language acquisition meaning essay

Language Acquisition Theory

Henna Lemetyinen

Postdoctoral Researcher

BSc (Hons), Psychology, PhD, Developmental Psychology

Henna Lemetyinen is a postdoctoral research associate at the Greater Manchester Mental Health NHS Foundation Trust (GMMH).

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Saul Mcleod, PhD

Editor-in-Chief for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, PhD., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years of experience in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology. She has previously worked in healthcare and educational sectors.

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Language is a cognition that truly makes us human. Whereas other species do communicate with an innate ability to produce a limited number of meaningful vocalizations (e.g., bonobos) or even with partially learned systems (e.g., bird songs), there is no other species known to date that can express infinite ideas (sentences) with a limited set of symbols (speech sounds and words).

This ability is remarkable in itself. What makes it even more remarkable is that researchers are finding evidence for mastery of this complex skill in increasingly younger children.

Infants as young as 12 months are reported to have sensitivity to the grammar needed to understand causative sentences (who did what to whom; e.g., the bunny pushed the frog (Rowland & Noble, 2010).

After more than 60 years of research into child language development, the mechanism that enables children to segment syllables and words out of the strings of sounds they hear and to acquire grammar to understand and produce language is still quite an enigma.

Behaviorist Theory of Language Acquisition

One of the earliest scientific explanations of language acquisition was provided by Skinner (1957). As one of the pioneers of behaviorism , he accounted for language development using environmental influence, through imitation, reinforcement, and conditioning.

In this view, children learn words and grammar primarily by mimicking the speech they hear and receiving positive feedback for correct usage.

Skinner argued that children learn language based on behaviorist reinforcement principles by associating words with meanings. Correct utterances are positively reinforced when the child realizes the communicative value of words and phrases.

For example, when the child says ‘milk’ and the mother smiles and gives her some. As a result, the child will find this outcome rewarding, enhancing the child’s language development (Ambridge & Lieven, 2011).

Over time, through repetition and reinforcement, they refine their linguistic abilities. Critics argue this theory doesn’t fully explain the rapid pace of language acquisition nor the creation of novel sentences.

Chomsky Theory of Language Development

However, Skinner’s account was soon heavily criticized by Noam Chomsky, the world’s most famous linguist to date.

In the spirit of the cognitive revolution in the 1950s, Chomsky argued that children would never acquire the tools needed for processing an infinite number of sentences if the language acquisition mechanism was dependent on language input alone.

Noam Chomsky introduced the nativist theory of language development, emphasizing the role of innate structures and mechanisms in the human brain. Key points of Chomsky’s theory include:

Language Acquisition Device (LAD): Chomsky proposed that humans have an inborn biological capacity for language, often termed the LAD, which predisposes them to acquire language.

Universal Grammar: He suggested that all human languages share a deep structure rooted in a set of grammatical rules and categories. This “universal grammar” is understood intuitively by all humans.

Poverty of the Stimulus: Chomsky argued that the linguistic input received by young children is often insufficient (or “impoverished”) for them to learn the complexities of their native language solely through imitation or reinforcement. Yet, children rapidly and consistently master their native language, pointing to inherent cognitive structures.

Critical Period: Chomsky, along with other linguists, posited a critical period for language acquisition, during which the brain is particularly receptive to linguistic input, making language learning more efficient.

Critics of Chomsky’s theory argue that it’s too innatist and doesn’t give enough weight to social interaction and other factors in language acquisition.

Universal Grammar

Consequently, he proposed the theory of Universal Grammar: an idea of innate, biological grammatical categories, such as a noun category and a verb category, that facilitate the entire language development in children and overall language processing in adults.

Universal Grammar contains all the grammatical information needed to combine these categories, e.g., nouns and verbs, into phrases. The child’s task is just to learn the words of her language (Ambridge & Lieven).

For example, according to the Universal Grammar account, children instinctively know how to combine a noun (e.g., a boy) and a verb (to eat) into a meaningful, correct phrase (A boy eats).

This Chomskian (1965) approach to language acquisition has inspired hundreds of scholars to investigate the nature of these assumed grammatical categories, and the research is still ongoing.

Contemporary Research

A decade or two later, some psycho-linguists began to question the existence of Universal Grammar. They argued that categories like nouns and verbs are biologically, evolutionarily, and psychologically implausible and that the field called for an account that can explain the acquisition process without innate categories.

Researchers started to suggest that instead of having a language-specific mechanism for language processing, children might utilize general cognitive and learning principles.

Whereas researchers approaching the language acquisition problem from the perspective of Universal Grammar argue for early full productivity, i.e., early adult-like knowledge of the language, the opposing constructivist investigators argue for a more gradual developmental process. It is suggested that children are sensitive to patterns in language which enables the acquisition process.

An example of this gradual pattern learning is morphology acquisition. Morphemes are the smallest grammatical markers, or units, in language that alter words. In English, regular plurals are marked with an –s morpheme (e.g., dog+s).

Similarly, English third singular verb forms (she eat+s, a boy kick+s) are marked with the –s morpheme. Children are considered to acquire their first instances of third singular forms as entire phrasal chunks (Daddy kicks, a girl eats, a dog barks) without the ability to tease the finest grammatical components apart.

When the child hears a sufficient number of instances of a linguistic construction (i.e., the third singular verb form), she will detect patterns across the utterances she has heard. In this case, the repeated pattern is the –s marker in this particular verb form.

As a result of many repetitions and examples of the –s marker in different verbs, the child will acquire sophisticated knowledge that, in English, verbs must be marked with an –s morpheme in the third singular form (Ambridge & Lieven, 2011; Pine, Conti-Ramsden, Joseph, Lieven & Serratrice, 2008; Theakson & Lieven, 2005).

Approaching language acquisition from the perspective of general cognitive processing is an economic account of how children can learn their first language without an excessive biolinguistic mechanism.

However, finding a solid answer to the problem of language acquisition is far from being over. Our current understanding of the developmental process is still immature.

Investigators of Universal Grammar are still trying to convince that language is a task too demanding to acquire without specific innate equipment, whereas constructivist researchers are fiercely arguing for the importance of linguistic input.

The biggest questions, however, are yet unanswered. What is the exact process that transforms the child’s utterances into grammatically correct, adult-like speech? How much does the child need to be exposed to language to achieve the adult-like state?

What account can explain variation between languages and the language acquisition process in children acquiring very different languages to English? The mystery of language acquisition is granted to keep psychologists and linguists alike astonished decade after decade.

What is language acquisition?

Language acquisition refers to the process by which individuals learn and develop their native or second language.

It involves the acquisition of grammar, vocabulary, and communication skills through exposure, interaction, and cognitive development. This process typically occurs in childhood but can continue throughout life.

What is Skinner’s theory of language development?

Skinner’s theory of language development, also known as behaviorist theory, suggests that language is acquired through operant conditioning. According to Skinner, children learn language by imitating and being reinforced for correct responses.

He argued that language is a result of external stimuli and reinforcement, emphasizing the role of the environment in shaping linguistic behavior.

What is Chomsky’s theory of language acquisition?

Chomsky’s theory of language acquisition, known as Universal Grammar, posits that language is an innate capacity of humans.

According to Chomsky, children are born with a language acquisition device (LAD), a biological ability that enables them to acquire language rules and structures effortlessly.

He argues that there are universal grammar principles that guide language development across cultures and languages, suggesting that language acquisition is driven by innate linguistic knowledge rather than solely by environmental factors.

Ambridge, B., & Lieven, E.V.M. (2011). Language Acquisition: Contrasting theoretical approaches . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Chomsky, N. (1965). Aspects of the Theory of Syntax . MIT Press.

Pine, J.M., Conti-Ramsden, G., Joseph, K.L., Lieven, E.V.M., & Serratrice, L. (2008). Tense over time: testing the Agreement/Tense Omission Model as an account of the pattern of tense-marking provision in early child English. Journal of Child Language , 35(1): 55-75.

Rowland, C. F.; & Noble, C. L. (2010). The role of syntactic structure in children’s sentence comprehension: Evidence from the dative. Language Learning and Development , 7(1): 55-75.

Skinner, B.F. (1957). Verbal behavior . Acton, MA: Copley Publishing Group.

Theakston, A.L., & Lieven, E.V.M. (2005). The acquisition of auxiliaries BE and HAVE: an elicitation study. Journal of Child Language , 32(2): 587-616.

Further Reading

An excellent article by Steven Pinker on Language Acquisition

Pinker, S. (1995). The New Science of Language and Mind . Penguin.

