Crime Doesn’t Pay

Meanings of “crime doesn’t pay”.

The phrase “crime doesn’t pay” means that crime or any illegal methods of earning is not a profitable venture, or rather it is never beneficial. Its implied meaning is that it always invites punishment. A criminal always has to bear the consequence of his/her actions.

Origin of “Crime Doesn’t Pay”

The phrase “crime doesn’t pay” is stated to have originated in the Victorian period to encourage officials and the public to stick to that time’s moral framework to reduce crime rates. Its earliest recorded citation has been found in UK Law Magazine in its edition published in 1860. It goes thus; “In these hours of solitude, he is led, perhaps for the first time in his life, to wholesome reflection. His earliest thought will probably be that crime does not pay.”

Examples in Literature

Crime Doesn’t Pay by Randy Johnson

I used to have freedom but now I’m locked in the Tank. I was sentenced to twenty years after I robbed a bank. I had the dream of being a college graduate but it didn’t come to fruition. The reason why I robbed that bank was to get money for the tuition. Now my dreams of being a college graduate are dead. I have many years of incarceration and misery ahead. I thought I could get away with it but I underestimated the Police. Maybe if I’m on my best behavior, my sentence will be decreased. Believe me when I tell you that crime doesn’t pay. Don’t steal if you need money, find a better way.

The poet has presented not only his criminal details but also the actions in this first-person poetic rendering of his bank robbery. The speaker loses his freedom after he robs a bank to get money for his tuition fees for graduation. Languishing in misery and incarceration, the speaker states that he has now realized that it is useless to become rich through a crime. He uses the phrase in the second last line to stress upon finding some other way to get money. Therefore, it seems to be an extended metaphor with a touch of irony and humor .

Crime Doesn’t Pay: The Rise and Fall of a Street Boss by Nathan White

This story is about an extraordinary African American businessman who succeeded merely by his grits and the help of his family after God. Despite living in Philly’s streets, he won respect and honor in the town, which a few of the townspeople have ever achieved. On the contrary, most of his youth period was spent in the street fighting and petty crimes. His entire life seems to support this phrase that crime does not pay and that a person has to work hard to earn money. Thus, this phrase has been presented as a metaphorical extension through this story.

The Stock Market Philosopher: Insights of a Soviet-born, New York-bred Hedge … by Gennady Favel

Think of the expression “crime doesn’t pay.” If you don’t know any criminals personally, then all of the information about criminals you’ve ever heard has likely been from media, and this is likely because the criminals in question were caught. Based on that evidence it certainly does seem that crime does not pay. But what about all the criminals who have been caught.

The author states that if you have heard this phrase, it implies that it happens only in the real world that a person committing a crime is always caught. However, if you believe the hedge stories and market successes of hoodwinking the law, they are just media stories that are anything but true. All criminals are caught at some point in their lives.

The Society We Live In, Volume 1 b y Jack L. Brooks Jr.

The good thing about “Hell” is that it isn’t a lonely place, but “The Pain” is “Eternal” that’s the worst thing! They say that crime doesn’t pay? Whoever coined that phrase was a liar, crime pays in ways that you can’t “imagine”, but the reward for it isn’t one that anyone would want, if they only knew the price of the sum for it.

Not only does the author argue the coining of this phrase, but also sheds light on its literal meanings. He says that an ordinary person cannot imagine how it pays in the long run and how some people reap the fruits of their crimes. However, it generally happens that it does not pay, but it is not always true.

Example in Sentences

Example #1: “Matthew has gained nothing after committing robberies and conning for 25 years, which is proof to his family that crime doesn’t pay.”

Example #2: “When Berkley was arrested for his robbery of the Queen’s necklace, he realized how crime does not pay. His millions worth of robbery couldn’t get him out of jail or live the life he dreamed of.”

Example #3: “After wasting three years in the force, Horace came to do petty jobs of plundering the people and hoodwinking the simpletons. However, he did not reap  its benefits, for a crime does not pay.”

Example #4: “After serving ten years in jail, Julian realized that crime doesn’t pay and that he needed to live an honest life to survive.”

Example #5: “Mary saw her husband being arrested and taken to the jail for a robbery he had committed for her surgery. She wept and understood that crime does not pay, no matter how good of a reason you have.”

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The meaning and origin of the expression: Crime doesn't pay

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Crime doesn't pay

What's the meaning of the phrase 'crime doesn't pay'.

The proverbial saying 'crime doesn't pay' is the view that punishment rather than profit is the ultimate consequence of crime.

What's the origin of the phrase 'Crime doesn't pay'?

Crime doesn't pay

The saying isn't especially old - the earliest that I can find it in print is in the 1860 edition of the UK Law Magazine & Law Review :

In these hours of solitude he is led, perhaps for the first time in his life, to wholesome reflection. His earliest thought will probably be that crime does not pay.

Whether or not crime does pay is an open question.

See also: the List of Proverbs .

Gary Martin - the author of the phrases.org.uk website.

By Gary Martin

Gary Martin is a writer and researcher on the origins of phrases and the creator of the Phrase Finder website. Over the past 26 years more than 700 million of his pages have been downloaded by readers. He is one of the most popular and trusted sources of information on phrases and idioms.

Gary Martin, author of the www.phrases.org.uk website.

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Why The Crime Doesn T Pay Essay

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Crime Deception Essay

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Disadvantages Of Restorative Justice

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Advantages And Disadvantages Of Restorative Justice

While the offenders’ suffering or loss which in most cases imprisonment is what constitutes the ‘pay back’ to society and the victims (Batley 2005; 25). In contrast, restorative justice gives a very profound and different meaning to the term ‘paying back’ for the crime. In restorative justice the offender pays back for the crime committed by taking responsibility and fully acknowledging their actions, that includes repairing the harm and restore the relationship while allowing the victim to know what happened. By so doing, victims and

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More about Why The Crime Doesn T Pay Essay

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  • Crime Doesn't Pay Sometimes Is a Whole Essay

Crime Doesn't Pay Sometimes Is A Whole Essay

He was the man who was absolutely in charge of all the operations and management of the firm. He scaled up to the top in a suspicious away (Beasley, Carcello, & Hermanson, 1999, p. 12) which raised a lot of questionable signs of bribery, which according to ethnical standards deeper inquiry into the firm should have been carried out earlier before it collapsed. The people were never treated fairly; his dealings with people were symbolist with a number of an ethical deficit, the negligent feelings of management towards internal controls and his lavish lifestyle. However, according (Mokhiber, 2003, pg.8) Richard Scrushy managed to run HealthSouth through taking control of others and manipulating employee's minds by issuing threats, intimidation, electronic and telephonic surveillance and reading emails of other people. Throughout his tenure his employed an autocratic and coercive-based leadership. He believed that when making someone to shines, it will make him/her grows faster which make it look funny how fast the membership of HealthSouth grew (Jennings, 2003a, p. 50). It was noted that Richard M. Scrushy involved in weekly torturing of employees and members who happened to discuss. Richard M. Scrushy obviously managed to control from top to down by creating fear, threatening critics with reprisals, and paying his loyal subordinates well (Jennings, 2003, pg. 50). Many questions which have been asked are how the cruelty treatment of employees and other people relates with his character and most importantly his downfall. As stated by Howell and Avolio (1992) what he caused to the institutes and to supporters of both ethical and unethical leaders is catastrophic. They confirmed that immoral leaders have a tendency to pursue their own personal agenda (Jennings, 2003, pg. 44), and use power in dominance and authoritarian ways to pursue their personal self objectives, to influence others for their own reasons, and to succeed at all costs. Even when outlining the corporate agenda, unethical enigmatic leaders normally convey agenda that endorse their own personal interests which are always doesn't benefit others but act for their own disadvantage. In most cases, these leaders usually are one-way communicators and very close minded to participation and proposal from others and finally they pursue standards and see if they can convince their immediate self agenda (Jennings, 2003, pg. 49). They are skillful on management indications that what they are doing conforms to what others consider the right thing to do. Through the use of their enormous skills of conveying information, and can provide them with easy time to manipulate others to support their personal agenda. Howell and Avolio (1992) further explained the point on what took place to the followers of those leaders who were indicated on unethical enigmatic tendency to get people's attentions and descend towards loyal and uncritical followers who learn to offer the leader information that he or she wants to hear, whether that information is correct or not and these followers "easily become dependent on the leader who provides a clear action plan to pursue. The leader's power over them seems unlimited (Howell & Avolio, 1992, pg. 50). Eventually, immoral enigmatic leaders select or produce respectful, needy, and compliant followers. They undermine followers' motivation and ability to challenge existing views, to engage in self-development, and to develop self-sufficient perceptions. In due course, funs' of self-worth becomes inextricably linked to supporting the achievement of the leader's vision. If the leader deviates into unethical means for achieving his or her vision, followers are unlikely to question the leader's action. Since the leader is the moral standard bearer, followers can control even the most unhelpful actions and behaviors (Howell & Avolio, 1992, p. 49-50). Lax attitude towards internal controls This point is established based on the action which took place at HealthSouth of the Board of Directors. It's noted from the discussions that there are limited ways to control directors or any control measurements which were put in place to prevent conflict of interest amongst the directors or executives. Most importantly, mechanisms which could encourage the reporting any immoral act or illegal practices would be established. Holmes, Langford, Welch, & Welch (2002) accounted that, lax attitudes towards management may have resulted to a lack of employee carefulness and therefore to an environment which tolerates or maybe even encourages deceitful activities, while it discourages the reporting of such activities (Welch & Welch, 2002, p. 86). In general the whole issues of fraud which HealthSouth engaged in shows that it's clear and true, Scrushy managed to corrupt his ways…

