kashmir and Afghanistan in Nepal, India and Pakistan in March-April, 1992. See Stephen P. Cohen, Sergei Kamenev, Vladimir Moskalenko and Leo Rose, Afghanistan and Kashmir (New York: The Asia Society, and Moscow: The Russian Oriental Institute, 1993). I have made some minor additions in view of a year in residence with the Ford Foundation, New Delhi, 1992-93.

“What standing does Pakistan have in this dispute? What is their legal standing? Pakistan is not a party to the dispute; let’s get our facts right, then we can discuss it!” — A senior Indian strategist, New Delhi, mid-March, 1992

“My view is that if India continues on its present course, then consequences cannot be foreseen. I cannot say where boundaries will be drawn, but certainly the present boundaries will be changed. India must be prepared to make a reasonable agreement, then the process of partition begun in 1947 will be completed.” — A senior Pakistani foreign policy official, Islamabad, a few days later.

Kashmir and South Asian Security Since late 1989 the Kashmir problem has become intimately linked to the larger question of war and peace in South Asia. A virtual insurrection among Kashmiri Muslims in the Valley, and in Srinagar, the largest city in the former princely state of Jammu and Kashmir-created a serious crisis between New Delhi and Islamabad. From that date onward the United States, echoing the Pakistani argument that the only point of conflict between India and Pakistan was Kashmir, has regarded the disputed state as one of the few places in the world where large-scale war could break out soon. American officials and experts have built a scenario that leads, ultimately, to the horror of nuclear weapons falling on Indian and Pakistani cities. According to this scenario a local crisis in Kashmir could trigger off a military response by either India or Pakistan; then, the other side will overreact, leading to a direct clash between regular Indian and Pakistani forces; after that, the war could escalate to an exchange of nuclear weapons, since both states are thought now to be nuclear-capable-even if they do not have deployed nuclear forces. 2 In a refinement of the scenario, it has been argued that even the suspicion of escalation might lead to a nuclear strike, presumably by the weaker or more vulnerable of the two countries (in this case, Pakistan) since it would not want to risk having its small nuclear forces destroyed in an Indian pre-emptive attack.

This scenario has led to a great deal of diplomatic activity, much of it by American officials, and very recently (September, 1994) by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. There have been three strands to to this diplomacy. First, the Kashmiri problem has been addressed directly by several American officials. In a series of speeches and informal addresses, the traditional American position on Kashmir was subtly altered, so that the US now openly declares all of Kashmir to be disputed territory (in the past the US had never publicly challenged the legitimacy of the accession of Kashmir to India, only its wisdom ). Second, both India and Pakistan were urged to engage in additional “confidence building measures”—CBMs—that might prevent, or slow down the escalation process described above; third, both incentives and sanctions have been wielded, in an attempt to get the two countries to talk directly about their nuclear weapons programs. 3

It can be said that after four years none of these efforts have shown significant results. The Kashmir crisis is no closer to resolution than it was in 1990; there have been a few new CBMs introduced into South Asia, but there is some indication that the old ones have fallen into disuse or distrust; the nuclear dialogue that was to have begun a number of years ago has yet to commence, and public statements by officials and former officials on both sides seem to indicate a slow escalation of the nuclear arms race in South Asia, not any serious official dialogue on containing or managing it.

This chapter takes a somewhat different view than that of American officials and many strategists and journalists who see Kashmir as a “flashpoint” that could lead to conventional war and even a nuclear exchange. 4 Without belittling the importance of the Kashmir problem, it argues, first, that this crisis is far more complex than has been admitted by most American officials, and, therefore, that resolving the crisis—and addressing the supplementary problems of nuclear proliferation and regional distrust require a more sophisticated strategy than has hitherto been apparent. This chapter offers a strategic overview of the Kashmir crisis. It differs from other recent studies in that its primary focus is on a strategy for achieving a solution, not on the merit of individual solutions. 5

The Several Kashmir Problems The Kashmir problem is a mixture of terrorism, state violence, subversion and general horror that rests upon several layers of history. If the field existed we could use the skills of a political archaeologist to entirely unearth it. There are at least five different components of the Kashmir problem, each with its own origins, each with its own consequences:

Kashmir originally came into dispute because of a British failure of will when they divided and quit India in 1947. The mechanism by which the princely states were sorted out was inadequate. Each prince or ruler was to decide whether he would accede to India or Pakistan, presumably taking into account the makeup and interests of his population; but there was no adequate mechanism for ensuring that each ruler would make a fair or reasonable decision, or to ensure that the “third option,” independence, would not be a temptation (the British, the Indians, and the Pakistanis all agreed that the further partition of the subcontinent would be wrong, and that the princes had to go to one state or the other). In the case of Kashmir, a Hindu ruler governed a largely Muslim population, but was also considering independence. While there were other failures in the partition process, none so crippled the successor states as Kashmir—and the British were no longer around to repair the damage. Indians and Pakistanis have lived with the consequences for forty-five years, but currently blame each other, rather than a faulty partition process.
The leadership in both countries compounded the original problem when they turned Kashmir into a badge of their respective national identities . For Pakistan, which defined itself as a “homeland” for Indian Muslims, the existence of a Muslim majority area under “Hindu” Indian rule was grating; the purpose of creating Pakistan was to free Muslims from the tyranny of majority rule (and hence, of rule by the majority Hindu population); for Indians, their state had to include such predominately Muslim regions to demonstrate the secular nature of the new Indian state; since neither India nor Pakistan, so-defined, could be complete without Kashmir. This raised enormously the stakes involved for both.
Subsequently, Kashmir came to play a role in the respective domestic politics of both states—but especially Pakistan. For Pakistani leaders, both civilian and military, Kashmir was a useful rallying cry and a diversion from the daunting task of building a nation out of disparate parts. Further, there were and are powerful Kashmiri dominated constituencies in all of the major Pakistani cities; on the Indian side, the small, but influential Kashmiri Hindu community was over-represented in the higher reaches of the Indian government (not least in the presence of the Nehru family, a Kashmiri Pandit clan that had migrated from Kashmir to Uttar Pradesh).
Kashmir acquired an unexpected military dimension. After India crossed the cease-fire line during the course of the 1965 war it became a strategic extension of the international border to the south. Further, China holds substantial territory (in Ladakh) claimed by India, and New Delhi itself has made claims on regions which, historically, had been subordinated to the rulers of Kashmir (Gilgit, Swat, and the Northern Territories) but which are now under Pakistani governance. More recently, advances in mountaineering techniques have turned the most inaccessible part of Kashmir—the Siachin Glacier—into a battleground, although more soldiers were cruelly killed by frostbite than bullets. 6
Finally, there is a contemporary dimension to Kashmir: the stirrings of a national self-determination movement among Kashmiri Muslims. Encouraged by neither India nor Pakistan, it burst into full view in late 1989, and threatens the integrity of both states. There are two or three new generations of Valley Muslims, educated and trained in India, but with a window open to a wider world. Angry and resentful at their treatment by New Delhi, and not attracted to even a democratic Pakistan, they look to Afghanistan, Iran, the Middle East, and Eastern Europe for models, and to émigrés in America, Britain, and Canada for material support. Further, in an era when the international economy is fast-changing (including the advent of self-sustaining “tourist-destinations”), and the prospect of the direct linkage of Central Asia to Kashmir, the old argument that Kashmir is not economically self-sufficient unless it is attached to a major state has lost credibility.

