urban master plan case study

• City Architecture

Urban Design: Battery City Park, Manhattan, NewYork

Isolated and self-contained, the Battery City Park is an amalgamation of downtown’s rich history and envisioned future. It offers the perfect mix of commercial, residential and open space and is the fastest growing community in the lower Manhattan area.

Battery Park City Master Plan

Format Brief City New York State/Province NY Country USA Metro Area New York Project Type District/Corridor/Community Location Type Central Business District Land Uses Education Hotel Marina Multifamily For-Sale Housing Multifamily Rental Housing Museum Office Open space Parking Restaurant Retail Keywords Healthy place features Large-scale planning Long-term development Mixed-income community Public-private partnership Redevelopment ULI Awards for Excellence 2010 Winner ULI Heritage Award Winner Site Size 92 acres acres hectares Date Started 1969

A brief is a short version of a case study.

The Battery Park City Master Plan, adopted in 1979, has facilitated the private development of 8 million square feet (743,000 m 2 ) of commercial space, 7.2 million square feet (669,000 m 2 ) of residential space, and nearly 36 acres (14 ha) of open space in lower Manhattan, becoming a model for successful large-scale planning efforts. The strength of the master plan has allowed development to occur incrementally, thereby creating a neighborhood with a stable mix of uses and diverse architecture that blends into the existing New York City street grid.

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Developer/Master Planner Battery Park City Authority New York, NY

Website www.batteryparkcity.org

Principal Author(s) Theodore Thoerig, Patrick Pontius

ULI Awards for Excellence 2010 Winner

ULI Heritage Award Winner

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14 Cities, People, and Processes as Planning Case Studies

Eugénie L. Birch is the Lawrence C. Nussdorf Professor of Urban Research at the University of Pennsylvania.

• Published: 18 September 2012
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This article examines the importance of case studies in urban planning. It explains that case studies are used to analyze urban behaviors in the political arena, in neighborhoods and in other places, and in providing exemplars of best practices in physical planning. The article describes the nature of case studies used in urban planning and the pattern of their application. An analysis of representative studies reveals several patterns, including an effort to develop cases that translate knowledge into action, that pay attention to place or the physical dimensions of a question, and that have a tendency to revisit and re-evaluate a phenomenon which has been studied at an earlier time.

since urban planning focuses on creating communities of lasting value, the use of case studies to illustrate the various elements needed to achieve this goal comes naturally to many researchers. Whether looking at the finished product or the knowledge required to foster the public and private decision making for the desired outcome, case studies are an appropriate research strategy for this practice-based discipline. As with other clinical fields like medicine or law, advancing knowledge calls for laboratory work. While the human body (or an animal substitute) or a courtroom is the physician's or lawyer's lab, the city (or the urban environment) is the urban planner's lab. In these arenas, knowledge results from studies that translate to and from practice, adding to theory that, in turn, informs other studies and practice. The associated lab-based techniques for planners take many forms, ranging from statistical analysis of large databases to assessments of smaller units or cases. This research rarely encompasses controlled experiments requiring random assignment samples, but tends to engage in quasi-experimental or comparative projects, often case-based work.

The discussion that follows examines three topics. They are the nature of case-study research and its application to urban planning; patterns in the use of case-study research in urban planning; and some effects of case-study research on urban planning. Table 14.1 , Some Examples of Case Study Research Arranged Chronologically by Type, serves as a guide to the numerous references in the text.

1. The Nature of Case-Study Research and its Application to Urban Planning

Case studies fall into three general categories according to Robert Yin, the authoritative compiler of case-study research methods (Yin 2009 , 47–52). The first category, exploratory , seeks to understand a problem or questions in general. The second, descriptive , details phenomena from which to draw lessons. The third, explanatory , endeavors to develop causal relationships. Sometimes a researcher begins a project intending to undertake one kind of case study and ends up with another. For example, Lee Rainwater, in the preface to Behind Ghetto Walls, Black Family Life in a Federal Slum (1970, vii), explained “This … study began as a study of the problems in a public housing project, Pruitt Igoe in St. Louis [descriptive], and ended as a study of the dynamics of socioeconomic inequality [explanatory].”

Or, a researcher may use a case study to disprove a theory. Oxford University professor Bent Flyvbjerg ( 2006 , 228) reported that he approached his study of Aalborg, Denmark, thoroughly ingrained through university instruction in the belief that planning decisions would be transparent, inclusive, and in service of the free market, but when observed in the field, he found the opposite. This experience led him to refine the Yin typology, enumerating four nonexclusive kinds of case studies: “extreme” or “deviant,” chosen to dramatize a point; “critical,” selected to verify or disqualify a particular condition; “maximum variation,” used to show the range of types of phenomenon; and/or “paradigmatic,” created to highlight general qualities, rules or behaviors of the subject in question (Flyvbjerg 2006 , 232). To this list, Yin later added two other types: “revelatory,” offering insights not previously available; and “longitudinal,” covering a span of time (Yin 2009 , 47–52).

1.1 Application to Urban Planning

Case-study research in urban planning revolves around such questions as uncovering phenomena to be considered in formulating urban public policy; describing the decision-making processes in urban planning; and providing exemplars of what the authors consider best practices, frequently focusing on urban design or physical development. (An extensive discussion of these types of studies follows in the section of this chapter entitled “Patterns of Case-Study Research in Urban Planning.”)

As with all research, whether case study or quantitative database analysis, a research design involves four decisions: (1) what question(s) to ask; (2) what data will answer the question(s); (3) how to collect the data; and (4) how to analyze the data. The characteristics that differentiate case-study research are in the answers to questions below.

What Questions?

In general, the scientific method guides the planning scholar. He or she couches research in one or more hypotheses or propositions related to current theory. She can develop questions only after acquiring some prerequisite knowledge: a firm grounding in existing literature pertaining to the immediate area of study, awareness of contributions from associated disciplines, and familiarity with what is happening “on the ground” or in practice. Only then can he hone in on the key issues, gaps, or discrepancies that shape the project. In addition, the researcher articulates the anticipated findings as a means to structure the design and the subsequent discussion of the findings.

In case-study research, an iterative process is quite normal—that is, after completing the research, the author may revise his or her questions. In Divided Cities, Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar and Nicosia , authors Jon Calame and Esther Charlesworth ( 2009 ) originally posited that urban managers who prevented sparring (and more dangerous activities like killing) by partitioning off discordant areas in ethnically and religiously divided cities would not cause permanent damage but, rather, achieve peace. They found, however, something quite different: while managers gained respite by separating antagonists, they ruined the social contract among residents because they were masking, not curing, “a profound, longstanding problem in a short-term temporary way” (5).

To determine data needs, the researcher identifies the study's goals and defines its objectives and time frame. At the same time, he or she decides whether to pursue a single or multiple case(s) based on the nature of the work (e.g., exploratory, descriptive, or explanatory) and a judgment about the effectiveness of specified types of case(s) (e.g. representative, extreme, and/or with variation) in answering the questions. For example, Mark Rosentraub ( 2010 , 13), in Major League Winners, Urban Change and New Destinies for Downtowns , chose his cases as representative with variation, noting, “This book is about the balance achieved by successful leadership in several different cities and the positive economic outcomes that took place …[in order to identify] the opportunities available to other cities.” In contrast, Divided Cities authors Calame and Charlesworth ( 2009 , 2) selected extreme cases in order to “expose what lies in store for a large and perhaps growing class of cities on a trajectory toward polarization and partition between rival communities.”

Above all, researchers have a clear understanding of the “unit of analysis” (what they are going to study e.g., a group, a process, a development project) and the boundaries (or time frame e.g., specified decades, months, etc.) to be covered. For example, in The Future of Old Neighborhoods , Bernard Frieden ( 1964 ) questioned current thinking on “gray areas” that dismissed these older central-city districts as economically and socially obsolete by identifying, tracking, and proving the usefulness of inexpensive housing in such neighborhoods in New York, Los Angeles, and Hartford between 1950 and 1960. In Mega-Projects: The Changing Politics of Urban Public Investment , Alan Altshuler and Daniel Luberoff ( 2003 , 2) wanted to explore the trajectory of “the political impulses that generated mega-projects of the 1950s and 1960s,” so they concentrated on “three inter-related mega-projects: highways, airports and rail transit systems … during the second half of the twentieth century” to gauge decision-making processes in each.