Sources Used in Documents:

Sense of entitlement Jennings (2004a) identified that many corporate cultures are less concerned about their fraud because of their philanthropic endeavors. These good works seem to blind them to their culpability and cause them to both "overestimate their ability and underestimate the risk of being found out" (p. 17). This sense of entitlement constitutes two of the factors that Jennings identifies as "Wild West behaviors" (p. 13) that are common to organizations that ethically collapse; A "culture of innovation like no other" and a "culture of social responsibility" (p. 17). She notes that "the attitude develops slowly as the other factors of iconic status and high levels of success consume the individual right up to a feeling of invincibility" (p. 17). This is amply demonstrated in the behavior of Richard Scrushy, who despite all of the evidence arrayed against him continues to proclaim his innocence of any wrong doing. Jennings (2004b) identified common red flags that would point to corporate counsel that an investigation into the accounting of the firm might be in order. She indicated that in HealthSouth's case legal counsel "fits the inaction mold" (p. 45), and "like executives at WorldCom, Enron, and Tyco, executives at HealthSouth, particularly Scrushy, lived lavish lives" (p. 46). She concludes that "the presence of many elaborate perks is a red flag all can see" (p. 46). It is these perks that, according to Neeley & Boyd (2010) "encourage[s] executives to take excessive risk with other people's money" (p. 548).

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Introduction

Crime is an unlawful activity conducted by a person who is punishable by the government. The state has the duty to restrict one’s free will of committing a crime through the security police officers who have the power to arrest. Whenever a person is found guilty, they are provided separated from the community through imprisonment in order to rectify their behaviors. In both developing and developed countries, crime is very common which result from various reasons such as high level of poverty, access to firm arm or high level of unemployment.

In addition, more research indicates that increased interaction between genes and the surrounding environment may also predict the criminal behavior of a person. Other people end up engaging in crime due to the environment in which they are brought up. Therefore, there are many causes of crime and it is the sole role of the government to prevent and reduce high crime levels in respective countries in the world.

Causes of Crime

Crime is one of the social issue affecting the society where many people live in great fear and they are even afraid of leaving their houses. There are various criminology theories that tend to explain various causes of crime such as biological and sociological theories. The rate of crime in the world is increasing as there is a group of people who do not want to work as they want easy and quick cash. Crime is, therefore, a deviation from social norms ranging from petty theft to robbery with violence.

In order to curb and reduce crime, the government has relevant bodies such as police and judiciary which helps to prevent and punish crime offenders in the region. It will be the role of the police to arrest a suspect then charge them in court where the judicial system will rule. Whenever a person is charged, they are taken to prison where they will be able to reform through various rehabilitation programs.

Unemployment

One of the main causes of high crime rate across the globe is unemployment in society. According to biological theory, one of the basic determinant of human criminal behavior may be passed through generation. Most of the employment opportunities have been directly related to education hence whenever a person lacks basic education, there are high chances they will end up not getting any job opportunity. In addition, due to the increase in technology and automation process, there has been a reduction of job opportunities in the region (Riedel & Welsh, 20150. In such a case, most of the people who cannot afford to attend college, they end up acquiring lower jobs which cannot sustain their livelihood. They, therefore, end up to engage in crime in order to get their daily bread through violence using various weapons such as guns and knives.

Therefore, most of the people who are unemployed or working for minimum wage will always feel the need to take extra risk in order to support their families. Studies reveal that once a person continues to engage in crime, there are very high chances that a person will never quit that behavior.

Lack of education among the youth in society has also resulted in a high crime rate in the community. Education normally provides various ways in which we can make money through legal and legit ways in the community. In school, people are also taught how to behave and conduct themselves in the best way possible and also possible negative effects of crime are provided (Riedel & Welsh, 2015).

Therefore, lack of education normally will result to increase in crime rate which will mean that those who have never gone to school will have a greater chance of becoming involved in crime. In most cases, people who lack education will end up getting causal jobs which have low wages hence it cannot sustain their livelihood. In such a case, they end up engaging in crime such as robbery with violence, burglary, drug tracking, and shoplifting among others in the community.

Peer Influence

There are many peer groups which exist among the youths which also contribute to a strong desire to commit the crime in the region. There are good peer groups which tend to engage in responsible social activities such as sports and academic competition. On the other hand, those people who will not be able to fit in the good and positive social activities, they will feel out of place hence the need to engage in crime. According to sociological theory, weaker bond between the families tend to cause occurrence of a crime in the region. Young people will therefore engage in crime since they do not see any benefits of adhering to set social and legal norms.

Therefore peer pressure will create negative influence within the lives of the young people. In addition, in case a person is in a group of friends who all live prestige live, he/she will tend to engage in crime in order to support and fit in that group. Therefore, these people may end up leaving school in order to engage in criminal gangs that end up terrorizing member of the public. These gangs will always result in criminal acts in order to live a comfortable life in society. Therefore peer influence is also a major cause of crime in society. Within these criminal gangs, youths will also be recruited on peer influence with the promise of getting a huge sum of money in return.

Drug and Alcohol Abuse

Some of the most used drugs in the society are very expensive where in most cases, addictive will require to use them daily. Since these drugs cost a lot of money, they will be forced to engage in crime in order to access enough funds to purchase the drugs. According to interactionist, close association with another criminal especially in drug abuse will contribute to huge causes of crime in the region.

The individual will therefore lack self-direction hence end up accepting other unwanted behaviors. They end up stealing in order to satisfy their addiction to drugs. In addition, drugs also influence a person to commit the crime since it is able to influence the decision-making process. Therefore, both drugs and alcohol will tend to impair judgment and reduce inhibitions hence giving a person a higher chance of committing the crime. When engaged in crime as a result of drug influence, one will tend to be very violence where he/she can even kill a victim if they do not cooperate. Research indicates that drug and alcohol abuse contribute to 30-40% of crimes such as murder, robbery or sexual assault.

Access to Firearm

Access to a firearm within the community level has also contributed to high levels of crime in the region. Most of the firearms used during a crime may either be stolen or acquired illegally which tend to increase crime levels in the community. In addition interactionist theory indicate that whenever a person has access to firearm he/she will tend to interact with other innocent people in order to engage in crime. Firearm provides simple means of committing a crime since most of the victims will be afraid when confronted with a gun. There is, therefore, the need for the government to ensure any illegal firearms is surrounded back to the government. Most of these guns are involved in major crimes such as bank robbery among others and many deaths across the world have also been recorded.

High level of poverty and economic deprivation have been one of the main causes of crime in most countries. In nations where there is a high level of economic deprivation and the standards of living are high, it, therefore, tends to make the citizens commit a crime in order to earn a living. Therefore, most of the young people normally engage in crime whenever they see they are surrounded by a high level of poverty caused by depression and frustration in life.

Whenever the youth are committing these crimes using firearms, they become heartless human beings where if a victim fails to cooperate, they can even kill her in the process. Researchers indicate that there is no justification for engaging in crime due to poverty since most of the governments normally have youth and other funds where they can be granted support to start a small business.

The High Population Growth Rate

In both developing and developed countries, the high population growth rate has been associated with a high level of crime in the region. Therefore, the available resources with a country will not be able to suit the available population hence the need to engage in an unhealthy competition such as crime (Maier, Mears & Bernard, 2017). Therefore, when people become very many, the available resources and jobs will be deprived hence making most of the people to lack the major source of income in the community level. The system, therefore, motivates them to engage in crime since they have bills to pay as well as families to feed at home.

Lack of Role Models

Within the community especially in the slums, there is a lack of role models who have successfully and achieved in life that tend to affect and make people engage in crimes. The youth will, therefore, lack a person to enumerate and aspire to be in the future which can make them avoid crime. For example, if a child is born in a family where the father is a criminal, he/she will end up having a bad role model who may end up influencing them negatively.

They will, therefore, tend to become associated with crime in order to earn a living in the community level. On the other hand, if a person is surrounded by educated parents who are working, he/she will tend to work hard and become a good person in the community. Crime does not pay and therefore it should be discouraged and avoided in order to have a peaceful community. Therefore, according to biological theory, lack of any role model within the community will result to increased level in causes of crime.