Ironically, we can now see that Kashmir was less of a Cold War problem than some in the region had thought. Americans and Soviets certainly armed India and Pakistan (often both at the same time), they certainly supported one side or the other in various international fora, but the Kashmir issue has outlived the Cold War—indeed, the forces of democracy and nationalism that destroyed the Soviet Union and freed Eastern Europe were at work in Kashmir itself. 7 Other models were the liberation and revolutionary movements in the Islamic world—Iran, Afghanistan, and, most strikingly (since it was extensively covered on Indian and Pakistani television services) the Palestinian Intifada .

As a strategic issue Kashmir has waxed and waned. It was the central objective of the first two India-Pakistan wars (1948, 1965). But it was not an issue of high priority for either India or Pakistan from after the 1965 war until late 1989—and the birth of a Kashmiri separatist movement. What is striking is how little a role Kashmir played in the large-scale 1971 conflict (which was fought over the status of the separation of East Bengal from Pakistan), and even in the 1987 crisis that developed during a major Indian military exercise along the India-Pakistan border, Operation Brasstacks. A recent study of Brasstacks indicates that the two countries were much closer to war in January, 1987 than in 1990 (when Kashmir was the point of contention), yet Kashmir had little to do with the origin or evolution of the Brasstacks crisis. 8

The Simla Summit of 1972 had seemed to offer a solution: defer a formal settlement, in the meantime improve India-Pakistan relations. In 1984, when the first major India-Pakistan conference to be held after the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, several American participants argued that both sides had ignored Kashmir. But the conferees were told by Indians and Pakistanis alike that Kashmir was “an American preoccupation, we don’t think it is a problem; let another generation handle it.” Some who attended that conference disagreed—precisely because Kashmir was not then a subject of great controversy that it was the best time to tackle it. 9 If India and Pakistan could not solve the problems of the 19th century (their border dispute with each other, and with China and Afghanistan, respectively) and those growing out of partition then how could they cope with emerging problems such as the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviets and the incipient nuclear arms race?

Since then, both regional instability and regional nuclear programs have continued on their respective paths, and are now linked to the Kashmir conflict. Many Indian policy makers believe that Pakistan intends to use its new nuclear capability, which makes escalation to conventional war risky because that in turn might become a nuclear conflict, to make a grab for Kashmir. They also point to the connections between the Afghan war and the training of Kashmiri militants, and thus the American responsibility for India’s Kashmir problem. 10 Pakistanis believe that India will not negotiate over Kashmir because of Delhi’s advanced nuclear capabilities—a Pakistani bomb, or at least a Pakistani bomb in the basement, is one way of getting India to the bargaining table. There is also a faction in Pakistan that does not want to negotiate Kashmir, but is content to let Delhi “bleed” until India itself collapses into civil war—a view held of Pakistan by some Indian hawks.

In both countries the greatest hawks on Kashmir are journalists, politicians, academics, and other civilians, and some of the intelligence services, especially Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). Ironically, in both countries the regular armed forces are very cautious, since both armies have calculated the risks of a large-scale war and conclude that its outcome would be very uncertain, that collateral damage would be very great, and that the possibility of escalation to a nuclear conflict is unacceptably high. This is one of the lessons that both sides drew from their retrospective studies of the 1987 crisis over Operation Brasstacks.

What is to Be Done? There is a Punjabi saying: “Three things are improved by beating: women, wheat, and a Jat.” The two quotations that begin this chapter are not dissimilar in spirit, and illustrate the difficulty of achieving a solution to the Kashmir dispute. The quotes are representative of wider views to the extent that many Pakistanis believe that India only responds to pressure and that many Indians deny that Pakistan has any legitimate role in Kashmir except to end its support of the militants. Kashmiris themselves—both Hindu and Muslim—have now tasted violence of a sort never experienced before as they undergo a terrible ordeal.

After 1971 Kashmir ceased to be the cause of bad India-Pakistan relations, but it remains a cause. It is also a symbol of their inability to compose their differences and live in peace. Kashmir is thus both cause and effect, which makes it so difficult to conceptualize as a political issue. Yet there is no shortage of solutions. Partition, plebiscite, referendum, UN trusteeship, “Trieste,” “Andorra,” revolutionary warfare, depopulation (and repopulation), patience, good government, a revival of “human values,” and doing nothing have all had their advocates. 11

Before we turn to a strategy for thinking about solutions, three points may somewhat clarify the matter. Physicists approach a problem by first “sizing” it. What are its parameters and contours? Here, “Kashmir” assumes an unusual shape.

First, while the Valley Muslims feel aggrieved that they are dominated by outsiders from India proper, other Kashmiri groups, especially the Valley Hindus and the largely Buddhist population of Ladakh, fear the dominance of the state by the Valley Muslims. Thus, a number of proposals have suggested the possibility of separating the Valley from other regions (Azad Kashmir, Ladakh, Jammu), and allocating parts of Jammu and Kashmir to India and Pakistan, leaving to the end the intensely disputed Valley. Here, the appropriate analogy is the Middle East peace process, where the overall strategy is to leave to the end such very contentious issues as the status of Jerusalem.

Second, there are, outside the propaganda mills of Delhi and Islamabad, remarkably diverse views on Kashmir in both India and Pakistan. Kashmir is not viewed in the same light by all Pakistanis and all Indians. Anyone who traveled throughout South Asia during the height of the 1990 Kashmir crisis quickly became aware that the further one was from Delhi and Islamabad the less passion there was about Kashmir. In Madras, Calcutta, Hyderabad (Deccan) and Bombay, Kashmir was, and is seen as New Delhi’s obsession; in Karachi, Quetta, Peshawar, and Hyderabad (Sindh), it is seen as a secondary issue, relations with Islamabad and the Punjab come first. Indeed, the size of demonstrations on behalf of the Kashmiri revolution in all Pakistani cities are in direct proportion to the presence of large Kashmiri populations. “Kashmir” is neither a homogeneous issue within the states of Azad Kashmir and Jammu and Kashmir, nor within India and Pakistan. 12

Third, it is important to recognize the crucial role of time, and timing, in resolving the Kashmir problem. Ironically, one of the obstacles to reaching a solution is the belief, on all sides of the dispute, that “ time is on our side.” Since the Kashmir problem has been mismanaged by two generations of Indians and Pakistanis (and Kashmiris must accept responsibility also, for their own errors of omission and commission), there is no age-group, except perhaps among the newest generation of South Asians, who believe that the time has come for a solution. And, timing is crucial. We do not know what steps should be taken first, what should be taken second, third, and which should be reserved to the last. Like proposals to resolve the Arab-Israeli dispute, “solutions” to the Kashmir problem must operate at many levels. This suggest both caution and flexibility. But it does not suggest that doing nothing is the best course. The examples of the Middle East, South Africa, and, perhaps, of Ireland, indicate that seemingly intractable disputes can be resolved, or ameliorated, by patience, outside encouragement, and, above all, a strategy that will address the many dimensions of these complex disputes. Not too many years ago Indians and Pakistanis took a disparaging view of these other conflicts, and argued that they were successfully managing South Asia. Now their region stands out as conflict-ridden, nuclear prone, and on the edge of war. The remainder of this chapter suggests the outline of a such a strategy of conflict resolution.