At the very least, regardless of the number or type of cases included in the research design (as is discussed below), the data will include a chronology of events relevant to the subject under study, a step that includes reviewing primary and secondary documents, identification of the key actors or stakeholders, quantitative and descriptive information that helps establish the context of the case, interviews of people who can clarify various elements of the case, site visits and/or personal observation of meetings or other events relevant to the case, and collection of assessment information that will assist in judging the outcomes of the case.

1.2. The Single Case

The decision to have one, or more than one, case is closely related to the goals of a given study. A single case, while offering depth, calls for careful marshaling of information to tell a story that has broad application as is illustrated in the examples below. While researchers have the luxury of making deep probes and being immersed in one place, they still have to organize the material to demonstrate its contribution to theory—that is, its ability to produce knowledge that may be applied elsewhere.

For example, Martin Meyerson and Edward Banfield ( 1955 , 11), in Politics, Planning and the Public Interest: The Case of Public Housing in Chicago , investigated “how some important decisions were reached in a large American city.” In their research design, they established clear criteria for their unit of analysis, “decisions,” by choosing a certain kind (the siting of public housing); a certain type (“we take into account decisions only if, and only insofar as they have to do with ‘politics,’ ‘planning,’ or ‘the public interest’ “)—concepts that they define in a twenty-six-page appendix; and a certain class , noting that, at the time, siting was not only “big business,” but also “suggestive for certain classes of issues” such as a sewage disposal plant, a tuberculosis sanatorium, a superhighway, or even a church or a school (14, 303–329,12). In establishing the broad application of their work, they were bold (“many other governments resemble that of Chicago”) but circumspect:

The reader should be cautioned, however, against inferring that the political history of public housing in other cities has been identical with that of Chicago … the Chicago experiences should sensitize the reader to certain influences and relationships which are likely to be found, although not in the same form, in most other cities. In short, acquaintance with what happened in Chicago may give the student of the public housing issue some indication of what to look for in other cities . [italics added] (11–12)

Many other studies of public housing siting and its effects ensued, including Arnold Hirsch's ( 1983 ) Making of the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago 1940–1960 and Lawrence Vale's ( 2000 ) From Puritans to the Projects: Public Housing and Public Neighbors . A more recent single case study, Nicholas Dagen Bloom's ( 2008 ) Public Housing That Worked, New York in the Twentieth Century dissected the New York experience between 1934 and 2008. Like Meyerson and Banfield, Bloom seeks to show the reader a different story than his predecessors, one that includes, but goes beyond, siting to explore management policies as an explanatory force for the success of public housing in a large American city.

In the single-case arena, several works take one city as the unit of analysis and explore the outcomes of different public policies in that city. Examples are Colin Gordon's ( 2008 ) Mapping Decline, St. Louis and the Fate of One American City , which looks at St. Louis to study the effects of a single type of action: evolving housing and renewal policies over decades. Similarly, Birch and Wachter's ( 2006 ) Rebuilding Urban Places After Disaster, Lessons From Katrina , reviews one city, New Orleans, and but investigates the role of the several different types of policies—economic to educational—in aiding recovery efforts.

1.3 The Single Embedded Case

A researcher may choose another approach: the single case with embedded subunits that receive more or different attention, in order to illustrate a phenomenon that has variation within it. This method goes beyond a simple numerical count or statistical attempt to create causal relationships used by many social scientists pursuing complex problems to add nuances and depth to the overall case or argument that the author is presenting. In the late 1950s, anthropologist Oscar Lewis ( 1959 ) formulated the “culture of poverty” theory based on studying five Mexican families. He argued that the poor had “a way of life that is passed down from generation to generation,” that contributed to their economic and social marginality (Lewis 1959 , xlii–lii). He tested this idea using an embedded single case in La Vida: A Puerto Rican Family and the Culture of Poverty in San Juan and New York (1965) by focusing on one family that contained five households—three living in Puerto Rico and two in New York City. In this manner, he captured the varied forms of behavior associated with the “culture of poverty” concept and argued that it was a behavioral type that had several manifestations depending on household composition and location.

Similarly, when political scientist Alan Altshuler ( 1965 ), studied city planning in the Twin Cities (Minneapolis/St Paul), in The City Planning Process: A Political Analysis , he used the embedded single case study. While he focused on “the city planning process,” he analyzed how city planning decisions were made in creating four types of plans (a comprehensive plan for Minneapolis, a land-use plan and hospital site for St. Paul, and an interstate freeway routing plan for the two cities). In using several examples or subunits as evidence, he challenged reigning planning theory (rational decision making), arguing that it was an ineffective model because it neglected to account for local political behavior. Jeffrey Pressman and Aaron Wildavsky ( 1973 ) would follow the same approach in Implementation, How Great Expectations in Washington Are Dashed in Oakland , a study of the U.S. Economic Development Administration's employment programs in Oakland California that tracked the expenditure of a $23 million allocation for four types of infrastructure investments (airport, marine terminal, industrial park, and roads) in case studies of the individual projects to test the outcomes, measured as job creation. Here, the authors focused on such issues as individual program achievements and explanations for their failure to meet projected goals.

Urban design researchers also make use of the embedded single case study. For Jonathan Barnett ( 1974 ), in Urban Design as Public Policy , New York City zoning is the overall topic and its city-shaping power is the concern. He documented the effects of two newly invented devices—the plaza bonus and the special district—and showed how they played out in various development projects. For Allan B. Jacobs ( 1995 ), in Great Streets , the “street” is the unit of analysis and fifteen exemplary thoroughfares in Europe and North America distinguished by their dimensions and patterns of use are the subunits.

In a more recent study, Heatwave, A Social Autopsy of a Disaster in Chicago , sociologist Eric Klinenberg ( 2002 ) used an embedded single case study that employed mixed methods to question whether the more than 485 heat-related deaths in six days in Chicago in July 1995 affected everyone equally. (Notably, this crisis produced more than twice as many deaths as the Great Chicago Fire of 1871.) Through statistical analysis, he discovered that impoverished, elderly minorities had the highest rates; but with further scrutiny, he saw that poor, elderly black men suffered disproportionately. To explain this phenomenon, he then studied comparative spatial data—place of residence and crime rates—to conclude that the black victims who lived in high-crime neighborhoods remained in their overheated apartments, while others, especially low-income Hispanics whose neighborhoods were safer, were less housebound and, consequently, had lower mortality rates.

1.4 The Multiple Case

A researcher selects a multiple case study design to show repeated patterns, variation in patterns, and exceptional examples of patterns to achieve balance (geographic, size, etc.) among exhibited patterns and to offer more ample descriptions and explanations of complex phenomena, all in the effort to enhance generalization from the data (Stake 2006 , v; Yin 2009 , 54). Two examples are Peter H. Brown's ( 2009 ) America's Waterfront Revival, Port Authorities and Urban Redevelopment and Mark S. Rosentraub's ( 2010 ), Major League Winners, Using Sports and Cultural Centers as Tools for Economic Development . Here, each author employed four (Brown) to five (Rosentraub) cases to illustrate types of urban planning in postindustrial cities.

In each of these cases, the authors developed hypotheses about their subjects from a combination of research, observation, interviews, and experience. Brown, as a former city employee, had noticed that the Philadelphia Port Authority had a surplus of land owing to its relocation of facilities to accommodate containerization, and he decided to investigate how this change had affected how it and other port authorities perceive their missions, hypothesizing that they had become urban developers. Rosentraub, through research for an earlier book, Major League Losers, The Real Cost of Sports and Who's Paying for It? (1999), detected a change in municipal approaches to the construction of sports facilities, hypothesizing that some appeared to be using stadiums as anchors for reinvention and growth.

1.5 The Embedded Multiple Case

Like the embedded single case, the embedded multiple case presents several cases dealing with a particular question, with additional attention given to other details within the cases. For example, when Larry Buron and colleagues ( 2002 ) undertook HOPE VI Resident Tracking Study, A Snapshot of Current Living Situation of the Original Residents from Eight Sites , they selected a large sample of residents from projects in varying degrees of completion (two completed and fully reoccupied, four partially reoccupied, and two under construction) to review four features (the residents’ housing conditions, neighborhood quality, social environment and employment, and hardship and health). They tested the basic assumptions of the HOPE VI program—notably, that original residents’ lives, as judged by the four elements, would be improved. However, since the cases were so varied with regard to their progress, the treatment of residents was also varied—factors that the researchers discussed in detail.