Tomasello, M. (2005). Constructing A Language: A Usage-Based Theory of Language Acquisition . Harvard University Press.

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Language Acquisition Concept and Theories

Introduction.

One of the most important topics in cognitive studies is language acquisition. A number of theories have attempted to explore the different conceptualization of language as a fundamental uniqueness that separates humans from other animals and non-living things (Pinker& Bloom, 1990). Similarly, Pinker (1994) recognizes language as a vehicle which engineers humans to know other people’s thoughts, and therefore, he reasons that the two (language and thought) are closely related. He adds that when one speaks his/her thoughts, he depicts some language. Else, he notes that a child’s first language is often times learnt well enough in the earlier periods of his life without having to be taught in school. With this astonishment, he believes children language acquisition has received a lot of attention in scholarly circles and debates (Pinker, 1994).

Indeed, accordingly, acquisition of language goes beyond it being interesting, but is an answer to the study of cognitive science. The recognition here is the many facets that language acquisition studies come with. These include Modularity, Human Uniqueness, Language and Thought, and Language and Innateness.

Historically, the scientific study of language and the way it is learnt began in the late 1950s, supposedly the time around which cognitive studies were launched. Pinker observes that the anchor of this was when Noam Chomsky reviewed Skinner’s verbal behavior (Pinker, 1994).

Understanding Language Acquisition

Language acquisition can be understood biologically. The understanding here is that human language came to be based upon the unique adaptations that the body and mind developed during the process of evolution (Pinker& Bloom, 1990).

Language and Evolution

Pinker (2000) begins by indicating that human’s vocal tracks appear to have been modified to respond to the demands of evolution. In addition, this is the basis of speech. Pinker (2000), citing Lieberman (1984) argues that the larynx is at the base of the throats and that the vocal tracts have a sharp right angle bend that creates two independently modified cavities.

The process/course of Language Acquisition

Pink and Bloom (1990) assert that a number of scholars and thinkers alike, have kept diaries of children’s speech for a long time, and it was only later that children’s speech began to be analyzed in developmental psychology. Language acquisition begins at a very early stage in human’s life span. This usually stems initially with Sound Patterns. Pinker notes that within the earliest five years of an individual’s existence, children acquire control of speech musculature and sensitivity to the phonetic distinctions in the maiden mother tongue. In addition, children acquire these skills even before they know or understand any words, and therefore at this stage, they only relate sound to meaning (Kuhl, 1992).

When a child is almost hitting one-year age mark, he slowly begins to muster and understand words, and eventually produce them. Interestingly, at this stage they produce the word in ‘isolation’, that is one word at a time, with this period lasting two to twelve months. The words they produce at this stage are similar the world over and include words such as baba, baby among others, and others such as up, off, eat (Pinker& Bloom, 1990).

At about the time a child is 1 year and 6 months, two changes in language acquisition occurs. One is that there is an increase in vocabulary growth and two is that primitive syntax emerges. When Vocabulary growth increases, the child systematically starts learning “words at a rate of one every two waking hours, and will keep learning that rate or faster through adolescence” (Pinker, 1994). Primitive syntax on the other hand involves ‘two word strings’; examples of such include expressions such as ‘see baby’, ‘more hot‘, among others. These two-word expressions, Pinker notes, are similar the world over; for instance, everywhere, children reject and request for activities and therefore ask about who, what and where (Pinker& Bloom, 1990).

Overall, “these sequences already reflect the language being acquired: in 95% of them, the words are properly ordered” (Ingram, 1989). More interestingly is the fact that before they put the words, they can at this stage fathom a sentence by use of syntax. Notably is the fact that the struggle and output depends on the complexity of the sentence at this stage.

Between the time Children are almost going through year two up to mid of year three of age, language evolves to fluency and blossoms into good grammatical expressions and the reasons for this rapidity is still subject of research to today. At this stage, the length of the sentences that the children produce increase steadily and the number of syntax types increases steadily as well (Pinker& Bloom, 1990).

Pinker (1994), notes that children may differ in language development by a span of 1 year. Regardless, the stages they go through in language development remain the same and many children acquire and can speak complex sentences before their second age. At the stage of grammar explosion, the sentences get longer and more complex, even though at age three children’s may have grammatical challenges of one nature or the other (Pinker, 1994).

Language System and Its maturation

A number of scholars have observed that as language circuits mature in a child’s early years so is language acquisition, i.e. a child masters language development from the initial years of his/her birth and the process continues as the child’s brain develops during his/her life (Pinker, 1994). He notes that it is usually nerve cell degenerate shortly before birth, and it is also during this time that they are allocated to brain. However, he observes that an individuals “head size, brain weight, and thickness of the cerebral cortex” continue to rapidly increase over the first year of birth (Pinker, 1994).

White matter is not fully complete until after the child gets to nine months of age. The emergence of synapses will continue and reach climax when one is between 9 months to 2 years; however, this is usually dependent relative on the brain region. The development process continues and as the synapses wither, adolescence sets, with the individual showing signs of transforming from childhood to adulthood.

What accrues here, accordingly therefore is that perhaps “first words, and grammar require minimum levels of brain size, long-distance connections, or extra synapses, particularly in the language centers of the brain” (Pinker, 1994). In addition, the assumption can also be that these changes are the rationale behind the low ability to learn language overtime as people age over a lifespan (Pinker, 1994).

This probably explains why most people in their adulthood cannot master foreign languages especially in their native accent and especially in the language aspect of phonology, and this is what leads to what is now popularly called referred to as foreign accent. No teaching or amount of correction can usually undo the errors that characterizes ‘foreign accent’. However, as Pinker notes, there exists differences depending on one’s efforts, attitudes, degree of exposure, teaching quality, and sometimes, plain talent. However, there is no empirical evidence that adduces learning of words as people age (Pinker, 1994).

Explaining Language Acquisition: Learnerbility Theory

Several theories have been developed in understanding language acquisition. One such theory is the learnerbility theory. This is a computer mathematical theory of language, which deals with learning procedures for children in acquiring grammar, riding on language evidence and exposure. For instance, a learning procedure is taken as an infinite loop running through endless tings of inputs, which are grammatical as chosen from a particular language. This theory by Gold largely shows that innate knowledge of universal grammar assists in learning (Pullum, 2000).

Language acquisition is a complicated issue that needs an elaborate research and study; indeed, some of the tenets of this issue have been addressed in this paper. It is a very central issue in understanding human growth and development. It captures a number of conceptualizations that relate directly to the Universal versus Context Specific development modules, as well as nature versus nurture controversy. Moreover, attempts to understand language scientifically has brought a number of frustrations, with a number of break thoughts as well. All in all, it is important to note that language acquisition begins from the initial periods of a child’s development and continues as the child grows.

Kuhl, P. K. (1992). Brain Mechanisms in Early Language Acquisition. Neuron Review. Web.

Pinker, S. (1994). Language Leanerbility and Language Development . Cambridge: Havard University Press. Web.

Pinker, S. (2000). Language Acquisition . Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Web.

Pinker, S. & Bloom, P. (1990). Natural language and natural selection . Behavioral and Brain Science. Web.

Pullum, G. (2000) . Learnerbilty . New York. Web.

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Language acquisition is the process by which humans acquire the ability to comprehend and produce language, either as their first or second (third, etc.) language. The study of language acquisition provides evidence for theoretical linguistics and has practical applications in language pedagogy.

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12 First Language Acquisition

Maria Teresa Guasti is a graduate of the University of Geneva and has held posts in Geneva, Milano San Raffaele, and Siena. She is currently Professor of Linguistics and Psycholinguistics at the University of Milano-Bicocca. She is author of several articles in peer-reviewed journals, of book chapters, one monograph, one co-authored book, and one second-edition textbook. She is Associate Investigator at the ARC-CCD, Macquarie University, Sydney and Visiting Professor at the International Centre for Child Health, Haidan District, Beijing. She has participated in various European Actions and has been Principal Investigator of the Crosslinguistic Language Diagnosis project funded by the European Community.

• Published: 06 February 2017
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Humans acquire language naturally, namely without specific instruction, by being exposed to it and by interacting with other human beings. According to the generativist enterprise, humans are endowed with a system of knowledge on the form of possible human languages (Universal Grammar). Evidence consistent with this assumption is provided in the chapter, by illustrating crucial phenomena ranging from the acquisition of phonology, to morphosyntax, syntax, formal semantics, and pragmatics. Infants’ brain organization is tuned to speech stimuli and presents left hemisphere specialization, from the first days of life, if not already in the mother’s womb. Infants set apart languages at two days of age, based on durational or rhythmic properties. Toddlers combine words by respecting the basic word order and are very sensitive to the hierarchical organization of sentences, both when it comes to the syntactic structure and when it comes to the interpretation of sentences.