Parallel Processing In looking at strategies for achieving solutions (as opposed to management strategies and getting through the next month or year), we can draw on a model from the world of high-speed computers. We need a strategy that allows for parallel processing of the many issues, disputes, and tangles that make up the Kashmir problem. This approach has the virtue of honesty. We should not now pretend that we know what a suitable solution will look like. Certainly, it will protect the vital interests (including the quite conflicting identities) of India and Pakistan. Certainly, it will recognize the ambitions and legitimate interests of the Valley Muslims. But a just solution will also acknowledge the interests of other Kashmiris-not least the tens of thousands of Hindu and Muslim refugees who have fled the valley in fear, and the ethnically quite different Muslim population in Azad Kashmir, that has its own grievances with the Government of Pakistan. Indeed, a situation in which these refugees returned, and again lived in harmony and under democratic norms could be defined as an acceptable solution. Sadly, some of the Hindu groups have already given up on the idea of a secular, multi-ethnic Kashmir, and are either seeking resettlement elsewhere in India or abroad, or have begun to support the creation of a Kashmiri Hindu “homeland” within Kashmir proper.

Which of these problems do we address first? Or do we work on “building confidence” between India and Pakistan, and wait until a more opportune moment? Or, do we go back in history and attempt to untangle grievances which have their origins in the 10th century, or earlier? Or do we look to the law for a framework, or do we bring an international organization (or an outside power) on to the scene, to either offer friendly persuasion or to knock heads?

The only solution that should be ruled out is doing nothing. Time will not heal the Kashmir problem. Time has made things worse in Kashmir. If a strategy for resolution of this conflict had begun in the early or mid-1980s then we probably would have averted some of the crises that arose later in that decade, and certainly would not regard Kashmir now as one of the world’s nuclear flash-points. To those who would argue that the situation is not ripe for a solution (a view expressed by senior officials in the Bush Administration) it should be pointed out that not only are one hundred million Indian Muslims held hostage by the fate of Kashmir (oddly, a favorite argument of those Indians who do not want to do anything), but in reality a billion people are held hostage by the dispute itself. Imagine what South Asia would be if India and Pakistan were to cooperate, not only on bilateral trade, water, and population issues, but on preserving the strategic unity of South Asia? Each would, then, be truly counted among the great regional powers. It would not be a question, as it is now, of Indian power minus Pakistani power, but of a formidable block of states, with some differences, but with even more in common.

As Lewis Carroll has suggested, if you don’t know where you are going, any road will take you there. That has been the quality of many proposals to deal with Kashmir. They suggest action on one or another aspect of the Kashmir crisis. But we do not know, now, which of the Kashmir-related problems must be solved first before we can tackle a second, third, or fourth. Thus, we should begin to move down several paths at once. Some will be clear right to the end, on others there will be obstacles. Certainly, it is better to find out where the obstacles are sooner rather than later. It would be prudent, therefore, to pursue the following six paths simultaneously. After a few years an assessment of how far we have gone along each route, and where, if any, are the shortcuts to a settlement.

First: A Helping Hand, Not a Foreign Hand The Kashmir issue needs an outside perspective because Indian and Pakistani strategists are locked in a mindless competition over tactical advantage and scoring diplomatic points. 13 There is little strategic thinking on Kashmir. No one is looking beyond the immediate events and short-term calculations of gain and pain. A solution cannot occur until it is supported in both states—and by Kashmiris of several varieties—but in the meantime it is important to have a place, or an institution, where ideas, possibilities and pressures can be focused. There needs to be a helping hand, a facilitator, with no direct interest in the Kashmir conflict, yet with an interest in its resolution. 14

Should the United States take the lead? Or should there be a joint U.S.-Russian effort, perhaps backed up by the threat of UN sanctions? Probably not, at least not soon. 15 Washington and Moscow lack expertise and interest in Kashmir and neither are likely to make it a high priority item—although the new South Asia Bureau in the Department of State is acquiring expertise.

However, the United Nations is already engaged in Kashmir. Its role is sanctioned by numerous Security Council resolutions, and it maintains a peace keeping presence along the cease-fire line. There might be a plausible role for a UN fact-finding mission undertaken by a personal representative of the Secretary General. This was the pattern followed in the 1980s in the Afghanistan crisis. Such a representative could develop independent expertise, and his/her own line of communications with all of the contending parties, states, and factions. An expanded UN peacekeeping force or trusteeship is premature, and would not have the support of at least one major party, India. Nor could such a force be imposed on India. But a UN personage that coordinates and consolidates various diplomatic efforts now underway might, in three, four or five years, bear fruit.

The possibility of an enhanced UN role in Kashmir has contributed to the Government of India’s interest in a permanent seat on an expanded UN Security Council, and in 1993 Indian officials put forward a number of arguments why India should be considered for such a seat. However, India could then veto any UN action on Kashmir. Obviously, the Kashmir problem must be settled before India is admitted to the Security Council, but such membership could be part of a larger package of incentives and assurances for India, Pakistan, and responsible Kashmiri groups.

Second: Adjust India’s Federal Balance But also Pakistan’s Nowhere in the Constitution of India does the term federal appear. But there have been reasoned discussions in India about changing the balance between the center and the states in India—for good political and economic reasons. India already has a hierarchy of federalism: with some Union territories directly ruled from Delhi, and with some variation in the nature of the Indian states. Kashmir itself is the biggest variation: it has its own constitutional status in the form of Article 370. As many have suggested, India should now move in the direction it was headed anyway: towards greater autonomy for its component units. Within Jammu and Kashmir, there will have to be a further differentiation between those regions that want to become Union territories, and those that might arrive at a different constitutional structure.

The same process should be undertaken by Pakistan. Ideally, as some have suggested, the looser federation of the two parts of Kashmir with their respective states, along with increased flow of goods and people between them, would create a “soft” frontier where both the physical and cultural boundaries between India and Pakistan were somewhat fuzzy.