1.6 The “Mini” Multiple Case

In contrast to these approaches, Edward J. Blakely and Mary Gail Snyder's ( 1997 ) Fortress America: Gated Communities in the United States and Robert E. Lang and Jennifer B. LeFurgy's ( 2007 ) Boomburgs: The Rise of America's Accidental Cities offered many “mini” case studies to describe a new settlement type that they each identify by studying empirical data. Blakely and Snyder focus on gated communities that numbered more than 20,000 at the time of their research (7); Lang and LeFurgy, on “boomburgs”—large (100,000 population) incorporated places, not core cities, that were housing one-in-nine suburban dwellers and having double-digit growth between 1970 and 2000 (6, 19). Each team explored a large question—Blakely and Snyder studied the nature of community (29); Lang and LeFurgy looked at the dynamics of metropolitan change (20)—by marshaling “mini” cases that contributed to the description of the overall case (gated community or boomburg), as well as analysis of the phenomenon under study. In this fashion, they captured the issues in the types of places by developing a “mosaic” that formed each case study. For example, in their exploration of the pace and quality of boomburg development, Lang and LaFurgy identified future build-out as an issue. They used survey research to tally their places’ plans (ranging from promoting compact development to resisting densification) and provided brief examples of each.

1.7 Edited Multiple Case Studies

Finally, some scholars produce edited collections of case studies. Lawrence J. Vale and Thomas J. Campanella ( 2005 ), in The Resilient City, How Modern Cities Recover From Disaster , used eight cases to identify the characteristics found in places that survive natural and manmade disasters; and Bishwapriya Sanyal ( 2005 , xxi), in Comparative Planning Cultures , has his contributors generate “thick descriptions of planning practices in various countries” in order to “demonstrate whether there are core cultural traits … which differentiate planning efforts in different nations.” In these types of collections, the editors take responsibility for comprehensive cross-case analyses. Vale and Campanella provided a well-argued concluding chapter that not only used the cases to present a model of the stages of recovery (from emergency to reconstruction) but also commented on key characteristics of the recovery process, ranging from observations about every place experiencing physical recovery of one sort or another to conclusions about opportunism and opportunity as well as governmental and human resilience (2005, 335–53). Sanyal took a different tack, employing a long introductory chapter to set up the cases and then let the cases tell the story (2005, 3–63).

As can be seen from this description of the design of case-study research, the choice of cases and their number depend on the authors’ abilities to demonstrate that their research designs answer their questions credibly. There is no “right” answer to whether one or more than one case is appropriate. Researchers with a social science inclination tend to select multiple cases, believing that more examples will offer greater proof of the existence of a given phenomenon. Their training, often based in quantitative analysis, supports this approach. Researchers with an inclination toward history or ethnography tend to gravitate to the single case, believing that rich description will enable the reader to apply the resulting knowledge to his or her circumstances with a deeper understanding of the context and conditions of the case.

What Data Collection Methods?

As part of the design for a project, the investigator conceives a research protocol outlining the types of data sought and the methods of collection. Having such a protocol ensures that other researchers can replicate (or critique) the approach, and in the case of multiple case studies, assures uniform treatment of each. The objective is to develop a portrait or tell a story about each case by collecting basic descriptive data, developing a chronology, and identifying key actors and actions. Data can come from many sources, including censuses, specially generated surveys, participant observation, interviews, review of primary and secondary documents, field work, and/or mapping and spatial analysis employing GIS or other methods.

For example, the contributing authors to The University as Urban Developer, Cases and Analysis , edited by David C. Perry and Wim Wiewel (2005), used primary and secondary documents, interviews, personal accounts, and maps to tell their stories. Saskia Sassen ( 1991 ), in The Global City, New York, London, Tokyo , relied heavily on databases from the International Monetary Fund, U.S. Department of Labor, United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, Metropolitan Government of Tokyo, United Kingdom Department of Employment, and other organizations.

How to Analyze the Data?

Having gathered the data for the cases, the researcher returns to the original questions and/or propositions to interpret the evidence, the most important and creative function of any research project. As mentioned earlier, case approaches allow researchers to reformulate their questions as information-gathering progresses. In some quantitatively based multiple-case projects, often those related to program evaluation, the researcher has set up measurable outcomes and can discuss them. For example, when Briggs, Popkin, and Goering ( 2010 ), in Moving to Opportunity, The Story of an American Experiment to Fight Ghetto Poverty , organized the study to cover five cases and to report on whether families who moved from de facto segregated public housing to racially integrated communities fared better in terms of housing quality, employment, and education than those who chose other alternatives (staying in public housing, moving within the city, etc.), they established a “controlled” experiment that allowed for quantitative analysis of the outcomes. (They found, however, that so many unanticipated factors influenced the outcome that they had to qualify their findings with descriptive explanations.) In other studies with little or no quantitative data, the researcher assesses features or characteristics, or he or she identifies patterns that bear on the original research questions. Brown ( 2009 ), Rosentraub ( 2010 ), and Calame and Charlesworth ( 2009 ) are examples of this type of assessment.

Depending on the type of case study or studies that have emerged, researchers will report exploratory, descriptive, revelatory, or explanatory findings, aiming to demonstrate elements that contribute or disprove the theoretical framework on which the study is based. They offer an “analytical” (not statistical) generalization—that is, the mounting of the empirical findings of one or more case studies to prove, disprove, or amplify previously developed theory. A necessary goal is to produce results capable of replication because only through replication is theory robust (Yin 2009 , 38, 54). Single case analysis is straightforward, as the researcher analyzes the evidence to point out key aspects of the case, leading to general assertions; multiple case analysis calls for cross-case observations relative to the general questions, again pointing out the commonalities and differences (Gerring 2007 ). Focusing on a single place, Ram Cnaan ( 2006 , 274–92) explored religious congregations in Philadelphia to demonstrate the pros and cons of their contributions to social welfare in disadvantaged neighborhoods. Using an embedded, multiple case study approach, Sassen ( 1991 ) marshaled evidence to argue that the rise of global cities as centers of finance represented a shift in their definition and role from hosting manufacturing and production to enabling or financing such functions worldwide, asserting “It is this combination of a new industrial complex that dominates economic growth and sociopolitical forms through which it is constituted and reproduced that is centered in major cities and contains the elements of a new type of city, the global city” (Sassen 1991 , 338).

Most cases in urban planning aim to inform the future, while some—notably the explanatory and paradigmatic—attempt to predict or affect future decision making directly. Briggs, Popkin, and Goering's ( 2010 ) Moving to Opportunity is an example of the latter, while Beatley's ( 2000 ) Green Urbanism, Learning from European Cities is an example of the former. A common impetus is a desire to identify qualities that contribute to the creation of communities of lasting value. One example is The Portland Edge: Challenges and Success in Growing Communities , edited by Connie Ozawa ( 2004 , 304), who writes:

The purpose of this volume was not simply to tell “The Portland Story.” We had hoped that by doing so, however, we would add to larger discussions about how to recover, sustain and create strong communities. We offer no recipes … nonetheless it is clear that the level of livability in Portland is no accident… . [W]e have identified a few key ingredients of a strong community.

A more recent effort is Joan Fitzgerald's ( 2010 ) Emerald Cities, Urban Sustainability and Economic Development , which endeavors to blend European and U.S. cases to provide inspiration for formulation of a national policy on the subject.

2. Patterns in the Use of Case-Study Research in Urban Planning

As evident from table 14.1 , urban planning scholarship has relied heavily on case studies over the last fifty years. Organized according to six types of approaches ranging from single cases to edited multiple case study collections, the table supports five observations beyond the general statement that, regardless of discipline, urban researchers use cases extensively. First, many urban planning scholars employ case studies as a vehicle to translate knowledge into action. Second, case study approaches allow urban planning scholars to provide the evidence, depth, and detail about place that other methods do not capture. Third, case study authors have taken on a wide range of roles, from participant observer to dispassionate analyst. Fourth, revisiting a phenomenon over time occurs in urban planning case-study research. Fifth, the professional biography stands out as a distinct type of case study for urban planners and deserves attention in the future.