12.1 Introduction

Language is a distinctive feature that humans acquire naturally, without specific instruction, simply by being exposed to it and by interacting with other human beings in the first years of life. 1 This second point is important, because language cannot be acquired simply by looking at TV programs ( Kuhl, Tsao, and Liu 2003 ) or paying attention to examples. Human beings cannot help but use language to express their thoughts and communicate and if they don’t have a model, but can interact with other human beings, they invent a rudimentary system of signs (home signs) that allows them to communicate, as in the cases of deaf children born to hearing parents studied by Goldin-Meadow and collaborators (see Goldin-Meadow 2003 ). Interestingly, these home signs, regardless of the specific surrounding culture (Chinese or American) display some typical properties found in existing natural languages (e.g., they mark arguments following an ergative pattern, whereby the subject of transitive verbs is treated differently from both the direct object of transitive verbs and the subject of intransitive verbs). But it could not be otherwise: the shape of human languages is forged by our biology, which imposes severe restrictions on the range of variability. This is so not only for language. In a very insightful book on reading and writing, Dehaene (2007) shows that the various writing systems in the world share a lot of common features (e.g., almost all written characters involve by and large three strokes, rarely more, as seen in the characters F and N, which are formed by exactly three strokes; all writing systems include a small repertoire of basic shapes that they combine; the shapes of characters are similar to shapes found in the environment). He goes on to show that these similarities are dictated by our genetic endowment: during evolution, characters were chosen whose shapes best fit the constraints imposed by our brain.

Thus, there is no doubt that language is innate or has a genetic basis, but there is disagreement on what exactly is innate. For some scholars, it is a system of knowledge about the shape of possible languages that is part of our genetic endowment; for example, children ‘know’ that sentences have a hierarchical structure, that syntactic relations obey c-command or rules of language are structure dependent, etc. This system is called Universal Grammar ( Chomsky 1981a ; Crain and Thornton 1998 ) and guides children in the acquisition of language (see chapters 5 , 10 , and 11 ). For others, what is innate are mechanisms for acquiring language, which may not be language specific, such as statistical mechanisms or mechanisms for reading the intentions of other human beings ( Tomasello 2003 ). It is also possible that these mechanisms are language-specific or that they are designed to operate on linguistic objects in particular ways.

Languages are acquired in similar manners and following a similar timetable across cultures: infants babble around six months, they speak their first words at around 12 months and combine words at around 24 months. Yet, just as there are variations among the various languages, there are variations among the ways specific aspects of languages are acquired. In this chapter, we will go through the process of acquisition starting from birth, and we will examine the acquisition of various pieces of linguistic knowledge beginning from phonology and ending with pragmatics. We will point out similarities and differences and provide some explanation for these differences. We will also suggest which mechanisms underlie the acquisition of various aspects of language.

12.2 Knowledge of the Phonological System

Children already start to crack the linguistic code in the womb, where they hear their mother’s voice and prosodic features of their language, as demonstrated by their preference, at birth, to listen to stories read by their mothers during the last 10 weeks of pregnancy ( De Casper and Spence 1986 ). Two to five days after birth, neonates’ left hemisphere (LH) is already organized to process speech stimuli. The LH, but not the right one, is activated when infants listen to normal utterances, but not when they listen to the same utterances played in the reversed direction, as established by Peña et al. (2003) , using optical topography, a noninvasive imaging technique that estimates change in cerebral blood volume and oxygen saturation. This means that human beings are born with brain organization tuned to speech stimuli and particularly responsive to utterances produced in the environment. Speech stimuli, and not other sounds, are characterized by some properties that make the LH resonate.

At birth, infants can discriminate their mother language from a foreign language, and they are also able to discriminate two foreign languages from each other. Thus, this ability does not depend on familiarity with one language, but on some distinctive feature that sets languages apart and to which our biological system is particularly sensitive. It turns out that this property is the rhythm of a language, which, roughly speaking, is given by the space occupied by vowels interrupted by the burst created by consonants ( Mehler et al. 1996 ; Ramus, Nespor, and Mehler 1999 ) and this depends on the syllabic structure of a given language. Thus, strictly speaking, babies don’t discriminate between two individual languages, but between families of languages that have different rhythms: they discriminate syllable-timed languages (French, Italian, Spanish), that is, languages in which the rhythm is given by the regular recurrence of syllables, from stress-timed languages (Russian, English, Dutch), where the rhythm is given by the regular recurrence of stress. To see what we mean, consider the English sentence in (1) and the Italian one in (2) from Nespor, Peña, and Mehler (2003) and their representation in terms of consonants (C) and vowels (V). It is apparent that there are more consonants in English than in Italian, that between one vowel and the other the number of consonants is more variable in English than in Italian. These differences give rise to the different rhythms that we perceive when we listen to these sentences.

We can conjecture that, upon hearing stimuli like (1) and (2), infants build some abstract representation of the kind exemplified in terms of consonants and vowels and that on this basis they discriminate between distinct languages.

In a very ingenious experiment, Nazzi, Bertoncini, and Mehler (1998) showed that newborns discriminated a mixture of Spanish and French, both syllable-timed languages, from a mixture of English and Dutch, both stress-timed languages, but did not discriminate a mixture of Spanish and English from a mixture of French and Dutch, as the two languages in each pair do not have the same rhythmic structure. In other words, infants can extract a common rhythmic structure when they hear English and Dutch and build a rhythmic representation that will turn out to be different from the representation underlying French and Spanish. As the rhythms of Spanish and English are different, there is no common representation that can be extracted, and nothing to support a discrimination behavior. Thus, newborns are attentive to the prosody of the language and figure out from this some aspects of its phonological organization. In doing so, newborns display an ability to extract an abstract representation from the speech stream, regardless of the specific input heard (be it familiar or not). This ability is remarkable, especially because infants can build an abstract representation of the speech stimuli after just 1,200 ms of an utterance ( Dehaene-Lambertz and Houston 1998 ).

From at least two months, infants are not only sensitive to prosodic properties, but also to segmental properties. It has been shown that they can discriminate a large number of phonetic contrasts, even those that are not present in the ambient language. However, in the following months, this ability is shaped by the linguistic environment, and at six months, babies cease to be sensitive to the vowels of other languages and become tuned to the specific vowels present in their language ( Kuhl 1991 ). Similarly, by 12 months of age, infants are no longer able to discriminate non-native consonantal contrasts, although they were at six months of age. This is demonstrated by behavioral studies ( Werker and Tees 1986 ), but also by imaging studies, in which an event-related potential (the Mismatched Negativity) is elicited in the left hemisphere by changes of repetitive native and non-native contrasts at six months, but only of native contrasts at 12 months ( Cheour-Luhtanen et al. 1995 ). This tuning to the sounds of the ambient language prepares infants to acquire words, a process that is supported by another ability, i.e., that of segmenting the continuous speech stream into chunks corresponding to words. Typically, when we speak, we do not pause between one word and the next one; what we hear is a continuous uninterrupted sequence of words. Starting from seven months, babies display an ability to break this sequence into word candidates, based on various kinds of information (typical shapes of words, phonototactic regularities), one of which is the transitional probabilities (TP), namely statistical information about co-occurrence of two adjacent elements (e.g., sounds or syllables). In speech the probability that a syllable α is followed by a syllable β is higher if α and β belong to the same word than if they belong to two distinct words. Using an artificial language generated by a speech synthesizer and spoken in a monotone, Goodsitt, Morgan, and Kuhl (1993) and then Saffran, Aslin, and Newport (1996) established that seven-month-old babies keep track and can use TP to find word candidates (a hypothesis already alluded to by Chomsky 1975 :ch. 6, n. 18). These experiments confirmed that infants are endowed with a powerful and non-language-specific mechanism to compute statistical dependencies among adjacent events (here syllables), a finding that engendered a lively discussion between the nativist and the nonnativist field. On the one hand, the claim that the whole language can be learned through statistical means was unwarranted, because it relied on an unsupported inference (if something can be learned in a certain way, everything can), on the other, the finding promoted exciting new research. Peña, Bonatti, Nespor, and Mehler (2002) showed that adults can segment the continuous speech stream using the TP between non-adjacent consonants, but not between non-adjacent vowels. If they hear (3), they notice that, in that string, the TP between P and R is 1, while the TP between the other consonants is lower and thus only Pura, Pori , and Piro are likely to be words. To better see the TP we put the consonants in capitals and bolded the more likely TP.