Third: Agreement on one Principle, But Honest Disagreement on Another In the past, high principle divided India and Pakistan as far as Kashmir was concerned. Pakistanis argued that India’s control over most of the state violated the right of self-determination of Kashmiris. Indians argued that Pakistan, more often than not a military dictatorship, was hardly a credible advocate of democracy. Pakistan’s position ignored the agreed-upon basis for the division of British India (and Pakistani diplomats shamelessly try to paper over the terms by which the princely states were to go to one side or another), and Indians cannot bring themselves to recognize Pakistan as a democracy. But this change in Pakistan is important. It suggests a principle that both states should accept. They can do so without any joint statement or formal agreement. This principle is that legitimacy will only flow from the ballot box, not the gun. Both in the past have argued that “the voice of the people” should be respected—Pakistan in Kashmir, India in Hyderabad. Both have taken the opposite position where necessary, and have used force. But forty-plus years of preaching one principle and acting upon another have led nowhere. India and Pakistan should want to settle the Kashmir problem with Kashmiris who share their own commitment to democracy—a commitment that must include the protection of minority rights. Getting agreement on this principle keeps open the door to a wide range of possible future relations between India, Pakistan, and Kashmiris. It would help ensure that the future will rest on the consent of the governed, not the coercion of the gun.

As desirable as it is to help India and Pakistan move towards agreement on democratic principles as a way to solve the Kashmir problem, it should be borne in mind that another principle will continue to divide them. New Delhi is not likely to give up the belief that its secularism would be damaged and that millions of Indian Muslims would be put at risk if a settlement of Kashmir took place on the basis of religion. The argument deserves serious consideration: it cannot simply be dismissed by Pakistanis as blackmail. Pakistanis must think of ways they can reassure India that a change in the status of Kashmir (or parts of that state) would not be seen as acceptance of the two-nation theory; Indians should likewise think of a way of peacefully accommodating Pakistani sensibilities and Kashmiri demands without damaging the core principles of Indian secularism.

Fourth: Back to the 19th Century? The Kashmir crisis has deep historical roots. Particularly egregious are those elements of the crisis that stem from imperial conflicts of the 19th century. The British acquired Kashmir, but did not make it part of British India; they established a boundary with China (and with the Afghans), but the boundaries were never fully demarcated. It seems absurd that two billion people should be entangled by conflicts generated by imperial governments that no longer exist. There are still border disputes apart from Kashmir. In Kashmir itself the line of actual control was never fully determined, which provided the opportunity for a bizarre struggle over the Siachin Glacier. Finally, China and Pakistan have come to a temporary agreement over a part of the border which is contested by India.

None of these border or territorial issues are strategically vital; all could be settled tomorrow without any loss of sovereignty or national identity. None involve significant domestic populations or ethnic rivalries. While these issues are not central to the Kashmir problem, they are related to it. Thus, prudence suggests that all of the concerned parties take more seriously the negotiations already underway to resolve the India-Pakistan and the India-China border disputes. In the long run, it would be important to associate Kashmiris themselves with such negotiations, and this might be one inducement for them to help restore order within their own state. But India, Pakistan, and China should, for their own reasons, attempt to eliminate such disputes, if only because there are more serious challenges awaiting them ahead in years to come. 16

Fifth: Invest in Stake-Building In the most interesting debate that the U. S.-Russian study team heard while in India and Pakistan, a group of Pakistanis argued back and forth as to whether Kashmir was the cause of India Pakistan tensions, or whether those tensions were the cause of the conflict. Both statements may be true—or we may never know what is the balance of truth. Our very ignorance about these matters suggests a heavy investment in two processes.

One is stake-building: increasing the number of people in India, Pakistan, and in all parts of Kashmir that have a stake in normal relations and in a process that moves the region towards a settlement. This is one side of CBMs: “confidence building measures.” Democracies that have bilateral problems need to encourage lobbies in each other. They are the bridge-builders who influence the internal debate in both countries, and make it possible for governments to actually do something useful. The growth of interest in trade in the business communities of both India and Pakistan is especially encouraging. 17

Further, a second aspect of stake-building should receive immediate attention. This is the restrictions placed on the flow of information, scholars, and journalists between the two states. It is surprising that the academics in both countries (especially India) have not raised their voices to demand the same rights of travel and access that foreign scholars and journalists have. Indeed, the academic community seems least interested in finding out the truth. As of mid-1993 there were no Indian scholars of any level studying in Pakistan, and only one Pakistani graduate student studying in India. By contrast, there are thousands of Indians in the United States, and about fifty Indians and Chinese in their respective countries. No Pakistani scholar has ever written a book about Indian politics, and there is only one Indian scholar who has written a good book based on field research in Pakistan. 18 By and large there is less in the way of genuine movement of ideas and people than there was before 1965. It is in the interest of India and Pakistan to unilaterally allow the flow of journalists and academics, without demanding reciprocity—but the policy communities in both countries have a difficult time of even imagining such a step.

Sixth: End Alphabet Diplomacy Finally, both sides should stop relying upon what could be termed the alphabet diplomats and begin to constrain their self-deceiving disinformation campaigns. Alphabet diplomats are RAW, ISI, KGB, KHAD, CIA, and so forth, and the local intelligence services have created a bizarre dimension to the Kashmir problem: supposedly well informed people in both countries make all kinds of wrong assumptions about which side is doing what to the other. Indians menacingly suggest that if Pakistani intelligence does not stop arming Kashmiris, “there will be hell to pay in Sindh.” Pakistanis themselves can’t figure out whether Sindh is their Kashmir, or is being stoked by the Indians. They claim that their dabbling in Kashmir is not the cause of India’s problems, but only the opportune exploitation of them. But then they will return the threat, and tell visitors to inform the Indians that if there is not movement of some sort in Srinagar, then India’s own survival may be at risk. In a kind of reverse mirror-imaging they will then go on to compare Kashmir with East Pakistan/Bangladesh.

An outsider is at a loss to determine what is fact and what is fiction. But it is likely that the insiders do not know the truth is either. 19 This has created an unstable state of affairs. Four years ago (in 1990) the risk of war between India and Pakistan over Kashmir was being exaggerated by outsiders, especially Americans. 20 Regional officials on both sides seemed to have a good grasp of the problem, and of the dangers of escalation. Neither side wanted to go to war for the sake of a few Kashmiris. That is still probably true, although there is a measure of crisis-weariness, especially in India. However, while the chances of an all-out war over Kashmir remain smaller than Americans have been predicting, it is greater than South Asians think. The latter have to remember that all of the earlier wars between the two countries were caused in one way or another by strategic calculations that turned out to be in error. With the existing levels of misinformation and disinformation, it could happen again, even with sober, responsible leaders in charge on both sides.