Case Studies Serve as Vehicles for Translating Knowledge into Action

Planning scholars either explicitly articulate their motivation to inform or improve urban planning or implicitly do so through their work. Further, case studies provide “road maps” regarding context, chronology, key actors, and/or crucial decision points, offering readers searching for models or solutions to the same or similar problems a means to compare and test their own situations. While there is never any “best way” to translate knowledge to action, at the very least, case-study research adds a layer of information or best practices to assist decision makers, who will also rely on other types of information, whether it comes from quantitative research, experience, professional group interactions, or other means.

Examples of the value of case studies are found in the work of Herbert Gans ( 1959 ), Jane Jacobs ( 1961 ), William Whyte ( 1980 ), and Mark Rosentraub ( 2010 ), who have uncovered information that changed perceptions about the urban environment or activities occurring in cities. Martin Meyerson and Edward Banfield ( 1955 );, Bent Flyvbjerg ( 1998 ); Brent Flyvbjerg, Nils Bruzelius, and Wernter Rothengatter ( 2003 ); and Lynne Sagalyn ( 2003 ) have successfully shown the behaviors and actions of key actors in urban planning activities, while Martin Meyerson ( 1963 ), Jonathan Barnett ( 1974 ), Jerold Kayden ( 2000 ), Timothy Beatley ( 2000 ), Alexander Garvin ( 2002 ), and Ellen Dunham-Jones and June Williamson ( 2009 ) provide exemplars for improving physical planning. Barbara Faga ( 2006 ) describes participatory processes and Allan Altshuler ( 1965 ), Charles Hoch ( 1994 ), and John Forester ( 1989 ) contribute ideas about practitioner operations. Hoch ( 1994 ) has full-scale portraits of typical planners, while Forester's ( 1989 , 163–208) contributions with regard to cases are restricted to a final chapter, “Supplement on Planning Education: Teaching Planning Practice.” Finally, Timothy Beatley ( 2009 ), who provided a firm foundation for “green urbanism,” defined the knowledge-to-action process as “telling stories—innovative efforts at moving cities and urban neighborhoods in the direction of sustainability, at finding ways to build economy, reconnect to place and environment, and at once to enhance quality of life and reduce ecological footprints.”

Case-study approaches allow urban planning scholars to provide information about place that other methods would not capture. Since case-study authors examine the physical manifestations of a wide variety of urban phenomena, they offer contextual details about places that are often lacking in purely quantitative studies. Depending on the subject under study, they may explain the geography (e.g., terrain, climate), locational characteristics (e.g., street layout, neighborhood or housing conditions), or the interplay of demographic factors and place (e.g., segregation) that are explanatory or have an effect on the outcomes. When Lynne Sagalyn ( 2003 ) dealt with the redevelopment of New York City's Times Square, in Times Square Roulette , she detailed relevant characteristics of the area (e.g., parcel size, ownership patterns, zoning requirements, accessibility to transportation, land values), its location in the NYC theater district, and other factors that influenced subsequent public and private decision making that explained the success of this particular development project. Similarly, Timothy Gilfoyle ( 2006 ) deconstructed the spatial aspects (e.g., location, acreage) that affected the events and decisions that resulted in the design and creation of Chicago's famed Millennium Park. Others have shown the physical imprint of pressing social, economic, and environmental issues. For example, legal scholar Charles Haar ( 1996 , 2005 ) explored both the ramifications of the Mt. Laurel I and II cases on New Jersey settlement patterns owing to court remedies for residential racial discrimination and outlined the physical effects of legal efforts on the cleanup of Boston Harbor. Capturing urban ethnic strife, John Calame and Esther Charlesworth ( 2009 ) mapped its varied expression is such forms as walls, gated districts, and other elements in the cities of Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar, and Nicosia. Some examine existing or potential public policy related to transportation, land use, regional planning, growth management, and the potential for political alliances. Michael Bernick and Robert Cervero ( 1997 ) and Cervero ( 1998 ) surveyed transit-oriented development; Douglas Porter ( 1997 ) covered U.S. regional planning efforts; Patsy Healey ( 2007 looked at innovative planning in several countries in Europe; and Myron Orfield ( 2002 ) demonstrated the economic and social commonalities among suburbs in a study of twenty-five metro areas.

Case-Study Author Roles Range from Witness to Dispassionate Analyst

The presence of the author as a witness takes different forms. Jonathan Barnett ( 1974 ) and Allan Jacobs ( 1978 ) represent first-person, active participants who are “reflective practitioners,” taking time to scrutinize their practical experiences and share the results. SchÖn ( 1983 ), Herbert Gans ( 1959 , 1967 ), Oscar Lewis ( 1959 , 1965 ), Gerald Suttles ( 1968 ), and Elijah Anderson ( 1999 ) are participant observers, inhabiting the communities they are studying in order to understand them. Jane Jacobs ( 1961 ) also lives in the community and uses her daily experiences to articulate desirable urban qualities. Unlike the sociologists, she does not focus on ethnographic concerns but, rather, on the effects of the physical environment on behavior and well-being. More remote are Lee Rainwater ( 1970 ), Joel Garreau ( 1991 ), Peter Brown ( 2009 ), and Ellen Dunham-Jones and June Williamson ( 2009 ), who use field observations to supplement work that relies on many other forms of data and that places them at arm's length from their subjects.

Some Case Study Authors Revisit Phenomena

An author or co-authors may engage in longitudinal case studies that show how a phenomenon fares over time. For example, in the 1970s, Oscar Newman ( 1972 ) crafted “defensible space” design principles to reduce crime in public housing. More than twenty years later, sponsored by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, he (1996) evaluated their application in a three-case study project. Two years after the publication of the notorious “Moynihan Report” or The Negro Family, The Case for National Action (U.S. Department of Labor 1965 ), Lee Rainwater and William Yancy ( 1967 ) looked at the stir it had created. (The Moynihan Report asserted that high levels of black male unemployment negatively affected family lives and led to a “tangle of pathology” that undermined black society.) Fifty years later, Douglas Massey and Robert Sampson ( 2009 , 12) reassessed the uproar again, arguing that the fallout contributed to avoidance and consequent lack of rigorous analysis of the “unpleasant realities of ghetto life,” consequently leaving the conservative explanation (welfare dependence created the observed pathologies) unchallenged for more than twenty years until William Julius Wilson ( 1987 ), in The Truly Disadvantaged , provided an alternative explanation (structural changes in the economy). Other works followed Wilson's, breaking the blockade of silence by liberal scholars.

The Professional Biography as a Type of Case Study Needs More Attention

Life stories focusing on people's careers illustrate the environment, character, and decision-making patterns of leaders who have shaped urban places. Exemplary are Robert Caro's ( 1974 ) biography of Robert Moses, a subject recently revisited by Hillary Ballon and Kenneth Jackson ( 2007 ) in a massive exhibit and catalogue Robert Moses and the Modern City: The Transformation of New York ; Adam Cohen and Elizabeth Taylor's ( 2000 ) study of the first Mayor Richard Daley of Chicago, M. Jeffrey Hardwick's ( 2004 ) portrait of Victor Gruen and Nicholas Dagen Bloom's ( 2004 ) tracing of developer James Rouse's career highlighting his role in the creating Columbia, Maryland, festival malls and the Enterprise Foundation. Notably, there is a dearth of biographies of mid-twentieth-century city planners, including Kevin Lynch, Martin Meyerson, Lloyd Rodwin, Harvey Perloff, and others (Birch 2011 ), leaving an important gap to be filled by scholars in the future.

An important note here is that journalists often write professional biographies that differ in tone and analysis from those written by scholars. The journalist's approach tends to focus on the immediate story more than the context, while the scholars give much attention to placing the subject in a larger picture of his or her times. In the journalist group are Caro's book on Moses and Buzz Bissinger's ( 1997 ) portrait of Mayor Ed Rendell in A Prayer for a City ; among the scholar-generated offerings are Nicholas Dagen Bloom's ( 2004 ) Merchant of Illusion ( James Rouse) and Wendell Pritchett's ( 2008 ) Robert Clifton Weaver and the American City: The Time and Life of an Urban Reformer . Edited biographical collections are another version of this approach. Representative are Donald Krueckeberg's ( 1983 , 1994 ) pioneering work that includes portraits of more than twenty leaders and Scott Gabriel Knowles's ( 2009 ) recent book on Edmund Bacon, featuring several authors with different perspectives on a single person.