By contrast, if they hear (4), they are unable to figure out that the TP between U and A is 1, while the TP between other vowels is lower. Consequently, they cannot find words based on TP between vowels.

These findings suggest that to find words we rely on TP between consonants and not between vowels, i.e., the statistical mechanism is sensitive to the nature of the linguistic representation and computes TP on an abstract representation based on the consonantal tier. This result makes a lot of sense and does justice to some properties of languages. For example, in Semitic languages, consonants, but not vowels, make up morphological roots. Across languages, we observe that there are more consonants than vowels. In other words, consonants, but not vowels, are dedicated to the representation of lexical items ( Nespor, Peña, and Mehler 2003 ).

Thus, during the first year of life infants acquire the prosodic properties of their language and its segmental properties and start to break the linguistic input into words. This tuning toward the input language is not only evident on the receptive side, but also in production. At around six months, babies engage in babbling, linguistic production lacking a meaning and consisting in sequences of the same syllables or of different syllables, such as mamama or mapamada . Soon after the start of the babbling phase, the vowels and consonants used in babbling are influenced by the surrounding environment ( Boysson-Bardies, Hallé, Sagart, and Durand 1989 ; Boysson-Bardies and Vihman 1991 ).

In summary, infants are born with the ability to set apart languages based on rhythm, they are initially able to discriminate between non-native and native sounds, an ability that is shaped by the linguistic environment through a process that can be characterized in terms of selection and that leads them at 12 months to discriminate only those sounds that have a phonemic value in their language (but see Kuhl 2000 for a different view). Infants are also endowed with a mechanism that tracks TP, likely taking into account the linguistic objects on which these TPs are computed, i.e., consonants and vowels.

12.3 Knowledge of the Morphosyntactic System

When children start to put words together, they do it by respecting the word order of their mother language. Thus, English speaking children use the SVO order and their Turkish peers SOV (see Christophe, Nespor, Guasti, and van Oyen 2003 for a hypothesis about how children acquire this property). Order is one of the first properties that a child notices and acquires. But words often include morphemes that express tense and agreement, and these also start to be acquired within the second year of life. Agreement morphemes on verbs are acquired in a relatively short time in languages like Catalan, Italian, or Spanish ( Hyams 1986 ; Guasti 1992/1993; Torrens 1995 ). By the age of two and a half, children speaking these languages have acquired the three singular morphemes of the present tense (1st, 2nd, and 3rd person) and soon after the plural ones. In other languages, like Dutch, French, German, and Swedish, children take up to three years to master the verbal agreement paradigm consistently and up to this age they optionally use root or optional infinitives (RI) ( Rizzi 1993/1994 ; Wexler 1994 ). These are infinitive verbs that are used in main-clause declaratives. They behave syntactically like infinitives, as indicated by their relative position with respect to the negation or their failure to co-occur with clitic subjects in French. However, they stand for finite verbs whose temporal interpretation is recovered from the context (see Avrutin 1999 ). During this period of life (2–3 years), children feel free to say sentences like (5) or (6).

Notice, in these sentences, the different placement of the negation depending on the finite or infinitive status of the verb. In English, RI are bare verbs without inflection (e.g., John drink ). RIs are not found in the acquisition of Catalan, Italian, or Spanish (see Hyams 1986 ; Guasti 1992/1993; Torrens 1995 ). Why? Proposals trying to explain this difference capitalize on the null-subject nature of the languages that do not have RI ( Wexler 1999 ) or on the failure of the infinitive verb, in those languages that have RI, to move to higher hierarchical positions ( Rizzi 1993/1994 ) or to the consistent evidence for finite marking ( Legate and Yang 2007 ). For Rizzi (1993/1994) , the fact that infinitives do not move and stay in the VP allows the truncation of the syntactic tree at the VP level or just above. In languages in which infinitives raise to IP, as in Italian ( Belletti 1990 ), truncation at the VP level is not possible. Be that as it may, one relevant property that somehow underlies both hypotheses is that languages lacking RI are languages in which the verbal agreement paradigm does not include syncretisms or it is very regular and has a three-person morphological distinction in the singular and in the plural verbal paradigm. By contrast, languages that manifest the RI phenomenon contain a lot of syncretisms and are quite irregular (in English present tense, 1st, 2nd singular and 1st, 2nd, and 3rd person plural do not have any inflection; some auxiliary verbs have more distinctions, others even fewer; in German, 1st and 3rd person plural are homophonous; 2nd person singular and plural are also homophonous). Linguistic studies have clearly shown that there is a link between richness of the agreement paradigm and the null subject status of a language ( Taraldsen 1978 ). Given that children are quick to acquire the verbal agreement paradigm, as stated earlier, we may suppose that they quickly establish whether their language is a null subject language or not; accordingly they will or will not use RI (see Hyams 1986 , Valian 1990 , Rizzi 1993/1994 for the properties of early null subjects and an account for them).

The role of the richness of the agreement system is central in Legate and Yang’s (2007) variational model of RI. According to these authors, children who produce RIs are exercising an option made available by UG, which they identify with the production of [–Tense] verbal forms. This option is operative in Mandarin, where verbs are not inflected for tense. Since children who produce RIs also produce finite forms, they are also entertaining the hypothesis [+Tense]. This means that both options are employed by the child and the incorrect one is gradually eliminated based on the input. The more the data available to children provide evidence for tense morphemes, the more the [+Tense] option increases in likelihood and the more the [−Tense] option is decreases in likelihood (see chapter 11 , section 11.6 , on imput-driven learning models).

This approach makes it clear that a central point of this discussion, which is also at the heart of the RI phenomenon, is the faster acquisition of the agreement paradigm in languages with a richer paradigm than in languages with a poorer paradigm or with a lot of syncretism. Why does the course of language acquisition vary as a function of this property? This observation suggests that the system for acquiring language is endowed with a mechanism for seeking regularities; one regularity is the unique association of form and meaning. When every cell of a paradigm is filled with a distinct morpheme, acquisition proceeds smoothly, as each morpheme has a distinct meaning. Instead, when there is syncretism, the work of this mechanism is hindered, as the same morpheme is to be found in more than one cell and has different meanings: the form–meaning association is not unique in this case and the system takes time to find the irregularities.

Between two and three years, children also start to use pronouns. Particular attention has been devoted to the acquisition of clitic pronouns. These are objects that are in some way deficient ( Cardinaletti and Starke 1999 ): they cannot be used in isolation, as answers to questions; they must appear in specific positions and hang onto the verb ( Kayne 1975 ). They must be used when the antecedent is highly accessible. Typically clitic pronouns (or simply clitics) have been studied in the acquisition of Romance languages. An example from French is in (7); (7a) is introducing a context that makes the use of the clitic in (7b) pragmatically plausible.

In (7b) we have a subject ( elle ) and an object clitic ( l’ ). Here we will only discuss direct object clitics. Investigations in French, Spanish, Catalan, and Italian ( Schaeffer 1997 ; Jakubowicz and Rigaut 2000 ; Wexler, Gavarrò, and Torrens 2004 ; Pérez-Leroux, Pirvulescu, and Roberge 2008 ) have demonstrated that initially clitics are optionally omitted and children produce sentences without a direct object as in (8).

Gradually clitics are used and target-like levels are reached by the age of 4–5 years. Different proposals have been advanced to explain this omission. Here we will mention only some of them. Schaeffer (2000) proposes that children omit clitics because their pragmatic knowledge is faulty; in particular they do not take into account that the hearer’s background may be different from theirs and what is highly accessible for them may not be so for their interlocutor. Avrutin (2004) claims that omission depends on the lack of processing resources and that missing information is recovered from the context.

Omission of clitics is not a monolithic phenomenon. In European Portuguese ( Costa and Lobo 2007 ), even at the age of five years, children omit quite a number of direct objects. On the basis of what is known from other languages, it is unlikely that these omissions are the expression of clitic omissions. In fact, European Portuguese, beyond the option of expressing an accessible element through a pronoun, has the possibility of expressing it through a null object, which alternates with the pronouns in (9):

Costa, Lobo, Carmona, and Silva (2008) have proposed that at the age of five years, Portuguese-speaking children do not omit clitics, on a par with children speaking other languages, but they generalize null objects, even in syntactic contexts in which this is not possible, as in islands. Thus, while (11) is ungrammatical for adults, this is not so for children. In addition, Portuguese children not only produce sentences like (11), but they also attribute to their verb a transitive interpretation, which means that they are assuming that a null object is present in the representation.