The Society

The society mainly starting from home, church, as well as the community, also have high hopes and pressure for the youth who end up engaging in crime. Within society, wealth is highly valued and worshiped without considering where the wealth came from. Since the youth knows that the rich are valued and respected, in order to gain that fame, they will be able to engage in crime to prove that they have enough money in the community level.

Some parents even end up comparing their children with others who have become very successful in the market (Coccia, 2017). In addition, when most of the youth leave their rural homes for the city, most of the parents do not know what their children do hence they may not be able to monitor them. Some of them engage in crime where they take huge sums of money to their parents without considering where the money came from. They praise them and inform them to work hard in the cities now knowing the type of business they conduct in the major towns.

Unfair Judicial System

Most of the victims of an unfair judicial system normally engage in crime as the last resort as a form of rebellion against the community and the state. It, therefore, happens whenever a person is a victim and end up engaging in crime (Shabnam, Faruk & Kamruzzaman, 2016). For example, when one is falsely accused or convicted, there are high chances that they will be more hardened and filled with anger. They will end up taking up firearms as a revenge mission and also rebel against society. Most of the prisons system normally lacks the capability to reform most of the criminals hence they will end up engaging in more crimes in the community.

Crime Prevention

Crime prevention can be defined as various efforts required and taken in order to reduce and deter crime in the community through the help of the government. First, the government should provide both financial and social support to the youth through youth funds in order for them to create and start their own business in the community. In addition, it is also the role of the government to allow and provide various technical skills which can provide self-employment to the jobless youths in the community. The young people will, therefore, be economically empowered which will help them to ensure they will be able to support and feed their families.

In addition, the returning prisoners should also be empowered and provided with stable housing in order to discourage them from committing a crime at the community level. Due to the high level of poverty and unemployment, it will be the role of government to seek other international support from major organs in order to elevate the lives of their citizens in the market. They should be provided with both free primary and secondary education in order to acquire more skills.

The police should also engage with the community of community policing where they will able to invite members of the public to surrender their firearms without any form of victimization (Shabnam, Faruk & Kamruzzaman, 2016). The return of the firearms to the government will help to curb high cases of robbery with violence which end up killing and destroying any property.

Crime in the community is caused by various factors such as lack of education and the high unemployment rate in the community. Since most of the people lack the necessary skills and jobs to feed their families, they end up engaging in crime to feed their families. In addition, peer pressure also contributes to the crime where young people will be able to influence each other in order to get quick and easy cash.

Drug and substance abuse are very expensive to purchase hence any person who is addicted to the drugs will be able to engage in crime in order to acquire necessary funds to purchase the drugs. There is also easy access to firm arms which makes the youth very violent and can end up killing a victim. Other major causes of crime are lack of role model, poverty, the high population as well as the unfair judicial system.”

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crime doesn't pay

Definition of crime doesn't pay, dictionary entries near crime doesn't pay.

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crime doesn't pay

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does crime pay essay

essay about crime does not pay

Does Crime Pay: A Criminal Pursuit of the American Dream

Does Crime Pay: A Criminal Pursuit of the American Dream American society places value on individual success. While becoming rich is revered and seen as a sign of prestige, the method in attaining wealth is not closely scrutinized. Many people are content playing the game safely, working long and hard aspiring to attain wealth through their own work. Whatever they cannot attain in their lifetime they leave to their children to aspire to. They are content moving up this game of life one step at

Paying For Crime Control Programs Essay

Paying for Crime When individuals adopt a “tough on crime” perspective, there are numerous costs affiliated with crime prevention or crime control. Cohen, Rust, Steen & Tidd (2004) analyze the public’s willingness to pay for crime control programs associated with punishment being the main deterrent of crime. The researchers evaluate the cost-benefit analysis, which compare the cost of criminal justice policies to their crime control benefits. The study was composed of 1, 300 randomly selected US

Blue Collar Crime : The Conflict Between White And Blue Palar Crime

Crime exists. It’s an inevitable part of living in a society and stems from the conflict between individuals and the environment. Crime has always existed and it always will, even with the systems of punishment in place. It is an omission that constitutes a wrongdoing that is prosecuted by the province or territories and is punishable by law. In today’s society, the two categories of crime are white collar crimes (corporate crimes committed by those of higher social status) and blue collar crimes

Death Penalty Ineffectiveness

very controversial thanks to the results it claims to have, but does not achieve them at all. For example, supporters of death penalty claimed that it deteriorates crime. However, many studies done by various and prestigious academic institutes have shown the opposite. Also in their research they have found the death penalty expensive, kills innocent people, it is not morally good, and does not fulfill its purpose of deteriorating crime. First, the capital punishment is extremely expensive for taxpayers

The Procedural Law And Criminal Justice

system. However, it does not exhibit its equal concern to victims of crime when it comes to re-compensating them for the 'loss ' incurred or physical, mental or emotional `injury ' sustained by them. There is neither a comprehensive legislation nor a well-designed statutory scheme or a policy statement in India either allowing a crime victim to seek compensation from offender and/or State or to participate. as a matter of right, in the CJDS and

Analysis Of The Film ' The Simpsons '

of the reasons this film was so popular was because it was based in reality. The film details what the life of a gangster is. It also displays the message that crime does not pay. At the end of the film all the gangsters either end up dead, in jail, or in the witness protection program. Henry Hill is a great example of how crime doesn’t pay. Henry Hill during the film seems to be living the American dream. He has more money than he knows what to do with and everyone in town knows who he is. He feels

Abolishing The Death Penalty In The United States

People get the death penalty when they do one of these crimes; murder, treason, espionage, terrorism, and drug trafficking. You could also be in prison for the rest of your life if this happens. The death penalty is three lethal drugs that are given to the person that is guilty. The drugs are anesthetic, muscle relaxant, and a drug to stop the heart. The appeal system makes sure the people are guilty before they put them to death. This means the cases are reviewed. It takes place after the death

Essay about Burglary and the Rational Choice Theory

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There are numerous theories as to why a crime is committed. Rational choice theory, which is a subset of classical theory, says that before people commit a crime they think about what they are going to do. They weigh the pros and cons before committing the criminal act. The rational choice theory is well suited for the causation of burglary. The support for this theory is that burglars do not commit crime for the fun of it or just because they want to. It is usually because they need money to

Immigration Is Wrong Essay

often driven by the pursuit of prosperity and safety. While it enriches societies with diversity and innovation, it also challenges policy. Therefore, immigration is not wrong since many immigrants come here for work or as refugees, and it does not increase crime cases. Immigration is not wrong; these individuals arrive in the US in search of employment opportunities since some countries like Djibouti and Mexico do not have many job opportunities. For instance, I have heard from my parents' personal

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shut down? Not necessary the entire website but at least the particular categories on the website where children and other victims of sex trafficking are being exploited. Are there any reasons in particular for why the website has not been shut down, does it have to do with the millions of dollars in revenue each year, or any possible legal terms that protect the website from being shut down? A question for Ms./Mrs. Vicki Zito, can you please talk about some of the mental and/or emotional effects that

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Essay on “crime does not pay” for students and children, best essay, paragraph, speech for class 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12., crime does not pay.

As the only child in the family, Billy was the apple of his parent’s eyes. Born with a silver spoon in his mouth, Billy could have anything he wanted. His father was a successful entrepreneur while his mother was a consultant. Their busy careers left them with little time to spend at home. As a result, Billy was lonely and bored.

Billy craved attention. He mixed with the wrong group of friends and started playing truant. Soon, he started taking drugs. When his parents came to know about Billy’s behavior, they tried to make Billy turn over a new leaf. However, their efforts proved futile.

Soon, Billy was on the wrong side of the law. He was hauled up by the police at a nightclub. Billy was caught for being an underage nightclub patron and also for taking drugs. Billy’s devastated parents took him to a doctor. On the doctor’s advice, he was enrolled in counseling sessions. All their attempts to reform Billy were to no avail.

Billy ran away from home at the age of 17. To support his expensive drug habit, he became a drug pusher. Soon, Billy became a hardcore addict. His impoverished appearance and dirty attire became telltale signs that gave him away. His heavy dependence on drugs took a toll on his health.

One day, Billy became very ill and had to be rushed to hospital. After several tests, he was diagnosed with AIDS. Billy knew that his days were numbered. On the spur of the moment, he wanted to go home and apologize to his parents. He knew it would break their hearts to see him in the condition he was in. However, he could not find the willpower to break away from his life of crime despite his parents’ pain.

As his dependence on drugs grew, he fell deeper into crime. Robbery, housebreaking, and extortion were added to his list of crimes. High on the wanted list, Billy began a hide-and-seek game with the authorities.