3. Some Effects of Case-Study Research on Urban Planning

The impact of case-based research becomes evident with the passage of time, allowing for the dissemination and application of findings. Two types of outcomes are evident, displayed as follows: (1) the translation of the new knowledge into practice; and (2) the stimulation of new research. Examples of the translation of the new knowledge into practice are evident in many arenas. William H. Whyte's ( 1980 ) Social Life of Small Urban Spaces , a study of public plazas in New York City, and Jane Jacobs's ( 1961 ) Death and Life of Great American Cities , an explanation of urban design successes also focused on New York City (primarily Greenwich Village) achieved widespread readership and reshaped city planning practice in New York and beyond. For example, New York City rewrote the public plaza sections of its zoning ordinance in response to Whyte's findings as did many other cities (Kayden 1996; Birch 1986 ).

Both textbooks and practice are infused with concepts that first saw life in case study monographs. Martin Meyerson and Edward Banfield's ( 1955 ) exploration of urban decision making in Politics, Planning and the Public Interest advanced planning theory, especially with regard to a nuanced definition of the public interest, that value that planners, through their code of ethics, pledge to pursue. Similarly, Alan Altshuler ( 1965 ) turned the rational planning model on its head. Herbert Gans's ( 1959 ) The Urban Villagers, Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans transformed ideas about community life in slums, a theme that has been deepened through the ongoing work of other ethnographers like Elijah Anderson. Bernard Frieden ( 1964 ) The Future of Old Neighborhoods helped put a halt to slum clearance and successfully promoted rehabilitation. The zoning techniques that Jonathan Barnett ( 1974 ) put forward in Urban Design as Public Policy have been replicated in cities throughout the United States.

An example of the second type of outcome, stimulation of new research, is the seminal work of Sir Peter Hall ( 1966 ) in World Cities . Attributing the term “world cities” to Scottish scholar Patrick Geddes, Hall (7–9) was the first writer to operationalize the concept by defining world cities as places “in which a disproportionate part of the world's business is conducted, … [that are] national centers not merely of government but also of trade, … centers of population [with] … significant portion of the richest of the community, [and] … the locus of manufacturing and luxury goods, entertainment and culture.” Hall selected seven places, or “world cities,” to examine, analyzing the drivers of growth, current problems, and their solutions, and arguing that they represented the wave of the future whose stories provided lessons for urban planners. He chose the case studies from places that varied by function (political and financial capitals), by spatial arrangement (nuclear and polycentric), and by geographic location (Europe, Asia, North America). He found that “in every city … growth brings problems; but those problems may vary in intensity according especially to the internal disposition of functions and land uses within metropolitan regions” (234). From the data, Hall identified, quite presciently as it turns out, two categories of concern: the spread of the suburbs and the future of the downtown (237–42). He thus alerted his readers to what to “look for in other cities” (as Meyerson and Banfield [ 1955 , 12] had suggested a decade earlier in discussing the usefulness of case studies) and established an important agenda for subsequent research.

In the years to follow, scholars would flesh out the concerns highlighted by Hall in three significant streams of inquiry. The first focused on suburbs and sprawl, the next on downtowns, and the last on large-scale regions. The suburban literature spanned early studies that gauged the effects of suburbs on social behavior, such as William H. Whyte's ( 1956 ) The Organization Man , based on Park Forest, Illinois; and Herbert Gans's ( 1967 ) The Levittowners Ways of Life and Politics in a New Suburban Community , focused on community life in one of the nation's first, postwar, mass-produced subdivisions, Ann Forsyth's ( 2005 ) Reforming Suburbia, The Planned Communities of Irvine, Columbia and The Woodlands explored three master-planned places. Later works addressed public policies designed to shape suburbs as exemplified by Gregory K. Ingram and colleagues’ ( 2009 ) Smart Growth Policies: An Evaluation of Programs and Outcomes , which employed quantitative measures supplemented by mulitiple case studies, and Myron Orfield and Thomas F. Luce Jr.'s ( 2010 , xiii) Region, Planning the Future of the Twin Cities , which combined in-depth data analysis represented graphically in a number of GIS maps “to think more clearly about the socio-economic polarization that is occurring in the region,” and to decide what to do about it.

The second stream explored downtowns, especially the decentralization of central business district functions. Edge City, Life on the New Frontier by Joel Garreau ( 1991 ) redefined the idea of downtown through the investigation of nine “new urban centers” characterized by five elements (5 million square feet of leasable office space; 600,000 square feet of leasable retail space; more jobs than bedrooms) and perceived as one place, nonexistent thirty years ago. About a decade later, Edgeless Cities by Robert E. Lang ( 2003 , 2) challenged Garreau, employing multiple “mini” case studies to identify a new pattern of places that are downtowns “in function in that they contain office employment but not in form because they are scattered … contain isolated office buildings or small clusters of buildings of varying densities over vast swabs of metropolitan space.” Other works have focused on the actual downtown concept and its changing activities. These studies, as they were published over time, sequentially referenced their predecessors to demonstrate change. They include John Rannells's ( 1956 ) The Core of the City , which tracked traditional central business district (CBD) functions in Philadelphia; Bernard Frieden and Lynne B. Sagalyn's ( 1989 ) Downtown Inc., How America Rebuilds Cities ,which portrayed changing retail formats in Pasadena, Boston, San Diego, Seattle, and St. Paul; Roberta Gratz and Norman Mintz's ( 2000 ) Cities Back from the Edge; and Eugenie L. Birch's ( 2005 ) Who Lives Downtown? , with their many small case examples, that show the new residential and entertainments components of the twenty-first century 24/7 downtown.

The third stream examines large-scale regions. The literature is extensive, but four recent works are representative: Roger Simmonds and Gary Hack ( 2000 , 3, 183–93), in Global City Regions, Their Emerging Forms , compared eleven large-scale places closely linked by economic activity but exhibitingcontrasting features, including infrastructure, regional organization and cultures of governance. Peter Hall and Kathy Pain's ( 2006 ) The Polycentric Metropolis, Learning from Mega-City Regions in Europe , showcased eight places that have become mega-city regions in work that is closely related to thinking about mega-regions in the United States, fostered by Jonathan Barnett and colleagues ( 2007 ) in Smart Growth in a Changing World , Catherine Ross ( 2009 ) in Megaregions, Planning for Global Competitiveness and Arthur Nelson and Robert Lang ( 2011 ) in Megapolitan America .

As it turns out, Hall's three streams of inquiry are closely related. The suburban work informs state and local dialogues on community life, sprawl, and urban design. Public and private decision makers are shaping downtown investments based on researchers’ findings. The study of large-scale places is now influencing national policy discussions in such infrastructure discussions as those revolving around high-speed rail, as a recent scan of the America 2050 ( http://www.america2050.org/ ) and the U.S. Federal Rail Administration ( http://www.fra.dot.gov/Pages/2325.shtml ) Web sites indicate.

4. Conclusion

Urban planning scholars employ case-study research widely to pursue a range of questions related to the field, including analyzing urban behaviors in the political arena, in neighborhoods, and in other places and providing exemplars of best practices in physical planning. They have done so for more than fifty years. And as they have worked, they have evolved several types of approaches, ranging from the single case monograph to the mulitiple case edited collection. In the process, they have pursued rigorous and replicable research designs whose formats have been repeated in the work of successive case-study researchers and whose protocols have been formalized in case-study textbooks (Yin 2009 ; Seale et al. 2008 ; Stake 2006 ). An analysis of representative studies reveals several patterns, including an effort to develop cases that translate knowledge into action, that pay attention to “place” or the physical dimensions of a question, and have a tendency to revisit and reevaluate a phenomenon that has been studied at an earlier time. Important gaps in case study research such as in the special format, biography, exist. Finally, case-study research has yielded important outcomes, influencing both practice and ongoing research.

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Strategies for Urban Regeneration: Case Studies: Khorog City Master Plan

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The Urban Transformation of Medellín: A Case Study

• Written by Victor Restrepo Alvarez
• Published on April 03, 2024

CityMakers , The Global Community of Architects Who Learn from Exemplary Cities and Their Makers , is working with Archdaily to publish a series of articles about Barcelona , Medellin, and Rotterdam. The authors are the architects, urban planners, and/or strategists behind the projects that have transformed these three cities and are studied in the " Schools of Cities " and " Documentary Courses " made by CityMakers . On this occasion, Victor Restrepo, Coordinator of CityMakers in Medellin, presents his article "Medellin: A Case Study".