As we have just seen, omission of clitics does not follow the same trajectory in all early languages. The mirror image of the Portuguese case is represented by Spanish- and Romanian-speaking children, who omit clitics for a shorter period of time than Catalan-, French-, or Italian-speaking children ( Wexler, Gavarró, and Torrens 2004 ; Babyonyshev and Marin 2005 ). While the latter reach target level of accuracy at 4–5 years, the former do so at 3 years. In the light of these findings, Wexler, Gavarrò, and Torrens (2004) proposed an interesting generalization:

In a nutshell and very approximately, Wexler et al.’s account of clitic omission is based on a uniqueness constraint holding in child language to the effect that a single operation can be performed: either insert the clitic or compute past participle agreement. With respect to this uniqueness constraint the Catalan-, French-, or Italian-speaking children are obliged to omit the clitic, while this is not so for children speaking Spanish or Romanian. It follows from this account that, in principle, children could also choose to just compute past-participle agreement and omit the clitic. This prediction is not fulfilled, however ( Tedeschi 2009 ; Belletti and Guasti 2015 ).

Beyond clitics, articles are also omitted for some time. Generally, the period of article omission ends before that of clitic omission. At least in some languages, at the age of three and a half, articles are no longer omitted, even though some articles are homophonous with some clitics. As in the case of clitics, omission of articles is found in various languages investigated, but the path of development is not the same. Guasti, Gavarrò, de Lange, and Caprin (2008) demonstrated that articles or their phonetic approximations are already employed at a higher rate from age two in Catalan and Italian than in Dutch. When in the former two languages, omission of articles has almost stopped, in the latter it is still high (see De Lange 2008 ). This difference among languages is probably due to some confounding factor, as in the case of Portuguese clitics. There, it was the option of null objects that influenced children’s behavior. For articles, it is the availability in a language of bare nouns in all syntactic positions. Dutch, like English and unlike Catalan and Italian, allows the use of bare nouns in generic contexts, as in (13) and in contexts in which a mass noun is used, as seen in (14).

The equivalent of (13) in Italian, given in (16), requires an article in front of the noun. Bare nouns are ungrammatical in the preverbal position; in the postverbal position, mass nouns and bare plural nouns, can be used without an article, but not all speakers accept them to the same degree. Thus, I find (16a) to be a preferred option over (16b).

Although bare nouns are possible in Italian or Catalan, their use is highly restricted syntactically (only in complement position) and possibly, even in those cases that are legitimate, they are not highly preferred. It can be argued that Italian or Catalan children quickly come to the conclusion that articles are always compulsory, as they hear an input in which articles are generally required in all syntactic positions. Thus, after an initial stage in which they optionally omit them, either for phonological reasons or for some complexity reason, they converge on the target system. Children speaking Dutch also know that articles are used in their language, but, in addition, they know that bare nouns are a legitimate option. The availability of both options confuses them and leads them to err for a longer period of time than Catalan and Italian children. In conclusion, we can notice a parallelism between the acquisition of clitics and that of articles: convergence to the target system is delayed by the existence of other options.

12.4 Knowledge of the Syntactic System

In this section, we will concentrate on one topic that has been widely investigated across various languages: the acquisition of wh -movement as it is expressed in questions. As in the 1960s scholars concentrated mainly on English, the first finding was that children had no trouble in moving the wh -element to the sentence-initial position, as in (17), but their acquisition of Subject–Auxiliary Inversion (SAI), whereby the auxiliary verb is fronted as in (17), proceeded in steps.

Bellugi (1971) proposed the following stages for the acquisition of SAI, which were investigated in several later works (see Stromswold 1990 for a detailed discussion).

Although not all studies found evidence for these stages, especially for such a clear-cut division, it is clear that acquisition of SAI is not straightforward for English-speaking children (see Guasti, Thornton, and Wexler 1995 for evidence concerning the third stage; see Hiramatsu and Lillo-Martin 1998 for challenges). Difficulties with SAI are also manifested by the omission of the auxiliary, resulting in questions like (19) (see Guasti and Rizzi 1996 ):

To better appreciate what might go wrong in English, it is worth turning our attention to other languages. A major finding of more recent investigation is that wh -movement is performed from early on in those language in which it is required (Dutch, German, Italian, Swedish). Wh -in-situ is also employed in those languages in which it is a possibility, such as French ( Hamann 2006 ) in (20).

However, in contrast to what has been found for English, fronting of the verb is not problematic in languages that require it, such as German, Dutch, and Swedish ( Haegeman 1995 ; Clahsen, Kursawe, and Penke 1996 ; Santelmann 1998 ), as exemplified by the German example in (21).

Then, the question arises as to how this difference comes about. We may notice that those languages in which fronting of the verb is not problematic are languages in which movement of the verb to second position (V2) is generalized to all main clauses (questions, but also declaratives), and it is generalized to all verbs, auxiliaries, and lexical verbs, unlike in English, where only auxiliaries are fronted. Whether both factors matter or just one does can only be decided by looking at languages in which only one factor holds. Italian is a case in point. Consider a question that typically children and adults may form:

In Italian wh -questions, the subject cannot intervene between the wh -element and the verb, a fact that has been interpreted by saying that the verb moves to a position adjacent to the wh -element in C ( Rizzi 1996 ). This is so for both auxiliaries and lexical verbs. In (22), the subject is located in a right peripheral position. Children have no trouble forming questions with the order in (22) ( Guasti 1996 ) or producing declarative clauses with the order SVO, which is the unmarked order in Italian. Thus, although V2 is not generalized in Italian, movement of the verb to C is not problematic. This suggests that the trouble for English children is the presence of an idiosyncratic class of auxiliaries that displays a peculiar behavior: that of being the only verbs in the language that move to C. This finding leads us to reiterate one observation for articles and clitics: when an option is regular and generalized to (almost) all contexts, acquisition goes relatively smoothly, otherwise it proceeds slowly. Again, this suggests that one mechanism for acquiring language is a regularity seeker.

So far, we have been concerned with the formation of wh -questions in general. Now, we turn our attention to a concern less discussed in the past, but of growing interest nowadays: the asymmetry observed in the acquisition of subject and object questions. Although subject and object who -questions appear at the same time at least in English ( Stromswold 1995 ), object who- questions, exemplified in (21), are more challenging than subject questions for children speaking a variety of languages. First, the former are more frequently produced than the latter in English ( Stromswold 1995 ):

Second, elicited production of subject questions is initially more accurate than that of object questions in English. O’Grady (2005) , citing Yoshinaga (1996) , shows that subject who -questions are 100% accurate by age two (100%), while accuracy is 8% for object who -questions.

Improvements are seen at age four with an almost equal rate of accuracy in the production of both types of questions (see also van der Lely and Battell 2003 ). All questions elicited contained reversible verbs with two animate elements, as in (24):

An explanation of this difficulty is in terms of processing: the wh -element and its trace are closer in subject than in object questions, as seen in (25) and thus the wh -element needs to be maintained in memory for a longer time in the latter than in the former case, taxing our memory system ( De Vincenzi 1991 ):

This is not the end of the story, though. A different picture emerges if we look at Italian: object questions are still more problematic than subject questions even at the age of 4–5 years in production ( Guasti, Branchini, and Arosio 2012 ) and in comprehension they are difficult up to age 9–11 ( De Vincenzi, Arduino, Ciccarelli, and Job 1999 ). Italian learners tend to produce a subject rather than an object question or mistakenly they interpret a subject as an object question. What goes wrong with Italian-speaking children? Consider subject and object questions in Italian:

If we compare Italian in (26) and (27) with English in (24), we may notice that, in Italian, a subject and an object question have the same order. When both NPs are animate, as in the examples, a common way to disambiguate is through subject–verb agreement (which is possible only if the two NPs are different in number). In English, it is the different order of NPs in subject and object questions that differentiates the two questions. Returning to the difficulty encountered by Italian-speaking children, we can say that, although Italian children know the process of subject–verb agreement, they are misled by this process when it occurs in questions and/or with a postverbal subject; sometimes they take the postverbal NP as being the object rather than the subject. In this way, the wh -element is taken to be the subject and an object question is turned into a subject question. Things are different in English object questions, where the occurrence of the subject in a preverbal position unambiguously indicates that an object question is being uttered or must be comprehended (see Guasti et al. 2012 for a technical implementation of this idea).