One day, Billy was waiting for a potential client. He was in possession of dangerous drugs. Acting on a tip-off, a police team arrived and arrested Billy. The High court-imposed capital punishment. Before he was sent to the gallows, Billy met his parents. As he said his final farewell, his last words to them were ‘crime does not pay.

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Crime and Punishment: Do you agree with the moral "crime does not pay"? Refer to at least two texts in your answer.

Essay by xxxnamelessxxx ,  A- , May 2007

download word file , 8 pages download word file , 8 pages 5.0 3 votes 1 reviews

The saying that “crime does not pay” lies at the heart of a great deal of literature and many films. It appears in a large number of fairy tales and children’s story. This is to teach children from an early age that it is wrong to commit a crime, no matter how small, and that every criminal is eventually punished. Of course this is not true, many crimes, especially smaller crimes, are never punished. This can either be because no one has discovered a crime was committed or because there was no punishment fit for the criminal. For instance, because the criminal wasn’t conscious of committing the crime (mentally retarded, been drugged etc), because he is a minor and has a clean record or even because he is dying or deceased. However the criminal can be punished by other members of society as well and/or instead of by law. This would be in the form of revenge.

Then there is self-inflicted punishment. Criminals often feel guilty and this can drive them to depression, sometimes leading them to inflict physical pain on themselves or to commit suicide. If the criminal is Christian or Moslem, he will also have to endure the thought of going to Hell. If the criminal is Hindu or Buddhist, he will know he is destroying his chance for a good rebirth, dirtying and ruining his karma, which will cause him to suffer for lifetimes to come. Criminal acts might in the short run satisfy them or fill their pockets, will in the long run, from a spiritual perspective, hurt the criminal. Indeed, in the long term, and from the moral and ethical, psychological and spiritual points of view, it appears to be almost always true that "Crime does not pay." Literature often portrays reality; therefore this moral...

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Does Crime Pay

Does crime pay? This is one of the most debated questions that has hit our shores in recent year. Ever since the introduction of basic human rights and many successful rallies against prisoner abuse, prisons have and are becoming increasingly pleasant places to lived. In this essay I aim to cover both sides of the story and give advice to the government on what is the next step. During my recent research I have found that roughly the average price to put one prisoner into prison cost ? 95,000 for one year. I also learnt that in prison you get an average wage of ? 9. 0 based on a 32 hour working week, and most surprisingly that prisoners get some fine food like Indian curries and Italian pastas. If we put this in contrast to the daily diet of a homeless person, who can go days without food and water, these people our victims of crime and yet our government still spends almost ? 100,000 on the people who victimise these helpless people in prisons. A logical and short term thinking homeless person would be silly not to commit crime - a working wage, food, a bed and toilet facilities and showers provided and the option to complete a degree are just some of the perks.

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So crime does indeed pay on this level. Job seekers allowance now stands at ? 67. 50 for a single person, however these people need an address to receive this, the average price of a loaf of bread is approximately ? 1 and a pint of milk is now ? 0. 40, this shows that it is nearly impossible to survive from day to day as they are not eligible to apply for jobseekers allowance and therefore are depending on busking or begging money. For many homeless people, they have been forced to make crime pay, but there is a problem…

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Crime doesn't pay

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What Sentencing Could Look Like if Trump Is Found Guilty

A black-and-white photo of Donald Trump, standing behind a metal barricade.

By Norman L. Eisen

Mr. Eisen is the author of “Trying Trump: A Guide to His First Election Interference Criminal Trial.”

For all the attention to and debate over the unfolding trial of Donald Trump in Manhattan, there has been surprisingly little of it paid to a key element: its possible outcome and, specifically, the prospect that a former and potentially future president could be sentenced to prison time.

The case — brought by Alvin Bragg, the Manhattan district attorney, against Mr. Trump — represents the first time in our nation’s history that a former president is a defendant in a criminal trial. As such, it has generated lots of debate about the case’s legal strength and integrity, as well as its potential impact on Mr. Trump’s efforts to win back the White House.

A review of thousands of cases in New York that charged the same felony suggests something striking: If Mr. Trump is found guilty, incarceration is an actual possibility. It’s not certain, of course, but it is plausible.

Jury selection has begun, and it’s not too soon to talk about what the possibility of a sentence, including a prison sentence, would look like for Mr. Trump, for the election and for the country — including what would happen if he is re-elected.

The case focuses on alleged interference in the 2016 election, which consisted of a hush-money payment Michael Cohen, the former president’s fixer at the time, made in 2016 to a porn star, Stormy Daniels, who said she had an affair with Mr. Trump. Mr. Bragg is arguing that the cover-up cheated voters of the chance to fully assess Mr. Trump’s candidacy.

This may be the first criminal trial of a former president in American history, but if convicted, Mr. Trump’s fate is likely to be determined by the same core factors that guide the sentencing of every criminal defendant in New York State Court.

Comparable cases. The first factor is the base line against which judges measure all sentences: how other defendants have been treated for similar offenses. My research encompassed almost 10,000 cases of felony falsifying business records that have been prosecuted across the state of New York since 2015. Over a similar period, the Manhattan D.A. has charged over 400 of these cases . In roughly the first year of Mr. Bragg’s tenure, his team alone filed 166 felony counts for falsifying business records against 34 people or companies.

Contrary to claims that there will be no sentence of incarceration for falsifying business records, when a felony conviction involves serious misconduct, defendants can be sentenced to some prison time. My analysis of the most recent data indicates that approximately one in 10 cases in which the most serious charge at arraignment is falsifying business records in the first degree and in which the court ultimately imposes a sentence, results in a term of imprisonment.

To be clear, these cases generally differ from Mr. Trump’s case in one important respect: They typically involve additional charges besides just falsifying records. That clearly complicates what we might expect if Mr. Trump is convicted.

Nevertheless, there are many previous cases involving falsifying business records along with other charges where the conduct was less serious than is alleged against Mr. Trump and prison time was imposed. For instance, Richard Luthmann was accused of attempting to deceive voters — in his case, impersonating New York political figures on social media in an attempt to influence campaigns. He pleaded guilty to three counts of falsifying business records in the first degree (as well as to other charges). He received a sentence of incarceration on the felony falsification counts (although the sentence was not solely attributable to the plea).

A defendant in another case was accused of stealing in excess of $50,000 from her employer and, like in this case, falsifying one or more invoices as part of the scheme. She was indicted on a single grand larceny charge and ultimately pleaded guilty to one felony count of business record falsification for a false invoice of just under $10,000. She received 364 days in prison.

To be sure, for a typical first-time offender charged only with run-of-the-mill business record falsification, a prison sentence would be unlikely. On the other hand, Mr. Trump is being prosecuted for 34 counts of conduct that might have changed the course of American history.

Seriousness of the crime. Mr. Bragg alleges that Mr. Trump concealed critical information from voters (paying hush money to suppress an extramarital relationship) that could have harmed his campaign, particularly if it came to light after the revelation of another scandal — the “Access Hollywood” tape . If proved, that could be seen not just as unfortunate personal judgment but also, as Justice Juan Merchan has described it, an attempt “to unlawfully influence the 2016 presidential election.”

History and character. To date, Mr. Trump has been unrepentant about the events alleged in this case. There is every reason to believe that will not change even if he is convicted, and lack of remorse is a negative at sentencing. Justice Merchan’s evaluation of Mr. Trump’s history and character may also be informed by the other judgments against him, including Justice Arthur Engoron’s ruling that Mr. Trump engaged in repeated and persistent business fraud, a jury finding that he sexually abused and defamed E. Jean Carroll and a related defamation verdict by a second jury.

Justice Merchan may also weigh the fact that Mr. Trump has been repeatedly held in contempt , warned , fined and gagged by state and federal judges. That includes for statements he made that exposed witnesses, individuals in the judicial system and their families to danger. More recently, Mr. Trump made personal attacks on Justice Merchan’s daughter, resulting in an extension of the gag order in the case. He now stands accused of violating it again by commenting on witnesses.

What this all suggests is that a term of imprisonment for Mr. Trump, while far from certain for a former president, is not off the table. If he receives a sentence of incarceration, perhaps the likeliest term is six months, although he could face up to four years, particularly if Mr. Trump chooses to testify, as he said he intends to do , and the judge believes he lied on the stand . Probation is also available, as are more flexible approaches like a sentence of spending every weekend in jail for a year.

We will probably know what the judge will do within 30 to 60 days of the end of the trial, which could run into mid-June. If there is a conviction, that would mean a late summer or early fall sentencing.

Justice Merchan would have to wrestle in the middle of an election year with the potential impact of sentencing a former president and current candidate.

If Mr. Trump is sentenced to a period of incarceration, the reaction of the American public will probably be as polarized as our divided electorate itself. Yet as some polls suggest — with the caveat that we should always be cautious of polls early in the race posing hypothetical questions — many key swing state voters said they would not vote for a felon.