Medellín stands as an inspiring example for many cities worldwide. It is a city that transitioned from deep collective fear to hopeful enthusiasm for urban and social life characterized by quality and coexistence. The city's crisis has always been associated with violence and drug trafficking. However, this crisis is more structural and profound, it responds to many more factors, some of which are associated with the accelerated growth of its population, as in many Latin American cities.

The Attractive City

Related article.

Since Colombia's independence, Medellín became the regional capital of the Antioquia province in the first half of the 19th century. Gold and coffee were the country's main export products for much of the 19th and 20th centuries, leading to capital accumulation and the establishment of industries, which solidified the city as the country's main industrial center by 1950. These conditions of progress and stability triggered migrations, which settled irregularly and informally on the slopes and outskirts of the city. During this time, significant infrastructure and service projects were developed, shaping the city's future: the construction and operation of the Antioquia Railway (1870-1930), the installation of electricity (1898), the installation of the aqueduct (1914), and the electric tram (1921).

In the 1920s, the municipal administration decided to build housing in the neighborhoods of Manrique, Aranjuez, and Gerona, all located in the northeastern and eastern parts of the city, as a strategy to regulate urban growth resulting from population increase and migration. During this period, the hillsides were just beginning to be inhabited, often in a disorderly manner, as seen in the subsequent decades. Simultaneously, due to the state's limited capacity to promote and manage public policies for land regularization, the existence of more informal settlements began to be recorded, particularly in the neighborhoods of Belén and La América, in the western part of the city.

The Conflict City

From the 1950s, the city experienced significant population growth, this brought with it an urbanization that surpassed the State's capacity to provide planned housing solutions, and a large informal market for developable land and housing quickly emerged.

Another factor, the one with the greatest impact, was the appearance of drug trafficking in the neighborhoods. In the narrow streets and urban life, drug trafficking found a favorable environment to thrive. Medellín plunged into a profound crisis during the 1980s and 1990s, as known by all. "Medellín became a city with a conflicted economic, social, and urban geography."

However, the crisis became the catalyst for the city's transformation. Helped by other events of political and social transition during these years, which sought greater territorial autonomy and citizen participation, comprehensive intervention strategies were conceived for territories characterized by informality, irregularity, and social impact resulting from violence and state neglect.

The City Of Comprehensive Urban Projects (PUI)

The PUI is the result of several years, several previous projects, academia, politicians, and citizens who found in dialogue and collective work a favorable strategy to rebuild the territories.

Some important precedents that inspired the principles and strategies of action for the PUI Integrated Urban Projects include the Favela Bairro program in Rio de Janeiro, the Bogotá Experience (Colombia in the 1990s), the Intervention of Marginal Neighborhoods in Barcelona , and the Integral Program for the Improvement of Subnormal Neighborhoods in Medellín - PRIMED. Lessons learned from each of these formed the foundation for Social Urbanism in Medellín. Similarly, the mass transit system Metro was fundamental, as its mobility axes and stations became triggering and integrating elements of the PUIs.

The PUIs are an intervention strategy that applies the Social Urbanism model composed of three components: physical, social, and institutional. The physical component is based on multi-scale urban interventions, involving impactful projects with high aesthetic quality on public space, collective facilities, housing, mobility, and the environment—a chain of projects gradually transforming the territory. The social component relies on a strategy of constant dialogue. This mechanism reaches territories before physical interventions, creating scenarios for the identification, of issues, and spaces for understanding and proposals. The community is co-author and overseer of the projects before, during, and after. This component is in a constant search for a sense of belonging and sustainability. Finally, the institutional component becomes the coordinator of actions of all municipal departments, ensuring constant support. Many facilities become municipal spaces for on-site work, coordinating all necessary actions to keep citizen participation scenarios active.

The city has designed and implemented PUIs in its northeastern, eastern, northwestern, and central-western areas.

PUI Northeast Zone: Commune 1 and 2 - Popular and Santa Cruz

The selection of these communes for the development of the first PUI was based on identifying an area with the lowest quality of life indices and the highest number of homicides in 2004. besides being historically the area with the highest population growth and informal housing, it was a disconnected marginal area. Another fundamental factor was the location of the Metrocable, which was under construction, an opportunity to articulate strategic projects and programs for the city's structural mobility system.

The diagnosis of each component led to intervention conclusions. From a physical standpoint, environmental components and various natural water and soil resources were analyzed, as well as the different urban structures of subdivisions and blocks, their road structure, and their housing component. From the social aspect, the analysis focuses on the level of education, access to health, per capita income, and homicides. And from the institutional component, all the departments of the municipality carry out a detailed study according to their mission.

"In the diagnosis, the street was found to be a key element, both physically and symbolically. With the deficit of public space that these neighborhoods had, the street is the meeting point, the place of transit, but also the place to be. Therefore, the street became the main stage." This is why one of the big bets of the PUI was to design and rebuild the street for social interaction, entertainment, and connection, in addition to all infrastructure projects and equipment of multiple scales.

A Viewpoint Bridge

One of the most symbolic projects is the viewpoint bridge of the Andalusia neighborhood, called La Francia, a comprehensive project to connect neighborhoods, to bring citizens together, to contemplate the city thanks to its location on the hillside, in addition to its great social impact on the conditions of violence in the area. This bridge became a symbol of union and reconciliation between neighborhoods since up to that time there were imaginary borderlines due to gang rivalry.

Three Rocks To Study And Learn

The Spain Library Park is more than a building, it is an operational geography of the hillside, three large black volumes that house an auditorium, classrooms for training, and the library. Its fragmented design allows flexibility and autonomy for use. This project serves as a model for education and culture in areas with high school dropout rates. It becomes a symbol of resilience and belonging for all citizens.

In the PUI there is a commitment to quality architecture with a high aesthetic sense that aims to resignify the places and their inhabitants. Giving the best is a message of deserving.

Commune 13 - San Javier

The diagnosis made for this western zone of the city, with conditions of marginality and violence similar to communes 2 and 3, revealed a high precariousness in the transport systems of high slope and high housing density. The strategy for this area was innovative and risky and was given through electric stairs, a result of collective workshops and socialization with citizens to solve mobility issues in the sector. These stairs are integrated with small parks, viaducts, and pathways along the mountainous topography, fostering vibrant street life and social interaction.

Through this physical intervention, Commune 13 has built an extraordinary hub of economic, cultural, and social development, improving residents' quality of life and creating a globally recognized brand. Today, not only the residents of the neighborhood pass through its stairs, bridges, and streets, but also the world has arrived there, culture and entertainment.

Despite the challenges it still faces, Medellín continues to reinvent itself and adapt to meet the new challenges of the 21st century. Its experience demonstrates the power of integrated planning and community participation in urban and social transformation.

Victor Restrepo Alvarez is an architect from the Pontifical Bolivarian University of Medellín and a Master's in Hospital Architecture from the Polytechnic University of Cataluña. As a professional, he has worked in the public sector in the management, design, and execution of urban and hospital infrastructure projects in entities such as the Urban Development Company, Metroplús, the Government of Antioquia, and currently consults for Metrosalud on strategic health infrastructure projects. In the private sector, he works as a project manager in the company Ciclo Urbano, an architecture and landscaping office based in the city of Medellin, he is also part of the CITYMAKERS team, which seeks to generate spaces for dialogue and knowledge around the collective construction of the city.

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The Wharf: A Case Study

Washington, dc.

Perkins Eastman led the design and implementation of a visionary urban district known today as The Wharf, completely transforming and revitalizing a historic section of Washington, DC. Beginning with a comprehensive water plan, the team created an integrated, state-of-the art new standard for public realm, architecture and planning that honors site, history, and community. The Wharf is a vibrant neighborhood encompassing a wide range of commercial, residential, and public uses. With expansive new piers, buildings, and promenades shaping dynamic spaces for people to gather, The Wharf is a place for all to enjoy life at the water’s edge.

Project Facts

Sustainable design:.