12.5 Knowledge of the Semantic System

One of the central properties of the semantic system is the interpretation of scopally ambiguous sentences like (28a):

This sentence contains a universal quantifier ( every ) and negation and can be interpreted as in (28b) or (28c):

On the first interpretation (surface scope), no horse jumps over the fence; on the second (inverse scope), one horse could have jumped over the fence. Musolino, Crain, and Thornton (2000) demonstrated that five-year-old English speaking children prefer the first interpretation over the second. Lidz and Musolino (2002) confirmed the same finding with a different kind of quantifier, numerals. Children can also interpret every under the scope of negation, but only when the universal quantifier is in object position and follows negation, as in (29):

Here children have no trouble in assigning narrow scope to every and wide scope to negation. On the basis of these findings, it has been claimed that children assign to scopally ambiguous sentences an isomorphic interpretation, whereby negation and quantifiers are interpreted on the basis of their position in overt syntax. By this, it is meant that the element that receives wider scope is also the element that c-commands and is hierarchically higher than the element with narrow scope. However, in English the isomorphic interpretation can also be obtained by relying on linear order and not on syntactic structure. This objection has been addressed by Lidz and Musolino (2002) based on a study of the interpretation of quantified negative sentences in Kannada. Kannada is an SOV language of the Dravidian family. It differs from English in that negation comes at the end of the sentence and the quantified object linearly precedes it, as in (30):

However, in the hierarchical structure, negation c-commands the direct object, as displayed by the representation in (31):

In other words, unlike in English, in Kannada linear order and hierarchical relations are not confounded. Therefore, one predicts that, if what matters is linear order, Kannada speaking children’s preferred interpretation would be one in which two books has wider scope than negation, i.e., the sentence should preferentially mean that there are two books that I did not read. By contrast, if what matters is c-command and the hierarchical organization underlying sentences, we expect that children will interpret the sentence as meaning that it is not the case that I read two books. Lidz and Musolino (2002) found that Kannada-speaking children prefer the second interpretation over the first, as do English-speaking children with the corresponding sentence in their language. These facts support the conclusion that English and Kannada speaking children compute scope relations on the basis of c-command and thus represent sentences not as mere strings of adjacent words, but as hierarchical objects. This result, which linguists take for granted, is quite remarkable, because there is no evident cue to the hierarchical organization in the string of words that one hears; yet, human beings rely on such representations when they compute meaning or produce sentences (other findings supporting hierarchical organization are discussed in Crain and Thorton 1998 ; Guasti and Chierchia 1999/2000 ; among others). The data from Kannada also confirm that children display a strong preference for the isomorphic reading. In contrast, adults can readily access both readings, in (28b) and (28c) ( Lidz and Musolino 2002 ). Why do children differ from adults? There is evidence showing that we are not faced with a grammatical difference. Children can access the inverse scope reading ( not > every in (28c)) in supportive contexts. For example, Musolino and Lidz (2006) found that familiarizing children with the intended domain of quantification enhances access to the inverse scope reading. In the story narrated to the child first all horses jumped over the log; then, they tried to jump over the fence, but only some of them succeeded. The puppet described the story with sentence (32).

In these conditions, children accessed the not > every reading, much more than in a situation described with (28a), in which the horses were only involved in an event of jumping over the fence. Thus, the children’s grammar allows both interpretations; yet the inverse one is more difficult. There is consensus on the idea that the intricacy is caused by pragmatic factors. Divergences exist as to the exact nature of the factors involved and as to whether pragmatics alone is responsible. According to Gualmini et al. (2008) the preference for the isomorphic reading originates from a pragmatic requirement that a given interpretation is selected as an answer to a question under discussion (QUD). For example, the context used to describe (32) makes the question in (33) clearly relevant, and the answer is no in a situation in which only some horses jumped over the fence.

By correctly answering no , children access the inverse scope interpretation, because in the context this interpretation meets the expectations raised by the first part of the sentence. These expectations are not met in those situations that typically have been used in the first experiments by Musolino et al. in which children did not access the inverse scope reading. In these situations children had to infer the QUD from contextual cues and this may be problematic.

Another more articulated view is presented in Viau, Lidz, and Musolino (2010) . These authors agree on the idea that pragmatic factors play a causal role in favoring the isomorphic interpretation, but they also assert that processing considerations related to ambiguity resolution are involved in explaining children’s behavior. In fact, they showed that the inverse scope reading can be primed by a previously heard unambiguous sentence. The experiment goes as follows. In the priming condition, children were first exposed to three different events, in which only two of three characters succeeded in some tasks. These events were then described with unambiguous sentences like in (34) (priming trials):

The last three trials, instead, consisted of structurally similar events, but were described with ambiguous sentences like in (35):

In a control condition, instead, children were only exposed to trials of the last type. Children accessed the inverse scope reading in the priming condition much more than in the control condition. This result is a hint that the inverse scope reading can be primed through previously heard unambiguous sentences. As priming is a typical effect one observes in situations of ambiguity resolution, one has to conclude that processing factors can facilitate or hamper the emergence of the inverse scope reading. In conclusion, children can access the inverse scope reading when the pragmatic set up is taken care of and when this reading is primed. On this view, the difference between children and adults would consist in adults possessing a more efficient parsing system and a more experienced pragmatic system.

12.6 Knowledge of the Pragmatic System

We will investigate children’s acquisition of pragmatics through the case of scalar implicatures. A scalar implicature (SI), in the framework of a neo-Gricean approach, is an inference that is added to the uttered proposition, based on principles of rational conversation. Consider an example involving or . If a speaker utters (36a), her interlocutor would normally infer (36b):

The added expression not both in (36b) is an implicature, that is, it is not part of the propositional content of the speaker’s utterance, but it’s an inference that the hearer draws from the speaker’s use of or . When speaking, we choose certain items that make our contribution as informative as is required to conform to the Cooperative Principle and the other conversational maxims that rule our talk exchanges ( Grice 1989 ). Elements, like or and some are part of a scale ordered according to the informational strength, i.e., <or, and> where or is the less informative element on the scale, and <some, many, most, all>, where some is less informative than the other two items. Choosing the weaker (less informative) element in the scale means that one does not have sufficient evidence to use the stronger (most informative) element, or that she knows that it does not apply, otherwise she would have used it. Thus, by hearing A or B , the hearer will infer that NOT (A and B) and by hearing some , the hearer will infer NOT ALL .

Although children know the meaning of or and some in felicitous contexts, they do not behave like adults, as they accept the sentence A or B when both A and B are true ( Braine and Rumain 1981 ) or they accept that Some elephants are eating is true in a context in which all are ( Smith 1980 ). However, the experimental setting matters (see also Katsos and Bishop 2011 ). Guasti et al. (2005) tested seven-year-old children in two different experimental settings. One employed a statement evaluation task in which children were presented with sentences like Some elephants have trunks and were asked to say whether they agree or not (see Noveck 2001 ). The second adopted a Truth Value Judgment task (TVJT) ( Crain and Thornton 1998 ), in which the experimenter acted out a story in front of the child at the end of which a puppet had to describe what had happened in the story. The child was then asked to evaluate the puppet’s statement, saying if it was a good or a bad description of the story. For example, the puppet described a story in which five out of five Smurfs went for a trip by boat by saying that Some Smurfs went on a boat , which, in the situation, is a true but underinformative statement. While seven-year-olds were worse than adults in the statement evaluation task, this difference disappeared with the TVJT. Thus, the kind of task employed may elicit different types of responses and this suggests that children’s pragmatic ability in deriving implicatures is clearly present, but is not always put to use.

Although the experimental setting matters, this cannot be the only factor that explains differences between children and adults, since using the TVJT Papafragou and Musolino (2003) found that five-year-old Greek-speaking children rejected underinformative statements much less frequently than adults. This result has been replicated now in a number of languages (see Hurevitz et al. 2006; Katsos and Bishop 2011 for English; Noveck 2001 for French; Papafragou and Musolino 2003 for Greek; Guasti et al. 2005 for Italian). In addition, for Italian Foppolo, Guasti, and Chierchia (2012) have shown that with the TVJT 5 year olds overaccept underinformative sentences more than seven-year-olds.