Conclusion: Problems without Solutions, Solutions without Problems While Kashmir consists of layers of problems we cannot assume that removing the source at each layer will lead to a solution. Certainly, nothing can be done about the original British decisions. That Kashmir has strengthened the conflicting identities of the two states is a fact that will not go away, and cannot be compromised. India and Pakistan can work around this history, but cannot rewrite it. However, as we have noted, Kashmir is nowhere near as important domestically in either state as it was a number of years ago, and the military/strategic issues embedded in the Kashmir conflict could be finessed by introducing various verification and inspection regimes, agreement on force levels, pullbacks, and so forth. 21 More problematic are strategies to deal with Kashmiri separatism (plebiscite or referendum—and if either, on what basis?). But here, also, there should be general agreement between India and Pakistan that accommodating Kashmiri sensibilities should not be the prelude to the break-up of either state. So, in addressing the issue of self-determination the two sides should be able to achieve an understanding over ground rules and context.

We have suggested in this chapter that the problems of India-Pakistan-Kashmiri relations are too complex to understand with full clarity. An initial strategy of conflict-amelioration, moving across a broad range of issues, is suggested as the best that can be done now. Some of these problems may not be amenable to solutions (the tension between Indian and Pakistani identity, for example). And, there may be solutions in search of problems. Confidence building measures are not solutions to any particular problem, but address the difficulty of getting both sides to meet and talk. CBMs build confidence, not solutions.

However, the biggest obstacle to movement on any of the Kashmir sub-problems seems to be their perception of time. Clearly, all sides to a dispute need to agree on the need for a solution. Yet Islamabad and Delhi seem to be on a teeter totter—when one side is up, the other side feels that it is accelerating downward. As they briefly pass through a point of balance or equilibrium neither wants to negotiate since both believe that time is on their side, that they are just about to, or will after some time, regain the advantage. And what is the advantage? Again, both sides seem to assume that the other will not compromise unless confronted by superior force. “Punjab rules”—a zero-sum game with a club behind the back—seem to dominate India-Pakistan relations. The greater Kashmir problem is getting both sides—and now the Kashmiris themselves, whose perception of how time will bring about an acceptable solution is not clear at all—to examine their own deeper assumptions about how to bring the other to the bargaining table, and reach an agreement. On balance, we should be optimistic that this will be done. A review of the history of the issue, and of recent crises it has helped to generate convinces me that while South Asia has had its wars and man-made disasters, it is well-stocked with responsible policy-makers and that India and Pakistan have increasingly well-informed publics. In the face of greater internal economic and ethnic problems, India—and now Pakistan—have built democratic institutions that are the envy of Russians and Yugoslavs, among others. They can, I believe, extend this success to their own relations. Outside powers, especially the United States, Russia, and Japan should be willing and capable at some time in the not-too-distant future to do more than stand by and watch.

NOTES 1. This chapter was first presented to a MCISS-South Asia seminar in 1992, and revised as a note prepared for the Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs of the Foreign Service Institute, U.S. Department of State. Both were based upon research conducted during the course of a joint U.S.-Russian study of Kashmir and Afghanistan in Nepal, India and Pakistan in March-April, 1992. See Stephen P. Cohen, Sergei Kamenev, Vladimir Moskalenko and Leo Rose, Afghanistan and Kashmir (New York: The Asia Society, and Moscow: The Russian Oriental Institute, 1993). I have made some minor additions in view of a year in residence with the Ford Foundation, New Delhi, 1992-93.

2. The exact status of Indian and Pakistani nuclear capabilities remains uncertain. For recent overviews see George Perkovich, “A Nuclear Third Way in South Asia,” Foreign Policy; Summer, 1993, pp. 85-104 and Devin Hagerty, “The Powers of Suggestion: Opaque Proliferation, Existential Deterrence, and the South Asian Nuclear Arms Competition,” Security Studies, 2:3/4, Spring/Summer, 1993, 256-283.

3. The most notorious of these was offering Pakistan some 40 F-16 aircraft in exchange for the “capping” of its nuclear program; no equivalent offer was made to India, and both Islamabad and Delhi publicly and vehemently rejected this strategy of arms-for-peace.

4. For examples of this scenario-building see the testimony of the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, R. James Woolsey, before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, “Nomination of R. James Woolsey, Hearing,” 103rd Congress, First Session (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1993), and the exaggerated analysis by William E. Burrows and Robert Windrem in their Critical Mass: The Dangerous Race for a Superweapon in a Fragmented World (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994). ,br> 5. For a fine collection of essays on different aspects of the Kashmir crisis see Raju Thomas, ed., Perspectives on Kashmir: The Roots of Conflict in South Asia (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), and for a balanced summary of the Indian perspective on Kashmir see Sumit Ganguly and Kanti Bajpai, “India and the Crisis in Kashmir,” Asian Survey, Vol. 34, No. 5, May, 1994.

6. For a vivid overview see W. P. S. Sidhu, “Siachin: The Forgotten War,” India Today, May 31, 1992. Robert Wirsing has studied Siachin (and Kashmir) closely, and in a forthcoming book will provide the most authoritative account of the history of the conflict on (and over) the glacier.

7. This point is made by several Indian and Pakistani authors in Kanti P. Bajpai ad Stephen P. Cohen, eds., South Asia After the Cold War (Boulder: Westview, 1993). See especially the chapters by Pervaiz I. Cheema and Lieut. Gen. M. L. Chibber.

8. For a study of the origins and resolution of the Brasstacks crisis see Kanti Bajpai, P. R. Chari, Pervez Cheema, Stephen Cohen, Beyond Brasstacks: Perception and Crisis Management in South Asia (forthcoming, Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security, University of Illinois); for a discussion of the subsequent 1990 crisis by a number of the policy-makers in government at the time see See Michael Krepon, Mishi Farugues, eds., Conflict Prevention and Confidence Building Measures in South Asia: The 1990 Crisis. The Henry L. Stimson Center, Occasional Paper No. 17, April 1994.

9. See Stephen P. Cohen, “Conclusion,” in Cohen, ed., The Security of South Asia: Asian and American Perspectives (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), p. 240.

10. The Indian logic is that if the US had not supported extremist Muslim elements in Afghanistan with lavish supplies of arms, then Kashmir would have not been radicalized. This conveniently ignores the large scale supplies of weapons by both Iran and China, and, above all, India’s own mismanagement of Kashmiri politics, especially the imposition of corrupt governments and the absence of free elections.

11. Some elements of the Bharatiya Janata Party have recommended that Kashmir be repopulated with Hindus, once its special constitutional status (Article 370) was eliminated; The Andorra precedent of the 13th century-a treaty between Spain and France guaranteeing Andorra’s internal autonomy-has been discussed by Jean Alphonse Bernard of Paris; Jagmohan, one of the key principles in the most recent crises in Kashmir, has written that the long-term solution rests in a revival of the Indian spirit. See his own record of the crises of Kashmir-and is pivotal role- in My Frozen Turbulence in Kashmir (New Delhi: Allied, 1991.)

12. These impressions are, of course, based on personal experiences; however, in the absence of accurate poll data, serious academic studies, or other objective measures of Indian and Pakistani public opinion this remains the only way to judge public opinion on Kashmir in the two countries. What is astonishing is the absence of serious academic, or even journalistic studies of the shape and intensity of regional public opinion.