If Mr. Trump is convicted and then loses the presidential election, he will probably be granted bail, pending an appeal, which will take about a year. That means if any appeals are unsuccessful, he will most likely have to serve any sentence starting sometime next year. He will be sequestered with his Secret Service protection; if it is less than a year, probably in Rikers Island. His protective detail will probably be his main company, since Mr. Trump will surely be isolated from other inmates for his safety.

If Mr. Trump wins the presidential election, he can’t pardon himself because it is a state case. He will be likely to order the Justice Department to challenge his sentence, and department opinions have concluded that a sitting president could not be imprisoned, since that would prevent the president from fulfilling the constitutional duties of the office. The courts have never had to address the question, but they could well agree with the Justice Department.

So if Mr. Trump is convicted and sentenced to a period of incarceration, its ultimate significance is probably this: When the American people go to the polls in November, they will be voting on whether Mr. Trump should be held accountable for his original election interference.

What questions do you have about Trump’s Manhattan criminal trial so far?

Please submit them below. Our trial experts will respond to a selection of readers in a future piece.

Norman L. Eisen investigated the 2016 voter deception allegations as counsel for the first impeachment and trial of Donald Trump and is the author of “Trying Trump: A Guide to His First Election Interference Criminal Trial.”

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook , Instagram , TikTok , WhatsApp , X and Threads .

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NPR suspends veteran editor as it grapples with his public criticism

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David Folkenflik

essay about crime does not pay

NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner for five days without pay after he wrote an essay accusing the network of losing the public's trust and appeared on a podcast to explain his argument. Uri Berliner hide caption

NPR suspended senior editor Uri Berliner for five days without pay after he wrote an essay accusing the network of losing the public's trust and appeared on a podcast to explain his argument.

NPR has formally punished Uri Berliner, the senior editor who publicly argued a week ago that the network had "lost America's trust" by approaching news stories with a rigidly progressive mindset.

Berliner's five-day suspension without pay, which began last Friday, has not been previously reported.

Yet the public radio network is grappling in other ways with the fallout from Berliner's essay for the online news site The Free Press . It angered many of his colleagues, led NPR leaders to announce monthly internal reviews of the network's coverage, and gave fresh ammunition to conservative and partisan Republican critics of NPR, including former President Donald Trump.

Conservative activist Christopher Rufo is among those now targeting NPR's new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the network. Among others, those posts include a 2020 tweet that called Trump racist and another that appeared to minimize rioting during social justice protests that year. Maher took the job at NPR last month — her first at a news organization .

In a statement Monday about the messages she had posted, Maher praised the integrity of NPR's journalists and underscored the independence of their reporting.

"In America everyone is entitled to free speech as a private citizen," she said. "What matters is NPR's work and my commitment as its CEO: public service, editorial independence, and the mission to serve all of the American public. NPR is independent, beholden to no party, and without commercial interests."

The network noted that "the CEO is not involved in editorial decisions."

In an interview with me later on Monday, Berliner said the social media posts demonstrated Maher was all but incapable of being the person best poised to direct the organization.

"We're looking for a leader right now who's going to be unifying and bring more people into the tent and have a broader perspective on, sort of, what America is all about," Berliner said. "And this seems to be the opposite of that."

essay about crime does not pay

Conservative critics of NPR are now targeting its new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the public radio network last month. Stephen Voss/Stephen Voss hide caption

Conservative critics of NPR are now targeting its new chief executive, Katherine Maher, for messages she posted to social media years before joining the public radio network last month.

He said that he tried repeatedly to make his concerns over NPR's coverage known to news leaders and to Maher's predecessor as chief executive before publishing his essay.

Berliner has singled out coverage of several issues dominating the 2020s for criticism, including trans rights, the Israel-Hamas war and COVID. Berliner says he sees the same problems at other news organizations, but argues NPR, as a mission-driven institution, has a greater obligation to fairness.

"I love NPR and feel it's a national trust," Berliner says. "We have great journalists here. If they shed their opinions and did the great journalism they're capable of, this would be a much more interesting and fulfilling organization for our listeners."

A "final warning"

The circumstances surrounding the interview were singular.

Berliner provided me with a copy of the formal rebuke to review. NPR did not confirm or comment upon his suspension for this article.

In presenting Berliner's suspension Thursday afternoon, the organization told the editor he had failed to secure its approval for outside work for other news outlets, as is required of NPR journalists. It called the letter a "final warning," saying Berliner would be fired if he violated NPR's policy again. Berliner is a dues-paying member of NPR's newsroom union but says he is not appealing the punishment.

The Free Press is a site that has become a haven for journalists who believe that mainstream media outlets have become too liberal. In addition to his essay, Berliner appeared in an episode of its podcast Honestly with Bari Weiss.

A few hours after the essay appeared online, NPR chief business editor Pallavi Gogoi reminded Berliner of the requirement that he secure approval before appearing in outside press, according to a copy of the note provided by Berliner.

In its formal rebuke, NPR did not cite Berliner's appearance on Chris Cuomo's NewsNation program last Tuesday night, for which NPR gave him the green light. (NPR's chief communications officer told Berliner to focus on his own experience and not share proprietary information.) The NPR letter also did not cite his remarks to The New York Times , which ran its article mid-afternoon Thursday, shortly before the reprimand was sent. Berliner says he did not seek approval before talking with the Times .

NPR defends its journalism after senior editor says it has lost the public's trust

NPR defends its journalism after senior editor says it has lost the public's trust

Berliner says he did not get permission from NPR to speak with me for this story but that he was not worried about the consequences: "Talking to an NPR journalist and being fired for that would be extraordinary, I think."

Berliner is a member of NPR's business desk, as am I, and he has helped to edit many of my stories. He had no involvement in the preparation of this article and did not see it before it was posted publicly.

In rebuking Berliner, NPR said he had also publicly released proprietary information about audience demographics, which it considers confidential. He said those figures "were essentially marketing material. If they had been really good, they probably would have distributed them and sent them out to the world."

Feelings of anger and betrayal inside the newsroom

His essay and subsequent public remarks stirred deep anger and dismay within NPR. Colleagues contend Berliner cherry-picked examples to fit his arguments and challenge the accuracy of his accounts. They also note he did not seek comment from the journalists involved in the work he cited.

Morning Edition host Michel Martin told me some colleagues at the network share Berliner's concerns that coverage is frequently presented through an ideological or idealistic prism that can alienate listeners.

"The way to address that is through training and mentorship," says Martin, herself a veteran of nearly two decades at the network who has also reported for The Wall Street Journal and ABC News. "It's not by blowing the place up, by trashing your colleagues, in full view of people who don't really care about it anyway."

Several NPR journalists told me they are no longer willing to work with Berliner as they no longer have confidence that he will keep private their internal musings about stories as they work through coverage.

"Newsrooms run on trust," NPR political correspondent Danielle Kurtzleben tweeted last week, without mentioning Berliner by name. "If you violate everyone's trust by going to another outlet and sh--ing on your colleagues (while doing a bad job journalistically, for that matter), I don't know how you do your job now."

Berliner rejected that critique, saying nothing in his essay or subsequent remarks betrayed private observations or arguments about coverage.

Other newsrooms are also grappling with questions over news judgment and confidentiality. On Monday, New York Times Executive Editor Joseph Kahn announced to his staff that the newspaper's inquiry into who leaked internal dissent over a planned episode of its podcast The Daily to another news outlet proved inconclusive. The episode was to focus on a December report on the use of sexual assault as part of the Hamas attack on Israel in October. Audio staffers aired doubts over how well the reporting stood up to scrutiny.

"We work together with trust and collegiality everyday on everything we produce, and I have every expectation that this incident will prove to be a singular exception to an important rule," Kahn wrote to Times staffers.

At NPR, some of Berliner's colleagues have weighed in online against his claim that the network has focused on diversifying its workforce without a concomitant commitment to diversity of viewpoint. Recently retired Chief Executive John Lansing has referred to this pursuit of diversity within NPR's workforce as its " North Star ," a moral imperative and chief business strategy.

In his essay, Berliner tagged the strategy as a failure, citing the drop in NPR's broadcast audiences and its struggle to attract more Black and Latino listeners in particular.

"During most of my tenure here, an open-minded, curious culture prevailed. We were nerdy, but not knee-jerk, activist, or scolding," Berliner writes. "In recent years, however, that has changed."

Berliner writes, "For NPR, which purports to consider all things, it's devastating both for its journalism and its business model."

NPR investigative reporter Chiara Eisner wrote in a comment for this story: "Minorities do not all think the same and do not report the same. Good reporters and editors should know that by now. It's embarrassing to me as a reporter at NPR that a senior editor here missed that point in 2024."