Taking these results together suggests that there is a developmental change in the derivation of pragmatic inferences. It can be excluded that children do not know the meaning of these words, as they reject Some elephants are eating when none is or they accept it when only a subset is. It can also be excluded that children do not know which of two statements is more informative. When asked to say which of two characters described better a picture in which all elephants are eating, they do not hesitate in choosing the character that said all elephants are eating in contrast to the one that said some elephants are eating ( Chierchia et al. 2001 ). Not only can children choose the statement that best describes a picture, they can also choose which of the two pictures presented matches a statement heard. When presented with two pictures, one displaying all elephants eating and one depicting some of the elephants eating, and the sentence some elephants are eating , they point to the second picture and not to the first ( Katsos and Bishop 2011 ). Finally, when asked to produce sentences describing a given situation, they do not produce underinformative statements ( Foppolo and Guasti 2005 ). Thus, children seem to know all the prerequisites that are required to reject an underinformative statement, and they themselves are optimally informative when they produce statements, yet at five years they do not reject underinformative sentences, at least as frequently as adults do. At seven years, they reject underinformative statements in some scenarios, but not in others. It is worth pointing out that adults too are influenced by the experimental setting, as they also overaccept underinformative statements when the task is not explicit ( Noveck 2001 ; Guasti et al. 2005 ), under time pressure, and when two parallel tasks have to be accomplished ( Bott and Noveck 2004 ; De Neys and Shaenken 2007 ).

Considering these findings all together, Katsos and Bishop have proposed that children’s behavior is motivated by pragmatic tolerance that leads them to accept underinformative statements. In other words, as these statements are not patently false, children do not think that they deserve to be rejected. Under this view, what develops is a metalinguistic ability that leads children to reject underinformative statements in conversation. However, it is not clear how this approach would explain the finding that bilingual children (Japanese–English) at the age of five years are more prone to reject underinformative statements than are monolingual children ( Siegal, Matsuo, and Pond 2007 ). Why should bilingual children be less tolerant than monolingual ones? A more promising line of investigation is that what underlies the ability to reject underinformative statements is a metalinguistic skill to deal with multiple representations of the same objects and to recognize that these multiple representations are equally optimal, but depend on the conversational setting. In fact, in the case of implicatures, the same situation, i.e., five elephants eating, can be described or represented by saying all elephants are eating or some elephants are eating . Both sentences are true; the former is optimal if we have to describe a situation in front of us. The second one is also optimal, but in a different conversational setting, such as if we are betting or guessing. Although children start to be sensitive to these different conversational settings from age five, it is likely that this ability requires some time to develop. Bilingual children are more skilled, because they have to deal with two languages and they know that they have to switch from one to another depending on the conversational setting or on the purpose of the conversation.

12.7 Conclusion

Language is acquired by children across cultures in an effortless way and in similar manners. Starting from a sequence of sounds, they end up with knowledge that allows them to put words together in infinite meaningful ways for the purpose of specific conversations. Children build abstract rhythmic representations of their languages, they organize the sequences of sounds into words and, what is remarkable, they arrange these words into abstract hierarchical representations (that respect c-command), in spite of the fact that no evident cue for hierarchy is present in the speech stream. All this shows that children start to build various abstract representations of their language, depending on the linguistic component (phonology, syntax) and they can do so in a very short time. However, language acquisition does not happen all at once. Children differ from adults for a while: they omit certain words, articles, clitics, agreement morphemes, for reasons that may have to do with phonology, processing, or pragmatics. They have a preference for a certain interpretation, but they may eventually get other interpretations when the context is supportive, that is, they do not seem to lack knowledge, but to use it less effectively. The course of language acquisition presents similarities, but also differences that result from the specific properties of the language: children omit more articles in Dutch than in Italian because other options in the former language get in the way of the acquisition process. Similarly for clitics in Portuguese.

According to a Universal Grammar perspective ( Guasti forthcoming ), the course of acquisition takes the shape it does because there exist specific mechanisms and constraints supporting this process (a claim that does not exclude the existence of non-language-specific mechanisms). Although children are endowed with a structured capacity for language, the environment plays its role too in forging our adult linguistic knowledge, as is evident from the specific course that acquisition takes in the various languages.

I would like to thank Chiara Branchini, Francesca Foppolo, Marina Nespor, and Mirta Vernice for comments on previous versions of this article.

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Theory of Second Language Acquisition

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• First Online: 23 August 2023

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• Maleika Krüger 2  

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The scientific field of second language acquisition (SLA), as it emerged in the 1970s, is concerned with the conditions and circumstances in which second and foreign language learning occurs. Although sometimes used synonymously, the terms second language and foreign language describe two different aspects: a second language refers to the official language within the country of residence, which is not a person’s mother tongue. This is, for example, the case for immigrant children who learn the language of their parents’ homeland before or while learning the language of their country of residence as a second language in school or kindergarten.

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The scientific field of second language acquisition (SLA), as it emerged in the 1970s, is concerned with the conditions and circumstances in which second and foreign language learning occurs. Although sometimes used synonymously, the terms second language and foreign language describe two different aspects: a second language refers to the official language within the country of residence, which is not a person’s mother tongue. This is, for example, the case for immigrant children who learn the language of their parents’ homeland before or while learning the language of their country of residence as a second language in school or kindergarten. By contrast, the term foreign language describes a language that is not an official language in the country of residence nor a persons’ mother tongue. A foreign language is usually learned through formal classroom instruction within the educational system (Hasebrink et al., 1997; Olsson, 2016; Sundqvist, 2009a). English is a foreign language in both Germany and Switzerland. Therefore, the focus of this study is English as a foreign language (EFL).

Over the years, SLA has produced a great variety of theoretical frameworks and methodology to cover the broad aspects of the field (Olsson, 2016). It is beyond the scope of this study to provide the reader with a comprehensible overview. In short, the different strands of theory can be subsumed under three main groups: formal properties of language learning, cognitive processes while learning a language, and social aspects of language learning. These three groups are not distinct, as there are various overlaps and interactions. Researchers might draw from one or more theory strands, depending on their research questions (Olsson, 2016). The present study will draw on the cognitive theoretical framework, i.e., the process of learning a foreign language, and the social framework, to investigate unplanned and unprompted language learning through media-related extramural English contacts and the influence of two important social factors on the learning process.

4.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Media-related Extramural English Contacts

As defined above, extramural English contacts are defined as any form of out-of-school contact with English as a foreign language arising from voluntary contact with and the use of authentic English media content. The term does not deny the possibility that learners might be aware of the beneficial effect of these contacts, yet the focus of these contacts lies in the appreciation for the media content or a desire to communicate with others (Sundqvist, 2009a, 2011).

While in contact with authentic media content in such a natural setting, learners will be less concerned with studying underlying rules and principles of a foreign language but will instead be focused on the social nature of the situation, on participation, observation, communication, and understanding (R. Ellis, 2008). As a result, any learning processes that might arise from these situations is most likely characterized by incidental, implicit, or explicit learning processes and will often be an unconscious process, without intent or active learning strategies by the learner (Elley, 1997; R. Ellis, 2008). Such incidental language learning processes are defined as the “[…] by-product of any activity not explicitly geared to […] learning” (Hulstijn, 2001, p. 271). Kekra (2000) also defines it as “unintentional or unplanned learning that results from other activities” (p. 3). Incidental language learning is thus a process “without the conscious intention to commit the element to memory” (Hulstijn, 2013, p. 1). In contrast, intentional learning is defined as “any activity aiming at committing lexical information to memory” (Hulstijn, 2001, p. 271).

These definitions of incidental learning are closely related to the definition of informal learning as provided by Stevens (2010):

“Learning resulting from daily life activities related to work, family or leisure. It is not structured (in terms of learning objectives, learning time or learning support) and typically does not lead to certification. Informal learning may be intentional but in most cases it is non-intentional (or ‘incidental’/random).” (Stevens, 2010, p. 12) .

Both definitions emphasize the subconscious nature of the process, which occurs while a person is engaging in everyday activities. Thus, incidental learning could also be referred to as a language acquisition process , as the term acquisition is commonly used to refer to the subconscious process in which children acquire their mother tongue. Usually, children are not consciously aware of the language acquisition nor the resulting language competences. Instead, they are focused on meaning as they interact with the people around them. As a result, children cannot ‘name the rules’ they have acquired, only that something ‘feels correct’. By contrast, learning usually describes a much more conscious process of committing information to memory (R. Ellis, 2008; Krashen, 1985; Sok, 2014).