13. Not only has bilateral diplomacy collapsed between India and Pakistan, there has been, over the past year, a number of incidents in which the diplomats of both sides have been harrassed, and even beaten, by security forces, and the intelligence services of both countries have harassed ordinary scholars and journalists attending functions in each other’s country. Recent reports indicate that some in Pakistan now see some value in perpetuating the crisis over Siachin, while being “soft” on offers to open up nuclear facilities for inspection, as part of a complex game of getting outsiders, especially the United States, to come down harder still on Delhi. These verbal games are brilliantly played by both sides, but also reveal a lack of interest in achieving a settlement. For a fuller description of these diplomatic stratagems, see the editorial in The Frontier Post, Peshawar, December 17, 1993.

14. For an informative discussion of private third-party involvement see Gennady I. Chufrin and Harold Saunders, “A Public Peace Process,” Negotiation Journal, April, 1993, pp. 155-177.

15. I have outlined a strategy based on the possibility that the United States and other outside powers play a larger role on both the Kashmir and the proliferation issues-which are inextricably linked in many ways. For a presentation of this strategy to an Indian audience see Stephen P. Cohen, “Is there a Road to Peace in South Asia? An American Perspective,” Journal of the United Services Institution of India, April-June, 1993, pp. 146-153.

16. These include the successful transition to more open, competitive economies, the management of their own nuclear arms race (which is linked directly to the amelioration or resolution of the Kashmir problem), and simply coping with the increased demands placed on the struggling Indian and Pakistani states by new regional, economic, ethnic, class, and caste groups.

17. For a discussion of the recent history of private, or Track II diplomacy, including efforts by the business communities of India and Pakistan to foster dialogue, see Sundeep Waslekar, Track-Two Diplomacy in South Asia, Occasional Paper, Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security, University of Illinois, 1994, especially the Appendix. This includes a list of over thirty recent Track II and confidence-building activities conducted in South Asia.

18. See D. D. Khanna and Kishore Kumar, Dialogue of the Deaf: The India-Pakistan Divide (Delhi: Konarak Publishers, 1992). Khanna and Kumar have one chapter devoted to Kashmir, based largely on interviews in India and Pakistan.

19. In 1993 the Indian Prime Minister, P. V. Narasimha Rao, told a visiting American group that there was no need to worry about incidents on the border leading to a larger conflict between India and Pakistan, since the Pakistanis, at least, were aware of what they were doing, and knew what the consequences would be if they went too far. He described the situation as analogous to the “magic circle” that surrounded Sita: she could not break out, but no one could break in.

20. A view put into print by Seymour Hersh, in a useful, if not always accurate article on the 1990 crisis. See Hersh, “On the Nuclear Edge,” The New Yorker, March 29, 1993.

21. For an overview of regional verification and CBM possibilities see Moonis Ahmar, “Indo-Pakistan Normalization Process: The Role of CBMs in the Post-Cold War Era,” Research Series, Program in Arms Control, Disarmament, and International Security, University of Illinois, October, 1993.

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Essay on Kashmir: History and Beauty in 600+ Words

Updated on
Jan 20, 2024

Essay on Kashmir for Students: Kashmir is a region situated between India and Pakistan in South Asia. It is believed that the name Kashmir originated from the word ‘Ka’ which means water, and ‘shimera’ to desiccate.

The story of Kashmir is complex and has historical, cultural, and political dimensions. Over the years, many rulers and empires, like the Mauryas , Kushans , and Mughals have influenced the paradise of the Earth. The region especially had the special influence of Mauryan ruler Ashoka who contributed to the cultural as well as the architectural heritage of the region.

Cultural Diversity of Kashmir

Kashmir is a region that has a rich history and ancient roots. The place has witnessed the rise and fall of many dynasties, such as the Mauryas , Kushnas , and Guptas . On top of that, these dynasties contributed to the cultural and geographic location of Kashmir, which includes the influence of the Silk Road and the blend of Hindu, Buddhist, and later Islamic influences.

Kashmir Issue

The dispute related to the sharing of borders didn’t stop after Independence. Whether it was India, Pakistan, or China, tensions related to the disputes of the region always created a heat of fire between the countries that led to wars. The list of some important wars are as follows:

1. First Indo-Pak War (1947-1948) : Fought for Jammu Kashmir shortly after India’s independence.

2. Sino-Indian War (1962): A conflict between India and China for the territorial region Aksai Chin.

3. The War of (1965): Fought mainly over Kashmir.

4. Kargil War (1999): A conflict between India and Pakistan in the Kargil district of Jammu and Kashmir.

Article 370 Scrapped

Geographically, Kashmir lies in the northwestern region of the Indian continent. Its total area is around 225,000 square kilometers, which is comparatively larger than the member countries of the United States.

Out of the total area, 85,800 square kilometers have been subject to dispute between India and Pakistan since 1947. It is important to note that the areas with conflict consist of major portions called the Northern, Southern, and Southeastern portions. The 30 percent of the northern part comprises Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan and is administered by Pakistan.

India controls the portion which is more than 55 percent of the area of the land. The area consists of Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh, Kashmir Valley, and Siachen Glacier which is located in the southern and southeastern portions of India. The area is divided by a line of control and has been under conflict since 1972.

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Political Report: Kashmir Issue

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Essay On Kashmir

Political Science

100 Words Essay On The Kashmir Issue In English

The Kashmir Issue is one that is complex. It can be traced back to the time of partition.

After the Partition in 1947, Pakistan emerged as a Muslim-dominated country while India emerged as a secular, democratic country. The province of Kashmir, situated at the border of the two countries, got tangled and entrapped between them.

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The Latest Kashmir Conflict Explained

India argues it is stabilizing Kashmir—but, Islamabad says it will have dire consequences for the region.

By: Tara Kartha; Jalil Jilani

Publication Type: Analysis

Editor’s Note: USIP Jennings Randolph Fellows Dr. Tara Kartha and Ambassador Jalil Jilani look at the latest crisis in Kashmir from their respective views. Dr. Kartha was a member of India’s National Security Council for 15 years and has over 30 years’ experience in national security policy. Amb. Jilani, a career Pakistani diplomat, is a former ambassador to the U.S. and former foreign secretary. This post represents the views of the authors and not those of USIP.

Barbed-wire placed by security personnel stretches across a Srinagar street in Indian-controlled Kashmir, Aug. 11, 2019.

India aims to stabilize Jammu and Kashmir. But, why now?

Kartha: On August 5, India decided to take a long-considered move using article 370 of its constitution to change the status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. Although this has long been a part of the platform of Prime Minister Narenda Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the overwhelming majority of parliamentarians across all parties supported the decision—with 351 votes for and 72 against. Even the general secretary of the opposition Congress Party expressed his approval. This has been a move long in the making, with the backing of a wide swath of Indian political actors. But, the question remains, why now?

New Delhi made this move in an effort to stabilize Jammu and Kashmir and integrate it more fully with the Indian state. The Modi government’s decision is aimed at promoting local governance and encouraging investment in a state that has lagged behind for decades. The lack of effective local governance has hampered the development of the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir, including Ladakh, Jammu, and tourism dependant areas like Sonamarg and Gulmarg.