• 2023: Included in the sixth edition of the AIA Guide to the Architecture of Washington, DC
• Perkins Eastman Narrative Magazine: "The Wharf, at Long Last," Fall 2022
• (Video with interviews of Perkins Eastman leaders) "District officials celebrate completion of phase two at The Wharf," DC News Now
• News Video: "DC Mayor Bowser celebrates Phase 2 of District Wharf, creates news jobs and homes, " ABC 7 News
• "Phase 2 of The Wharf Officially Opens," Hill Rag
• "DC’s $3.6B Waterfront Project Wraps Phase 2," Commercial Property Executive, Oct. 14, 2022
• "The Wharf's Phase Two is Opening with Over 20 New Spots," Washingtonian Magazine
• Insights Post: Why are July 4th Gatherings so Special?
• "The Soon-to-Deliver, and 700 Proposed Units, for The Wharf," DC Urban Turf
• "A Few Changes for Residential/Retail Development Proposed at Wharf’s Former USDA HQ," Urban Turf
• Field Condition Blog: Scenes from The Wharf Phase 2
• “Urban Center Opens Waterfront of Major City” – Charter for New Urbanism
• “The Wharf in DC Makes a Splash” – Urban Land
• “Finding the Untapped Potential of Alleys” – City Lab
• “It Took 4 Acts of Congress and 22 Architecture Firms to Make The Wharf Happen” – Washingtonian
• “The Wharf: Southwest Waterfront” – ARCHITECT Magazine
• “The Wharf, D.C.’s Massive Waterfront Development, Is Now Open” – The Architect’s Newspaper
• “Phase 1 of The Wharf Underway in DC; Perkins Eastman Leads as Master Planner” – Archinect
• “D.C. Breaks Ground on $2B Mega Waterfront Development” – Building Design + Construction
• “Urban Planning Lessons from the D.C. Region” – Metropolis
• “A Built-From-Scratch Neighborhood in Washington That Doesn’t Feel Prefab” – New York Magazine
• 2023 Best of the Best and Gold awards for New Developments: Mixed-Use Projects, ICSC Centerbuild Design Awards
• Redevelopment of the Year in Washington, DC; CoStar Impact Awards 2023
• Merit Award, Urban Design, AIA New York (2020)
• Grand Prize, Congress for New Urbanism (2020)
• Finalist, Urban & Masterplans, Architizer A+ (2020)
• Citation, Urban Planning & Design, AIA New York State (2019)
• Winner, ULI Global Awards for Excellence (2019)
• Merit Award, Urban Design & Master Planning, AIA|DC (2018)
• Presidential Citation, Urban Catalyst, AIA|DC (2018)
• People's Choice, AIA|DC (2018)
• Impact Award, ULI Washington Trends Awards, ULI Washington (2017)

Originally planned as the gateway to the nation’s capital, Washington, D.C.’s Southwest Waterfront was all but forgotten for half a century. The Perkins Eastman team started by designing a robust water plan to reconnect Washington to its waterfront.

Fully integrating land and water functions, a series of new piers and floating docks extend the city’s grid out to the expanded pier bulkhead line along the Washington Channel. District Pier, with the impressive Dockmaster Building at its terminus, stretches more than 400 feet into the Channel and is an ideal, flexible space for public events and concerts. Transit Pier and the Jetty Terminal facilitate water taxi access for travelers throughout the District, Maryland, and Virginia while Market Pier adds additional floating barge space to the historic Municipal Fish Market. Recreational Pier punctuates the center of the mile-long Wharf, with adult-size swing sets, a terraced amphitheater for performances, and a sloping wall popular with skateboarders. And an additional pier on the Wharf’s south end anchors a waterfront park.

The Wharf’s water-first design provides unprecedented waterfront access to the region and influenced the architecture and design throughout the entire development.

What sets the innovative, market-driven vision of The Wharf apart from others is its captivating pedestrian experience. Placemaking design strategies yield adaptable, human-scaled spaces in between each building in the form of open spaces and alley ways, each with a distinct character.

Wharf Street is a flexible, mile-long shared street between pedestrians and cars, with café zones and promenade space running parallel to the water. The architecture along this key spine including the Pier House and a series of pavilions for retail, dining, and other activities shape a unique experience along the water. Small alleys—also known as mews—are multi-purpose. Not only can they be used for musical performances, quiet escapes, and impromptu gatherings, they also act as service access for larger buildings, provide alternate walking routes, and offer protection from the elements.

Every space at The Wharf is carefully choreographed to ensure diverse experiences and personal moments for all times and occasions.

A model public-private partnership, the Southwest Waterfront is the largest planned-unit development in the history of Washington, DC. Spanning 16 years and two construction phases from original concept to completion, Perkins Eastman wrote the regulations and requirements for the public realm that surrounds the new buildings along the mile-long development that stretches from the city’s historic Municipal Fish Market to the north down to the Fort McNair army post on the southern end. In the process, the firm partnered with dozens of design firms, developers, and construction companies as they designed and constructed hotels, apartments and condos, office buildings, and restaurants and retail. Perkins Eastman also served as the architectural designer of several large and complex buildings, including 800 Maine Avenue, a mixed-use office building, and The Channel, a first-of-its-kind apartment building housing over 500 units atop a world-class music venue, The Anthem.

The Wharf’s design is driven by a sensitivity to the community, ecology, and economy of the Southwest Waterfront. Hundreds of community meetings yielded a plan that would be 60% publicly accessible and provide mixed-income housing. The development encompasses extensive transportation planning, making it equally accessible by boaters, water-taxi patrons, pedestrians, bikers, drivers, and public transit riders.

Improving environmental health and maintaining limited impact, sustainability measures are central to the plan. The Wharf is designed to exceed the requirements of the local Anacostia Waterfront Initiative through the innovative use of cisterns, vegetation, and permeable pavement. One hundred percent of storm water is managed onsite, helping divert up to 33 million gallons of untreated runoff from the Channel. Significant energy reductions and other environmental benefits are achieved through use of co-generation systems, green and high-reflectance roofs, and biodiverse plantings.

“Working together, the waterfront’s diversity of places yields a lively urban environment. These places are public, pedestrian-oriented, and bound to The Wharf’s connective tissue. Beyond the establishment of the retail and private real estate realms, The Wharf’s places characterize the memory of the city, and add real civic value to a decidedly new destination in Southwest DC.” – Stanton Eckstut, FAIA, Design Principal

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UrbanFootprint’s innovative approach to addressing food insecurity and the SNAP Gap through data and technology provides us with powerful data insights to budget resources efficiently, distribute food benefits effectively, and engage communities that are most in need.

Shavana Howard, Assistant Secretary for Family Support at DCFS

UrbanFootprint gives me the necessary tools to bring into meetings and show prioritization visually, empowering open discussion with all relevant stakeholders—asset management, real time-operations, field ops planning—and achieve buy-in in real time.

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Duquesne Light Company: Building Grid Resilience with Actionable Data Insights

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UrbanFootprint is Supporting the State of Louisiana in COVID-19 Recovery Efforts and Food Security Analysis

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ULI CASE STUDY: Bonifacio Global City

25 March 2020

Bonifacio Global City (BGC) is now one of the Philippines’ most valuable developments with 7.8 million of the planned 12 million square meters of GFA already completed. It has emerged as the country’s second-largest Central Business District (CBD) with its significant contribution in the country’s growth in the IT and professional service sectors. It is home to different prime retail and residential facilities as well as five-star and business hotels.

Street art on Bonifacio Global City buildings

The development of BGC started after Metro Pacific acquired a 150-hectare site and was handled by Fort Bonifacio Development Corporation (FBDC). It was the country’s first successful Public-Private Partnership (PPP). In order to achieve the goal to build a world-class CBD, Metro Pacific and Partners created an ambitious master plan and invested in foreign expertise to guide them through the initial planning process. Though the first few years of operations of FBDC went smoothly, financial constraints eventually forced Metro Pacific to sell their controlling interest to Ayala Land Inc. (ALI), and Evergreen Holdings Inc. (EHI). Together, they took over the FBDC’s 55 percent stake.

From here FBDC significantly made revisions in the original master plan such as the replacement of the original concentric street network in BGC’s city centre with a grid-based system. Starting 2007, FCDC also prioritised development of a kilometer-long retail and lifestyle boulevard that would feature brand stores and food and beverage outlets set in a vibrant park with interactive artworks, more popularly known as Bonifacio High Street.