Some colleagues drafted a letter to Maher and NPR's chief news executive, Edith Chapin, seeking greater clarity on NPR's standards for its coverage and the behavior of its journalists — clearly pointed at Berliner.

A plan for "healthy discussion"

On Friday, CEO Maher stood up for the network's mission and the journalism, taking issue with Berliner's critique, though never mentioning him by name. Among her chief issues, she said Berliner's essay offered "a criticism of our people on the basis of who we are."

Berliner took great exception to that, saying she had denigrated him. He said that he supported diversifying NPR's workforce to look more like the U.S. population at large. She did not address that in a subsequent private exchange he shared with me for this story. (An NPR spokesperson declined further comment.)

Late Monday afternoon, Chapin announced to the newsroom that Executive Editor Eva Rodriguez would lead monthly meetings to review coverage.

"Among the questions we'll ask of ourselves each month: Did we capture the diversity of this country — racial, ethnic, religious, economic, political geographic, etc — in all of its complexity and in a way that helped listeners and readers recognize themselves and their communities?" Chapin wrote in the memo. "Did we offer coverage that helped them understand — even if just a bit better — those neighbors with whom they share little in common?"

Berliner said he welcomed the announcement but would withhold judgment until those meetings played out.

In a text for this story, Chapin said such sessions had been discussed since Lansing unified the news and programming divisions under her acting leadership last year.

"Now seemed [the] time to deliver if we were going to do it," Chapin said. "Healthy discussion is something we need more of."

Disclosure: This story was reported and written by NPR Media Correspondent David Folkenflik and edited by Deputy Business Editor Emily Kopp and Managing Editor Gerry Holmes. Under NPR's protocol for reporting on itself, no NPR corporate official or news executive reviewed this story before it was posted publicly.

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Crime Does Not Pay. Write an Interesting Story That Illustrates the Proverb Above.

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Watch CBS News

Viral claims about Donald Trump's hush money trial, fact checked

By Laura Doan , Rhona Tarrant

Updated on: April 17, 2024 / 9:35 AM EDT / CBS News

As former President Donald Trump's historic criminal trial gets underway in New York this week, the CBS News Confirmed team has been tracking potentially misleading narratives that have gained some traction on social media. Here are three of the viral claims that have emerged during the trial so far and what to know about them. 

Claim 1: Judge Juan Merchan won't let Trump go to his son's graduation

On Monday, Trump posted to his nearly 7 million followers on Truth Social that Judge Juan Merchan, who is overseeing the trial, likely will not allow him to go to his 18-year-old son Barron's graduation in May.

"Who will explain for me, to my wonderful son, Barron, who is a GREAT Student at a fantastic School, that his Dad will likely not be allowed to attend his Graduation Ceremony, something that we have been talking about for years," Trump wrote in  a post  that had garnered over 18,000 likes by Tuesday. 

The claim was echoed by others online, including his son Eric Trump, who posted on X that "Judge Merchan is truly heartless in not letting a father attend his son's graduation." 

Merchan has not yet made any decision about whether Trump can attend his son's graduation. But on Monday, he signaled that he's open to it, although it is also possible that if the trial is behind schedule, he will not allow it. In an excerpt from the court transcript obtained by CBS News' Graham Kates, Merchan said this:

Regarding counsel's request that the Court adjourn on Friday, May 17th for Mr. Trump to attend his son's high school graduation and Friday June 3rd to allow a member of the defense team to attend their son's graduation, I cannot rule on those two requests at this time. It really depends on how we are doing on time and where we are in the trial. If everything is going according to schedule without unnecessary delays, then I am sure we will be able to adjourn for one or both of those days, but if we are running behind schedule, we will not be able to.

Claim 2: Stormy Daniels denies having an affair with Trump

In a tweet from April 10 flagged by Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg on Monday as a potential violation of Trump's gag order, Trump  wrote  on Truth Social: "Look what was just found! Will the fake news report it?" The post included a picture of a 2018 letter written by adult film star Stormy Daniels, whose real name is Stephanie Clifford, which included the statement, "I am denying this affair because it never happened." 

Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, Republican operative Roger Stone, and others shared the same picture in posts on X that attracted over 60,000 "likes."

Although it was presented by Trump as being new, this letter from Daniels has been public knowledge since January 2018 — and she has since recanted it. A few months after she signed her name to it, in March 2018, Daniels went on " 60 Minutes " to say she had been pressured into signing and releasing the letter by former Trump attorney Michael Cohen and others. Daniels said that she did have an affair with Trump. 

Here's what she said on "60 Minutes" to correspondent Anderson Cooper:

Anderson Cooper: So you signed and released — a statement that said, 'I am not denying this affair because I was paid in hush money. I'm denying it because it never happened.' That's a lie?  Stormy Daniels: Yes.  Anderson Cooper: If it was untruthful, why did you sign it?  Stormy Daniels: Because they made it sound like I had no choice. 

She went on to tell Cooper that she felt there might be legal repercussions for not signing the letter.

"The exact sentence used was, 'They can make your life hell in many different ways,'" she said. She believed "they" in that case was Michael Cohen.

Claim 3: Trump's gag order is unconstitutional 

Trump posted on  Truth Social  Monday, "This Crooked Judge has GAGGED me. Unconstitutional! The other side can talk about me, but I am not allowed to talk about them!" The claim was later echoed by others on social media. 

Merchan's  April 1 gag order  prohibits Trump from speaking about witnesses, court staff, the family members of court staff, Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's family, or Merchan's family. The judge said the order was necessary because some of Trump's rhetoric might keep jurors, lawyers and court employees from performing their duties in the court. 

"This pattern of attacking family members of presiding jurists and attorneys assigned to [Trump's] cases serves no legitmate purpose," Merchan wrote of Trump in the gag order. "It merely injects fear in those assigned or called to participate in the proceedings, that not only they, but their family members as well, are 'fair game' for Defendant's vitriol."

Trump is still allowed to criticize Merchan and Bragg. And the former president may talk about the case publicly and call the trial political if he wishes.

Many legal experts argue Merchan's gag order is lawful and doesn't interfere with Trump's First Amendment rights. Duncan Levin, who worked in the district attorney's office before Bragg, told  Politifact  that gag orders "with very limited exceptions have long been found not to violate the First Amendment… [Trump] is free to discuss the criminal justice system but not to make ad hominem attacks on particular people associated with the case."

However, Trump's lawyers have challenged the order and said it is unconstitutional because it curbs his free speech rights. Trump's request to lift the order will now go to a five-judge panel for consideration. 

  • Donald Trump

Laura Doan is a reporter and associate producer for "Prime Time with John Dickerson." She covers the climate crisis, science and technology, and U.S. politics.

More from CBS News

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Supreme Court to weigh Trump immunity claim over 2020 election prosecution

Unpacking the alleged crime that made Trump’s alleged crime a felony

essay about crime does not pay

Attorneys offered opening arguments in the criminal trial of Donald Trump on Monday in Manhattan, beginning the process of presenting to the jury the state’s case against the former president. The jury will ultimately be asked not whether Trump is guilty of a crime in the abstract but, instead, whether the state provided enough evidence to eliminate any doubt that he violated the letter of the law. This means that the letter of the specific law undergirding the charges in the indictment against Trump is crucially important.

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In that indictment , Trump is charged with 34 felonies, each predicated on his having allegedly falsified business records. Specifically, prosecutors argue, he caused the Trump Organization and his personal trust to record payments made to attorney Michael Cohen in 2017 as retainer fees rather than as reimbursements for the $130,000 that Cohen paid to adult-film actress Stormy Daniels before the 2016 presidential election.

Falsifying business records is not always a felony. But if the “intent to defraud includes an intent to commit another crime or to aid or conceal the commission thereof,” the New York criminal statute reads , it can be charged as one. As it was in each of the charges against Trump.

So what is the “another crime?” It isn’t articulated in the criminal indictment. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg (D) was somewhat vague when the indictment was handed down, saying that the intent was “to conceal crimes that hid damaging information from the voting public during the 2016 presidential election.”

Offering his opening statement Monday, prosecutor Matthew Colangelo made clear that the crime was centered on Cohen’s payment to Daniels.

“This was a planned, coordinated, long-running conspiracy to influence the 2016 election,” Colangelo said , “to help Donald Trump get elected through illegal expenditures, to silence people who had something bad to say about his behavior, using doctored corporate records. It was election fraud, pure and simple.”

Trump’s attorney, Todd Blanche, rejected that idea.

“There’s nothing wrong with trying to influence an election; it’s called democracy,” he said during his opening statement. “They put something sinister on this idea as if it was a crime. You’ll learn it’s not.”

Except that it can be. And in this case, almost certainly is.

At issue is another fairly esoteric body of law: campaign-finance limits. These laws limit how much money people can contribute to political campaigns and how campaigns have to report what they take in and how they spend it. Outside parties can spend money on promoting candidates, too; those are called independent expenditures. But they can’t coordinate with the campaigns or candidates on how they plan to do so.