Although much criticized, New Delhi’s stepped-up security and communications restrictions implemented along with the August 5 decision were lifted in 136 of 197 police station areas. Many schools have also reopened. Jammu and Kashmir will gradually return to normal, barring any terrorist activity or violence.

India believes that the accession of Jammu and Kashmir is final, and any unfinished business regarding partition of the greater Kashmir region only concerns areas occupied by Pakistan. Reorganizing Jammu and Kashmir made no territorial changes, but sought to more closely integrate the state with the rest of India. Therefore, for India, the dispute between India and Pakistan remains unchanged.

The advancement of U.S.-Taliban talks, and the imminence of a deal, has demonstrated to India that the U.S. is serious about withdrawing from Afghanistan. India fears that this could lead to history repeating itself. When another superpower, the Soviet Union, left Afghanistan some 30 years ago, intense terrorism in Kashmir immediately followed, as those who fought the Soviets turned to India.

To India, Islamabad’s objections to the move ring hollow. Over the years, Pakistan has unilaterally changed the status of other territories it occupies in the greater Kashmir region, namely Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan. Just last year, Pakistan changed the structure of Azad Kashmir’s government. India protested the change. But, unlike Pakistani Prime Minister Khan’s warning of a heightened risk of war and terrorism following the August 5 decision, India did not resort to threats over Azad Kashmir.

Islamabad now has a choice. It can continue to support terrorism in Kashmir, which has not only devastated the region, but also severely hurt Pakistan’s economy. Or it can choose to cease such support and focus on its internal economic problems. Once the threat of terrorism is removed, there will surely be room for dialogue.

By rooting out terrorism, Pakistan can focus on economic development and more effectively leverage its immense resources to boost its economy. This could encourage economic linkages across the region, leading to greater regional stability in the long run.

What are the consequences for India, Pakistan and the region?

Jilani: India’s unilateral decision to revoke Article 370 of its constitution has severely hampered the chances of a renewal of the peace process between New Delhi and Islamabad. From Pakistan's perspective the Indian action constitutes a grave violation of the U.N. Security Council resolutions on Kashmir and bilateral Pakistan-India agreements, such as the 1972 Shimla Agreement and the Lahore Declaration.

Prime Minister Narenda Modi’s government’s decision will have far reaching consequences for Pakistan-India relations and regional peace and security. Islamabad says that increased repression and human rights violations by Indian forces in Indian Occupied Kashmir will breed violence, fuel indigenous uprising, and further generate tension with Pakistan. Yet, since August 5, India has mobilized hundreds of thousands of troops, detained thousands of Kashmiris, and imposed a curfew resulting in food and medicine shortages. In Islamabad’s eyes, the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir has become a garrison area.

With the illegal steps taken by the Indian government—imposition of curfew, arrests of political leaders and blockade of communications—the situation has reached a tipping point. Intensifying violence in Indian-occupied Kashmir poses serious challenges for Pakistan and the region. These challenges include:

For Pakistan, Kashmir remains the core issue and Islamabad cannot envision a dialogue with India that excludes the Kashmir issue.
Islamabad rejects India’s claim that Kashmir is an internal matter, pointing to past and present international and bilateral calls for a peaceful resolution through dialogue. India’s move violates multiple U.N. Security Council resolutions and is unacceptable to Pakistan and the international community.
The faint hope for a reasonable settlement based on the four-point formula—which became the basis of back-channel negotiations during the 2004-08 peace process and envisaged self-governance for Kashmiris, demilitarization, travel across the Line of Control and a monitoring mechanism, while also protecting the vital interests of the two countries—has been extinguished.
Pakistan fears India could stage a false flag in either Jammu and Kashmir or mainland India and blame it on Pakistan in order to divert attention from the volatile situation in Kashmir.
The possibility of direct Indian intervention in Azad Kashmir or subversion inside Pakistan cannot be ruled out. In case India directly intervenes in Pakistan or in Azad Kashmir or Gilgit-Baltistan (both of which are part of what the U.N. calls Pakistan-administered Kashmir), it could result in war between the nuclear powers with incalculable implications for both countries and the region.
The outcome of the current Indian actions could result in more refugees from India into Pakistan.
The latest Indian action will complicate the resolution of other long-standing disputes over issues like the Siachen Glacier and Sir Creek.
The Indian decision will adversely impact people-to-people contacts and trade relations between the two countries.
Tension between India and Pakistan will have a negative impact on regional security. The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation process is already suspended due to India-Pakistan tensions. India’s move is a further blow to regional cooperation.

Irrespective of India’s actions, the fact is that Kashmir is an internationally recognized disputed territory and will remain so until the legitimate aspirations of the Kashmiris are fulfilled. India’s repression in Kashmir is unlikely to change this reality.

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Essay on Kashmir Issue

The Kashmir conflict is one of the longest-running disputes in the world. It involves India, Pakistan, and China, who claim different parts of the Himalayan region. The conflict has its roots in the partition of British India in 1947, and has led to wars, violence, and human rights violations. This article will explore the history, causes, and consequences of the Kashmir conflict.

Essay on Kashmir Issue – 200 Words

In recent decades, the Kashmir Issue has been one of the most controversial and divisive issues, with no signs of progress. The current status quo is unsustainable, and this problem must be solved as soon as possible before further conflict erupts from it. When the country of Pakistan was created in 1947, the Kashmiri people wanted to join.

Raja Hari Singh acceded to India, and Sheikh Abdullah supported this decision- but many Kashmiris revolted against it because they were not happy with their fate being decided by a man who did not understand them nor share their culture or religion. The Indian army entered Kashmir, and the Pakistani government began supporting these rebels as well.

A part of Kishangarh had been liberated from Hindu rule. Still, soon after that, a plebiscite for independence was promised by UNO, which also ensured peace between both countries temporarily until an agreement could be reached on how best to divide up what land remained unconquered when all is said.

A large part of the valley is still under occupation by India. The Kashmiris revolted against their occupiers in 1965 and started a war for liberation that Pakistan has prevented them from ending.

Essay on Kashmir Issue – 500 Words

The statement implies that freedom is a fundamental right that every human being should enjoy. However, in the context of the Kashmir issue, the exercise of this right is not equal for everyone. Pakistan seeks to resolve the problem peacefully through UN resolutions that provide for the accession of Kashmir to either country based on the will of the people.

In contrast, India relies solely on the use of force to address the issue, using methods that range from non-lethal weapons like water cannons, tear gas, and pellet guns to lethal force and violence, including incidents of rape. For example, there have been allegations that Indian forces gang-raped two teenage sisters from Pakistan who were gathering firewood near the border.

Such acts are condemned by advocates of peace, regardless of which side perpetrates them. The Kashmir issue is complex and requires a sustainable solution that takes into account the legitimate interests and aspirations of all parties involved, while also respecting human rights and promoting peaceful coexistence.