The four key goals of the development are thus:

• Invest in a neighborhood
• A city that works
• Designed for people, with open space and active street life prioritised
• A city with a soul

The growth of BGC has been so rapid and now has over 7.8 nearly 8 million square meters and office use. Having nine international schools, two five-star hotels, three business hotels, and a 630-bed high-quality hospital, retail shopping centers, urban parks and sporting facilities, BGC has become a highly functional “work, live, and play” community.

With another 4 million square metres of GFA yet to be developed, FBDC’s plan continues to evolve and adapt to the changing needs of a young, dynamic market. A number of workers’ co-living dormitories have been newly built for young professionals,  implementation of a Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system is being evaluated as well as an interceptor parking lot at key road entry points, and the creation of a one-way street system. In the next few years, the government’s plan is to connect BGC to other key population centres in Metro Manila through the country’s first subway line.

Some important lessons to learn from the long years of continuous growth of the BGC Project:

• Secure sufficient long-term funding in line with the life of the development plan
• Ensure the participation of people with relevant experience and expertise in key areas
• the plan must be able to adapt to necessary changes in a timely manner when macro environment changes
• avoid overly-relying on completion of planned government mega projects like mass rail transit and plan for less expensive and practical alternatives

It is without a doubt that the creation and evolution of BGC-a large, successful, high-density, mixed-use, master-planned community- is a major achievement for a developing country which until recently had a limited number of large-scale development projects.

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Concept, Basic Characteristics & Preparation of Master Plan

Introduction to Master Plan

With rapid urbanization and growth of the city, urban planning has received a major importance. This planning is done at various hierarchies to integrate a large region with a small area so that the development is done at a same pace. There are many legal documents made to promote development. Master plan is one such document which provides rules and guidelines for a planned development both at present and future.

Urban areas have grown in both size and complexity over the decades and became unmanageable in most of the places. The need of having a mechanism or a way to regulate this growth was felt and thus methods were devised to regulate or “shape” this growth. Having master plan is one of such attempt. Other methods include development places called as “City Development Plan”, Town Planning Schemes, Land Use Plans,Zonal Plans, various other “spatial” plans made by concerned authorities.

Related:   Central Place Theory (CPT) by Walter Christaller (1933)

 What is a Master Plan?

It is an instrument to work out land and infrastructure requirements for various urban and rural uses, and allocate land for various uses to result in harmonious and sustainable distribution of activities so that towns / cities are provided with a form and structure within which they can perform all their economic and social functions efficiently and effectively. The purpose of a Master Plan is to promote growth and guide and regulate present and future development of towns and cities with a perspective of 20-25 years.

Related:  Primate City & Primacy | Relationship between city sizes

Basic Characteristics of Master Plan

It’s a Physical plan:  the plan is fundamentally a guide to the physical development of the community; It is long ranged: involves long term planning; It is comprehensive:  encompasses all the functions that make a community work, such as transportation, housing, land use, utility systems, and recreation. Moreover, the plan considers the interrelationships of function; Guide to decision making: for the planning board, the governing board and mayor or manager; Statement of public policy: The plan translates community values, desires, and visions into land use and development principles that can guide the future growth of your community.

Concept of Master Plan

Master Plan is comprehensive that is it integrates various aspects of planning like housing, transportation, infrastructure etc. All the aspects are considered that affects the quality of life of people and all the interrelationships between various aspects; Multidisciplinary in nature: it encompasses various disciplines of studies like social aspects, economics, environment, engineering, architecture etc.; Master plan is a long term document. It clears out the vision for prospective year for the city and plans out development for future; Master plan focuses on rational use of land that is demarking land for the use most optimal for the activity at a place. It efficiently uses resources to meet the present and future requirements of the citizens; Master plan should consider the environmental and costs related to it. The proposals for development should be environmentally sustainable.; Master Plan is based on inclusive planning. It considers all sections of people in society in development proposals and focuses on affordability. ; Master plan gives restrictions on ecologically sensitive areas, on heritage sites and traditional built up areas and gives special norms for these places. ; Master Plan leads to a balanced growth of the city. It prevents concentration of a particular activity at one place and takes into account efficient distribution of facilities, infrastructure, networks and housing and follows neighbourhood concept of development.

Process of Master Plan preparation

Legal Process

A statutory backing is needed to prepare any legal plan so that it can be implemented on ground. It is governed by principles, statutes, and codes which is derived from the state.  Various legislations which provide legal backing are: Development authority act; urban improvement trust act; Town and country planning act. The need for statutory backing is that it gives power to exercise police power and power of eminent domain. Any construction which does not follow master plan can be given court notice and demolished. Most of the planning processes taking place follows rational planning model .

Technical Process

It includes the framework of working in order to prepare a plan starting from defining goals to monitoring. Master Plan preparation is based on the “Systems view of planning” which involves instrumental rationality. The stages and steps followed by a particular authority or the concerned plan making body might differ. Complexity of the city and the organisation itself has a direct impact on the process adopted.

Public process

Involving community in plan preparation is one of the most important components in plan making as they are better verse of their local issues and solutions. In India public participation is in the form of public hearing.This process is also called as “Public Participation” or “Public Hearing” . The whole aim of having a master plan growth of area for the residents of the place thus it becomes essential to take their views, objections and suggestions into account.

Management process

Planning process is to be managed taking care of the resources like time manpower, internal organization of departments and working relationships and coordination among various departments and planning agencies.The number of stakeholders at times are numerous as in case of metropolis where the division of work is precise and given to different “boards” or other subdivision of concerned departments. This classification makes it integral to take into account all the concerned departments and agencies and thus their management.

Weakness of Master Plan

Master Plan is a future plan document which uses the present data or maybe past data for future projections. So, it is outdated by the time it gets implemented; Usually no physical surveys are conducted each time a master plan is made; It is a rigid document.; Lack of implementation on time; Lack of actual public participation; Often the coordination between various agencies is missing which leads to poor implementation of the policies.

Note: This article forms a part of literature report prepared by students of B.Plan (2012-2016) from School of Planning & Architecture, Delhi .

Read about: Delhi Master Plan 2021 , Smart Master Planning Process , UDPFI Guidelines

About The Author

The Impact of Public Investment on Urban Growth Under Different Scenarios by Using the SLEUTH as a Forecasting Model: The Case of Konya/Turkey

• Published: 14 May 2024

Cite this article

• Ceren Yagci   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4429-7809 1 &
• Fatih Iscan   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0669-5830 2  

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This article’s main focus has been the Rink Road Project in Konya, which is slated for construction despite serious urban growth issues. The study looked at how this project may impact urban growth in order to provide knowledge that would guide future land use policies and plans for sustainable urban development. The urban growth trend 2043 which is the target year of the environmental plan, and 2055 were examined using the SLEUTH Urban Growth model. Six different SLEUTH model scenarios that take a different tack on urban growth were assessed in alternative futures. This study also tries to figure out; assesses a range of potential spatial transformations around the planned Konya Ring Road (KRR), incorporating the first Environmental Plan established post the enactment of Turkey's Law No. 6360 into the scenario planning. According to future predictions of urban growth, a flexible Konya Environmental Plan (KEP) in the short term could potentially intensify the adverse effects of urban expansion associated with the KRR in the absence of a stringent KEP. Long-term observations from the examined scenarios reveal a significantly higher projected urban growth in cases where an KEP is absent. If current land policies continue without significant modifications, the completion of the KRR is expected to accelerate urban growth in Konya, leading to a substantial transformation of natural areas into urban zones.

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Data availability.

The satellite images were obtained from the USGS Earth Explorer website at https://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/ . The aerial photographs and KEP were obtained from the Konya Metropolitan Municipality.

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Acknowledgements

This research was conducted as part of Ceren Yağcı's doctoral thesis and it is important to note that we did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. No ethical approval was required for the conduct of this research. This article has been accepted by all authors and there are no competing interests to declare.

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Department of Geomatics Engineering, Osmaniye Korkut Ata University, Osmaniye, Turkey

Ceren Yagci

Department of Geomatics Engineering, Konya Technical University, Konya, Turkey

Fatih Iscan

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Correspondence to Ceren Yagci .

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Yagci, C., Iscan, F. The Impact of Public Investment on Urban Growth Under Different Scenarios by Using the SLEUTH as a Forecasting Model: The Case of Konya/Turkey. Appl. Spatial Analysis (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12061-024-09581-y

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Received : 28 August 2023

Accepted : 24 April 2024

Published : 14 May 2024

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s12061-024-09581-y

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