The goal of those laws — an important aspect of the issue at hand — is centrally to limit the corruption that could follow from a big donor bankrolling a candidate’s entire campaign. If, say, Google could simply put up a candidate and spend $1 billion getting her elected to the Senate, it would be hard for anyone to compete — and Google would have a presumably loyal senator sitting in D.C.

So with those prohibitions in mind, consider what Cohen did — as he admitted when pleading guilty to federal campaign-finance charges.

Cohen and a representative of Trump’s campaign (later revealed to be Trump ) met with David Pecker — then chairman of American Media Inc. and publisher of the National Enquirer — in August 2015 . Pecker offered to help the campaign by buying stories that would reflect negatively on Trump and then burying them. AMI and Pecker confirmed this story in a non-prosecution agreement reached with the government.

Already, you can see that this is an offer to benefit the campaign that involved coordination with agents of the campaign; that is, with people empowered to act on the campaign’s behalf. That’s Trump himself, of course, but also Cohen, who would represent the campaign publicly and discussed campaign strategy with Trump.

When Pecker later bought a similar story from former Playboy model Karen McDougal for $150,000 intending to bury it, it 1) was an action taken to benefit the campaign, as per the August 2015 meeting and 2) was not an independent expenditure, since the McDougal payment was made in consultation with Cohen. Cohen pleaded guilty to “causing an unlawful corporate contribution” — since corporations like AMI can’t legally contribute to campaigns, and the $150,000 was a non-monetary contribution to Trump. AMI and Pecker offered testimony, resulting in that non-prosecution agreement.

In October 2016, a month before the election, Pecker informed Cohen about Daniels’s story. Cohen reached a deal with Daniels’s attorney — also McDougal’s attorney — for $130,000, but didn’t pay immediately. Only when Cohen learned that Daniels was thinking of going public elsewhere in the days before the election did Cohen finally pay the money.

Cohen pleaded guilty to federal campaign-finance charges related to this as well. That plea didn’t depend on arguing that Cohen was an agent of the campaign, though; instead, it argued that Cohen made the contribution — more than $100,000 over the federal limit — “in cooperation, consultation, and concert with, and at the request and suggestion of one or more members of the campaign.” A later filing identified that member of the campaign: Trump .

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Some on the right have argued that the payment to Daniels didn’t violate campaign-finance law. Earlier this month, Trump shared on social media a 2023 article written by the National Review’s Andrew McCarthy, making that case.

The timing, McCarthy argued, “was just common-sense hardball” on the part of Daniels and McDougal, “striking when their leverage against the notoriously parsimonious Trump was at its height; it didn’t mean that [nondisclosure agreements] — which Trump had plenty of other personal, political, and business incentives to pay for — were necessarily in-kind campaign expenses.”

Perhaps this could be an argument made against such charges, albeit a dubious one. After all, Cohen recorded a September 2016 conversation with Trump in which they discussed the McDougal case and, in another context, the need to bury negative information until after Election Day. The idea that Trump and Cohen didn’t view the Daniels payment as related to the campaign is ridiculous — especially since it first came to their attention immediately after The Washington Post published the “Access Hollywood” tape , drawing new scrutiny to Trump’s interactions with women.

But Trump’s defense team isn’t trying to make McCarthy’s argument anyway.

“There’s nothing wrong with trying to influence an election,” Blanche told jurors Monday. “It’s called democracy.”

So if Trump was admittedly trying to influence the election by agreeing with Cohen to pay off Daniels, then Cohen — as he admitted in federal court — violated campaign-finance laws. And therefore, if the repayments to Cohen were falsified to obscure their intent — remember, the Cohen-Daniels story didn’t become public until 2018, after the reimbursements had been made — it seems as though that was done to “conceal the commission” of those campaign-finance violations.

Proving Trump actively caused the records to be falsified is the central job of Manhattan prosecutors. Demonstrating that the records were allegedly falsified to obscure this other crime seems a much easier task.

Trump New York hush money case

Former president Donald Trump’s criminal hush money trial is underway in New York. Follow live updates from the trial .

Jury selection: A full jury of 12 jurors and six alternates has been seated. Here’s what we know about the jurors .

The case: The investigation involves a $130,000 payment made to Stormy Daniels, an adult-film actress , during the 2016 presidential campaign. It’s one of many ongoing investigations involving Trump . Here are some of the key people in the case .

The charges: Trump is charged with 34 felony counts of falsifying business records. Falsifying business records is a felony in New York when there is an “intent to defraud” that includes an intent to “commit another crime or to aid or conceal” another crime. He has pleaded not guilty . Here’s what to know about the charges — and any potential sentence .

Can Trump still run for president? The short answer, legal experts said, is yes. The U.S. Constitution does not forbid Trump, or anyone else, from serving as president if convicted of a felony.

essay about crime does not pay

Prosecutors at hush money trial say Trump led 'porn star payoff' scheme to 'corrupt' 2016 election

Donald Trump "orchestrated a criminal scheme to corrupt the 2016 presidential election," a prosecutor told jurors Monday during opening statements in the first criminal trial of a former president.

"This case is about a criminal conspiracy and a cover-up,” prosecutor Matthew Colangelo told the 12-person jury and six alternates. Trump, he said, conspired to corrupt the 2016 presidential election by scheming with his lawyer Michael Cohen and David Pecker, who was the publisher of the National Enquirer at the time.

“Then, he covered up that criminal conspiracy by lying in his New York business records over and over and over again,” Colangelo said.

Pecker was called as the prosecution's first witness following opening statements from both sides. Trump's lawyer Todd Blanche told the jury his client was not guilty because no crime was committed.

Trump, who had his eyes closed for periods during the morning proceedings, seemed much more engaged when his old ally and friend Pecker was taking the stand. Trump craned his neck when Pecker walked in, almost as if to see whether Pecker would meet his eye. Trump also poked at his attorney Emil Bove and whispered something as Pecker, 72, got situated, and he leaned forward attentively when he began testifying.

Pecker did not get to his relationship with Trump by the time the court day ended. The proceedings ended early because a juror had an emergency dental appointment.

Trump told reporters afterward that the case was "unfair" and launched into an attack against Cohen, who's expected to be called as witness.

"When are they going to look at all the lies that Cohen did in the last trial? He got caught lying in the last trial. Pure lying," Trump said, apparently referring to Cohen's statement in the civil fraud case against Trump that he lied under oath during part of his 2018 guilty plea. "When are they going to look at that?” Trump said.

The comments are likely to come up at a hearing Tuesday morning, when Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's office is scheduled to argue that Trump has repeatedly violated a partial gag order barring him from making "public statements about known or reasonably foreseeable witnesses concerning their potential participation in the investigation or in this criminal proceeding."

Prosecutors have said Cohen and Pecker, the longtime former publisher of the Enquirer, are central figures in the alleged scheme to bury claims from women who said they had had affairs with Trump.

Colangelo told the jurors they will hear about a 2015 meeting at Trump Tower with Trump, Cohen and Pecker. Both Cohen and Pecker had specific roles to play in the scheme, Colangelo said. “Cohen’s job really was to take care of problems for the defendant,” he said. “He was Trump’s fixer.” Pecker, meanwhile, would act as “the eyes and ears” for Trump and would let him and Cohen know about any allegations that could hurt his campaign.

The DA alleges the three conspired to hide “damaging information from the voting public.” That included allegations from a former Playboy model named Karen McDougal who said she had a 10-month sexual relationship with Trump that ended in April 2007. Pecker’s AMI agreed to pay her $150,000 in a deal to essentially buy her silence — a practice that was referred to as “catch and kill.” Trump has denied McDougal's claims.

The situation took on a greater sense of urgency for Trump in October 2016. That's when The Washington Post published the " Access Hollywood " tape, which caught Trump on a hot mic saying he could grope women without their consent because "when you're a star, they let you do it."

Judge Juan Merchan barred the DA from playing the tape for the jury for fear it would be too prejudicial, but he did allow prosecutors to use a transcript of Trump's remarks.

Colangelo said the impact of the tape was “immediate and explosive.”

“The defendant and his campaign were concerned that it would irrevocably damage him with female voters,” he said, and "the campaign went into immediate damage control mode."

It was around that time that the Enquirer heard that adult film actress Stormy Daniels was interested in coming forward with a claim that she had a sexual encounter with Trump in 2006. Trump was "adamant" he didn't want that claim, which he denies, to become public for fear it would be "devastating" to his campaign, Colangelo said.

Cohen then struck a deal to buy Daniels' silence for $130,000, Colangelo said.

"It was election fraud, pure and simple," Colangelo said, adding “We’ll never know, and it doesn’t matter, if this conspiracy was a difference maker in the close election.”

Colangelo said the Trump Organization, Trump’s company, couldn’t cut Cohen a check with the memo “reimbursement for porn star payoff” so "they agreed to cook the books" and make it look like the reimbursement was income.