The Kashmir issue is the core of contention between Pakistan and India. It has a profound and direct effect on Indo-Pak Relations, peace in South Asia, stability domestically within both countries as well as international recognition for either side–all three are at stake with this conflict that dates back to before the division of South Asian territory into two sovereign states: one Muslim led state (Pakistan) and another Hindu dominated country (India).

The people of Kashmir have been struggling for freedom from Indian rule for more than fifty years now, but they still languish under their oppressive regime without an end in sight. Kashmir is a predominantly Muslim region with an almost even split between Hindus and Muslims.

It’s unclear how the population divide would have been worked out if Kashmir had not joined India during the partition. Still, we know that it includes some of the most scenic sights in Asia, has plentiful natural resources including waterfalls and rivers to rival any other place on earth, yet still struggles with massive poverty as well as violence from both sides.

The state borders Pakistan along its western border while China occupies part of Kashmir’s northern side; however, neither country claims sovereignty over all or parts thereof (despite territorial disputes). More importantly, travelers hoping to visit are essential facts: it suffers from nearly constant unrest due primarily to terrorism-related activities by separatists.

Kashmir is a contemporary example of how people suffer when the world’s most powerful nations are involved in their affairs. It began with Maharaja Hari Singh, who illegally decided to join Kashmir as part of India and then acted barbarically against his subjects.

This led Muslims into Pakistan for refuge; Hindus took advantage and entered armed forces on October 26th, 1947, which has been an unending period of struggle since that time-a fate shared by all its inhabitants, including Punjabis, Dogras, Sindhis, or Pathans living there across the country.

Kashmir is a contemporary example where we can see what happens when some countries use force contrary to international law even if they do so under the claim it was done “for peace.” In this case. There has been an ongoing battle between Pakistan and India over Kashmir for years now, with both sides refusing to give in or back down on the issue.

These latest talks are hopeful in the sense that at least there would be an end to war and brutality.

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Sana Mursleen is a student studying English Literature at Lahore Garrison University (LGU). With her love for writing and humor, she writes essays for Top Study World. Sana is an avid reader and has a passion for history, politics, and social issues.

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Essay on Kashmir Problem And Its Solution in English

Today we will write on Essay on Kashmir Problem And Its Solution in English, As we all know that Kashmir has been taken as one of the serious issues to talk about for the last so many years. This has been taken to be one of the international levels of problems whose solution is still not known much. The person of Kashmir has started taking Kashmir solution to be a dream that can never be fulfilled in this life. But if you would be looking into the pages of Kashmir issue, then for sure you would be coming closer with so many of the solutions as well which probably the world has never thought about to come up! Let’s share those Kashmir issue solutions with you!

Solution of Kashmir Problem :

As we all know that Kashmir is basically taken as the flashpoint between India and Pakistan for more than 60 years. Presently, the Line of Control has been divided into two regions as where one part has been administered by India and one by Pakistan. India has been making the efforts as where it would formalize this status quo and hence make it acceptable to be the international boundary. But Kashmir has rejected this plan for sure.

Essay on Kashmir Problem And Its Solution in English

Kashmir has been in favor of joining Pakistan and Pakistan is also on the support of this decision as well. Pakistan has been all the time making the effort to bring about the solution to the Kashmir dispute results. In the state majority of the Muslim population, it would be voting maximum to become the part of Pakistan. The Hindus of Jammu and the Buddhists of Ladakh have never ever shown any kind of the desire to join Pakistan.
If Kashmir would be joining India, then this would definitely be bringing about the stability right into the region as being the Muslim inhabitants of Pakistani-administered Jammu and Kashmir adding to the Northern Areas.
Kashmir can often come up with the solution as for where Kashmir can act as the independent country as well. But both Pakistan and Indian are ready enough to give away the This would be bringing out the result of the plebiscite as a vote for the independence that would be opposed by both India and Pakistan.

Well, we don’t think so that in the coming few years no particular solution will be coming over in the Kashmir issue and still Kashmir has to crush between Pakistan and India! What are your opinions about it?

Well this is all about the Essay on Kashmir Problem And Its Solution in English and if you need to add something to this topic then you can write us in the comment section given below on this page.

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Indian Kashmir to Hold Legislative Election for First Time in a Decade

Some measure of self-governance will be restored in the region, which was stripped of its semiautonomous status by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government.

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A line of men and a separate line of women wait to vote outside a polling station.

By Sameer Yasir

Reporting from New Delhi

For the first time in a decade, Muslim-majority Kashmir in India will hold an election for its regional legislature starting next month, the country’s election commission said on Friday.

The announcement is a step toward returning some measure of self-governance to Kashmir after the Hindu-nationalist government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi stripped the region of its semiautonomous status in 2019 and suspended democracy there.

In December, India’s Supreme Court ruled in a case challenging the revocation of Kashmir’s special status. While the court upheld the government’s move, it ordered that a process be undertaken to select a democratically elected government and to restore statehood for what is formally known as Jammu and Kashmir.

“Everyone we met wanted elections,” Rajiv Kumar, India’s chief election commissioner, told reporters in New Delhi, referring to a recent visit he made to the region.

Kashmir is at the heart of a long and bitter dispute between India and Pakistan. The Indian-controlled part of the region has endured decades of political unrest. Tens of thousands of militants, Indian soldiers and ordinary civilians have been killed during an insurgency.

A legislative election that would have taken place in 2019 was deferred after the federal government in New Delhi brought the region — the only one in India with a Muslim majority — under its direct control .

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Essay on Kashmir Issue with Outline and Quotations
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Today we will write on Essay on Kashmir Problem And Its Solution in English, As we all know that Kashmir has been taken as one of the serious issues to talk about for the last so many years. This has been taken to be one of the international levels of problems whose solution is still not known much. The person of Kashmir has started taking ...
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Essay on Kashmir Issue with Outline and Quotations

Kainat Shakeel

Historical Background

The dispute over Kashmir is more than just a territorial disagreement; it is a fatal calamity that has impacted the existence of millions for decades. – (Malala Yousafzai)

International Involvement

Root Causes of the Conflict

Kashmir isn’t just a land; it’s a people, a culture, a history, and overall, a deeply confirmed identity that demands respect and understanding.”

Political and Cultural Dimensions

” The Kashmir issue is a memorial that political conflicts have profound mortal consequences, and their resolution requires a deep understanding of the historical and cultural environment.”- (Noam Chomsky)

Impact on the People

Displacement and Migration

Social and Economic Consequences

Diplomatic Efforts and Peace Initiatives

UN Resolutions

Bilateral Talks

Role of International Organizations

Current Scenario

Recent Developments

10 Must-Read Essays on Kashmir by Gautam Navlakha

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Kashmir Issue Essay With Outlines And Quotations

By Arbaz Javed

Historical Background

The Human Dimension

Political Complexities

International Dimensions

Steps Towards Peace

The Road Ahead

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