"The defendant said in his business records that he was paying Cohen for legal services pursuant to a retainer agreement. But, those were lies. There was no retainer agreement," Colangelo said.

“It was instead what they thought was a clever way to pay Cohen back without being too obvious about it,” he said. But what they did was a crime, Colangelo said. “Donald Trump is guilty of 34 counts of falsifying business records in the first degree,” he concluded.

Trump's attorney Blanche countered in his opening statement that his client hasn’t committed any crimes. “The story you just heard, you will learn, is not true,” he said. "President Trump is innocent. President Trump did not commit any crimes."

He said the only thing Trump did was sign checks for legal services rendered by his lawyer.

“The invoice is processed, somebody at Trump Tower generated a check, the check was ultimately signed, and there was a record in the ledger,” Blanche said. “He’s the only signatory on his personal checking account, which is why he signed the check.

"So what on Earth is a crime? What’s a crime, of what I just described?” Blanche said. "None of this is a crime," he said, adding that nondisclosure agreements like the one Daniels signed are legal.

As for the election interference argument, Blanche said, “I have a spoiler alert: There’s nothing wrong with trying to influence an election. It’s called democracy.”

In a preview of his trial strategy, Blanche also attacked Daniels' and Cohen's character and credibility. He accused Daniels, whom he described as "extremely biased," of trying to "extort" Trump, a word that the judge ordered stricken from the record. Blanche then said what Daniels had been threatening to do by going public with her allegation was "sinister" and "damaging to [Trump] and damaging to his family.”

Blanche also said Daniels' testimony, while salacious, doesn't matter because she doesn't know anything about how Cohen was repaid.

The bulk of Blanche's attacks were reserved for Cohen, who pleaded guilty in 2018 to numerous crimes, including some that he said he carried out on Trump's behalf.

“Michael Cohen was obsessed with President Trump. He’s obsessed with President Trump, even to this day,” Blanche said, calling him a "convicted felon" and a "convicted liar."

“He has talked extensively about his desire to see President Trump go to prison,” Blanche said, including in public on Sunday.

He told the jurors that if they listen to the evidence, they'll return "a very swift not guilty verdict."

Cohen said in a statement afterward, “The facts will come out at the time of trial that contradicts Todd Blanche’s mischaracterizations of me.”

Trump faces 34 counts of falsifying business records related to the hush money payment to Daniels. Trump, who has pleaded not guilty , could face up to four years in prison if he is convicted.

On his way into the courtroom Monday morning, he told reporters: “It’s a very, very sad day in America. I can tell you that.”

The day got off to a rough start for Trump, with Merchan, the judge, ruling that if he winds up taking the stand in his own defense, prosecutors can cross-examine him about another New York judge's finding that he and his business committed "persistent" fraud and violated a gag order, juries' finding him civilly responsible for sexual abuse and defamation in the E. Jean Carroll cases and a settlement in a case that found he used his now- shuttered foundation to improperly further his campaign in the 2016 election. Trump's attorneys had argued that all of those topics should be out of bounds.

Trump didn't show concern — he sat with his eyes closed through much of Merchan's ruling. He briefly opened his eyes when the jury was brought in for the judge's instructions and then closed them again.

Bragg was sitting in the front row of the courtroom ahead of opening statements.

Cohen, Daniels and McDougal are also expected to testify during the trial, which is estimated to take six weeks.

The jury consists of seven men and five women. The final day of jury selection, Friday, was particularly intense , as some potential jurors broke down in tears and said they were too anxious to be seated. They were excused. A man also set himself on fire outside the courthouse.

Trial proceedings Tuesday will be abbreviated, ending at 2 p.m. ET because of the Passover holiday.

essay about crime does not pay

Adam Reiss is a reporter and producer for NBC and MSNBC.

essay about crime does not pay

Dareh Gregorian is a politics reporter for NBC News.

essay about crime does not pay

Jonathan Allen is a senior national politics reporter for NBC News, based in Washington.

Who Is David Pecker? Ex-National Enquirer Publisher Tells Trump Jurors His Tabloid Would ‘Embellish’ Stories In Trump’s Favor

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Former National Enquirer publisher David Pecker testified to jurors in Trump’s Manhattan hush money trial Tuesday about how he worked with Trump and his associates to publish stories to aid Trump in the lead-up to the 2016 election—testimony crucial to prosecutors’ claim that Trump, with Pecker’s help, sought to kill affair allegations before the 2016 election.

Alexandra Kazan and David Pecker attend the 'Shape France' Magazine cocktail launch at Hotel ... [+] Talleyrand on January 19, 2012 in Paris, France. (Photo by Francois Durand/Getty Images)

Pecker served from 1999 to 2020 as CEO of National Enquirer parent company American Media Inc., now A360 Media.

Pecker promised Trump after he launched his first presidential bid in 2015 he would act as his “eyes and ears” by alerting him to potentially negative stories about him, publishing others about Trump’s rivals, and orchestrating a series of “catch and kill” schemes to silence damning allegations against Trump, according to prosecutors.

Pecker was the first witness called to testify in the case Monday, when he explained to jurors that the tabloid routinely “used checkbook journalism, and we paid for stories,” the New York Times reported .

Continuing his testimony on Tuesday, Pecker detailed how he was in regular communication with Trump’s former lawyer Michael Cohen about how to spin National Enquirer stories in Trump’s favor, detailing headline by headline to the jury how Cohen would make suggestions for coverage and the Enquirer would “embellish” the information, according to the New York Times .

After GOP debates, for example, Pecker said Cohen would request that the National Enquirer publish negative stories about the best-performing candidate.

Pecker alerted Cohen that adult film star Stormy Daniels was trying to sell her story of a 2006 one-night stand with Trump, according to prosecutors and Cohen, who said he then negotiated the hush money payment to Daniels that is at the center of the case against Trump.

Prosecutors also allege AMI paid a doorman at a building owned by the Trump Organization $30,000 in exchange for information about allegations Trump had fathered a child out of wedlock (claims the Enquirer ultimately deemed were untrue), and also paid former Playboy model Karen McDougal $150,000 for rights to her story that she had an affair with Trump, also in 2006, but never published—what’s known as a “catch and kill” scheme.

The payments to McDougal and the doorman are not part of the case, but prosecutors are expected to use them to bolster their claim that the $130,000 Cohen paid Daniels—money prosecutors say Trump’s company reimbursed him for under the guise of legal services—was actually an unreported (and illegal) campaign expense.

Key Background

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s office charged Trump with 34 felony counts of falsifying business records in April last year, marking the first-ever criminal prosecution of a former president. The trial officially began last Monday with jury selection. Bragg’s office alleged Trump and his real estate company reimbursed Cohen $420,000, accounting for fees, a bonus and taxes, and illegally recorded the payments as legal fees. Proving that the payments were inherently linked to Trump’s political aspirations is critical to prosecutors’ ability to charge Trump with felonies in the case, as the falsifying business records charges are typically misdemeanors. Prosecutors must prove that Trump committed the alleged misdemeanors in conjunction with another crime—in this case violating campaign finance laws since the payment to Daniels exceeded federal contribution limits. Cohen pleaded guilty in federal court to a series of charges, including campaign finance violations, for his role in the alleged payments to Daniels and McDougal and admitted that he made the payments at Trump’s direction and on his behalf. Trump has denied allegations of any affair and has pleaded not guilty in the case, which he has repeatedly claimed, without evidence, was brought on behalf of President Joe Biden to hurt his re-election chances.

Pecker’s relationship with Trump—who he referred to as “the boss” on the witness stand—dates back to the 1980s, when Pecker said the two met at Mar-A-Lago. Pecker worked with Trump in the 1990s to publish a “Trump Style” magazine available to guests and visitors of his various properties featuring lifestyle articles and content promoting Trump and his brand. Pecker also detailed to the jury how Trump would tip him off when a contestant on “The Apprentice” was set to be fired so the National Enquirer could be the first to break the news. Pecker was granted immunity after aiding federal prosecutors’ case against Cohen for his role in the alleged “catch and kill” schemes, and the Justice Department also entered a non-prosecution agreement with AMI in the case that required AMI to admit to making the payment to McDougal.

What To Watch For

If convicted, Trump could be sentenced to up to four years in state prison and a $5,000 fine for each of the 34 felonies, though it’s unlikely he would receive a prison sentence since he’s never been convicted of a crime.

Further Reading

Trump’s Trial Will Include ‘Access Hollywood’ Tape—But Not Sexual Assault Allegations, Judge Rules (Forbes)

Trump Arrives In Court For First Day Of Criminal ‘Hush Money’ Trial (Forbes) Trump’s First Criminal Trial Starts Today—Here’s Who Could Show Up And What To Watch For (Forbes)

Sara Dorn

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