Given these definitions, incidental learning could be seen as more closely related to the concept of acquisition, while intentional learning could be seen as being closer related to the definition of learning (R. Ellis, 2008). However, the fact that incidental language learning occurs as a by-product of another activity does not require the complete absence of consciousness (Rieder, 2003). Indeed, even though sometimes used synonymously, the distinction between implicit and explicit learning is not congruent with the distinction between incidental and intentional learning (N. C. Ellis, 1994).

The terms implicit and explicit learning refer to the level of awareness and attention a learner pays towards learning. Implicit learning is defined as “acquisition of knowledge about the underlying structure of a complex stimulus environment by a process which takes place naturally, simply and without conscious operation” (N. C. Ellis, 1994, p. 1). On the other hand, explicit learning is a “more conscious operation where the individual makes and test hypotheses in a search for structure” (N. C. Ellis, 1994, p. 1).

However, unconscious in this sense does not, as is often thought, refer to unintentional behavior, but rather to the fact that something is done without awareness and attention. Explicit learning is thus a conscious process in that learners are aware and pay attention to concept formation and linking. This can occur under instruction (e.g., in a classroom) or by understanding concepts and rules without instruction. On the other hand, implicit learning has a person paying attention to the stimulus but being unaware of the acquisition processes (N. C. Ellis, 1994; R. Ellis, 2008).

The result of explicit and implicit learning is explicit and implicit knowledge, which differ in their degree of awareness of rules and the possibility to verbalize them. Implicit knowledge is procedural and intuitive, while explicit knowledge is declarative and conscious. The former comes with the ability to use the language automatically, while the latter comes with the knowledge of underlying rules and regularities (Olsson, 2016). This is why formal instructions are often seen as crucial for grammar learning in a foreign language, as they explicitly teach grammatical rules and regulations (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999). However, things learned implicitly at some point may be reflected upon explicitly at a later point in one’s language learning journey (Olsson, 2016).

In contrast to this distinction, the term consciousness within the framework of incidental and intentional learning usually refers to intentionality. Indeed, the definitions of incidental learning provided above do not exclude awareness of the learning process. The important distinction is that in intentional learning, learners are focused on the linguistic form. In incidental learning, the focus is on the meaning, yet a peripheral focus on form is not denied (R. Ellis, 1999). Incidental learning can therefore include implicit, i.e., unaware, learning processes, as well as explicit learning processes, i.e., processes that take place unintentionally but not without a learners’ awareness or (peripheral) attention, and hypothesis forming (Rieder, 2003; Sok, 2014) Footnote 1 .

For example, learners might engage in reading for pleasure, during which implicit learning processes will occur automatically, but they might also decide to engage in explicit learning processes (i.e., paying attention to form) by looking up an unknown word. In addition, they might actively test new words and phrases in a sentence, thus testing their hypothesis about the meaning (Letchumanan et al., 2015).

While the exact definition of these terms remains a matter of ongoing debate within the research community, and the terms are often used interchangeably (see for an overview for example Hulstijn, 2001, 2002, 2005, 2015; Laufer & Hulstijn, 2001), the present study will stay within the original terminology of the theoretical framework of incidental learning and define it as an unintentional or unplanned process, resulting as a by-product of another activity. This by-product can result from implicit processes but might also be accompanied by explicit processes, during which a person pays at least peripheral attention to certain language forms and engages in hypothesis forming and testing.

While often used within the framework of first language acquisition, the concept of incidental learning can also be related to the field of second and foreign language learning and is generally acknowledged in the research field of psychology and language learning (R. Ellis, 2008; Krashen, 1982). For Chomsky (1968, cited in Elley, 1997) learning a native language is in fact so deeply biologically programmed into the brain that children learn their native tongue simply by being exposed to it. In addition, there is little dispute that, except for the first few thousand most common words, which are usually learned intentionally, the vast majority of the vocabulary is acquired incidentally as a by-product of other activities (Hulstijn, 2001, 2003, 2013). Nagy and Anderson (1984) conclude that it would indeed be impossible to explain high school students’ knowledge of 25,000—50,000 words in their mother tongue otherwise. Most words, phrases, and grammar rules have to be ‘picked up’ from the context while engaging in other activities.

While acquiring a first language is not the same as learning a second or foreign language, some research suggests that the two processes are not that different. Moreover, while explicit instructions within the classroom have been proven to be an effective route to foreign language learning, teachers could simply not include enough vocabulary learning in the classroom to explain some learners’ language proficiency (Rieder, 2003). In his work, Krashen claims that the process of language acquisition is indeed not limited to children learning their first language, as adults do not lose the mental capacity for acquisition. According to him, language acquisition is an autonomous process outside of one’s conscious control, as humans cannot choose not to encode and store the information they encounter (Krashen, 1982). Therefore, his input hypothesis claims that as long as learners are presented with a high amount of comprehensible language input , incidental language learning will take place, even in the absence of explicit instructions and intentional learning activities (Krashen, 1985, 1989). Comprehensible input (i + 1) can derive from spoken words or through media channels (e.g., books, movies) and is input that is just slightly more complex (+1) than a person’s current level of competences (i). Under such conditions, a person can derive unknown words and grammatical structures from the surrounding context and thus acquire higher language competences (Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989).

The learning process is mediated by a person’s resistance to process the input, i.e., the level of their affective filter , which is any kind of internal resistance to process the input. It functions as a mediator between the language input and the acquisition process. Even if sufficient comprehensible input is available, a high filter might lead to a reduced or total lack of acquisition. Under such circumstances, the information might be understood in the moment, but will not be processed for acquisition. Reasons for a high affective filter are often anxiousness, a lack of motivation or self-confidence. A person’s affective filter is low if one is not afraid of failure and feels self-confident in their role as a language speaker and member of the language community. Krashen suspects the filter to be lowest if a person does indeed forget that they are speaking another language and are instead entirely focused on the message at hand (Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989).

Given a low enough filter, language acquisition will take place in the language acquisition device of the brain (LAD). According to this theory, learners will naturally progress to continuously higher levels of language competences, as long as they come into contact with enough comprehensible input (Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989). Consequently, a lack of comprehensible input will slow down or stop this trajectory. This might then lead to fossilization , i.e., the learner will stop short of achieving a native speaker level (Krashen, 1985, p. 43). This can happen in two ways: First, learners might encounter input that is too easy and will not provide learners with new syntax or will only subject them to a limited range of vocabulary. Second, learners might encounter input that is too complex and the input will consequently prove to be too difficult for them to decipher. As a result, students will be unable to understand enough of the content to derive unknown words from the surrounding context. Both situations would result in diminished learning outcomes (Krashen, 1985).

Krashen finds empirical support for his hypothesis not only in children’s first language acquisition but also in several studies that show empirical evidence for incidental learning in second and foreign language learners through input from leisure time reading and free reading programs within the classroom, as well as from listening to stories being read out loud (for a summary see, for example, Krashen, 1989). Further empirical evidence for incidental learning processes from language input in natural settings will be discussed in Section  4.2 .

Despite his influence in the field, Krashen has been criticized for his strong focus on language input, and for ignoring the social nature of language and the importance of output production and interaction for language learning in general and for incidental language learning processes in particular. Other researchers have stressed the importance of social interaction for (incidental) language learning. These theories and studies have often drawn on Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory. According to Vygotksy , humans need social interaction and communication in order to levitate their natural biological mental capacities into higher-order mental functions. Only through interaction are these capacities modified and interwoven with cultural values and meaning. Through this process, individuals gain understanding and control over psychological tools, which helps them to moderate interaction with objects in their surroundings. Written and spoken utterances made in a foreign or second language are such objects of interaction (R. Ellis, 2008; Vygotsky, 1978). According to this theory, learners will not be able to interact directly with a language as the object of their attention at the beginning. Instead, they will rely on external assistance in the form of other-regulation via more advanced speakers or object-regulation via tools (e.g., dictionaries), which act as moderators for the interaction with the object ‘language’. Other-regulation through personal assistance in a verbal interaction can, for example, be provided in the form of waiting (giving the speaker time to think), prompting (repeating words in order to help the speaking person to continue), co - constructing (providing missing words or phrases), and explaining (addressing errors; often in the first language) (R. Ellis, 2008; Vygotsky, 1978). Through this assistance, learners will be able to perform tasks which lie within their zone of proximal development . Vygotsky defines this zone as

“[…] the distance between the actual developmental level as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers.” (Vygotsky, 1978, p. 86).

Hence, the zone of proximal development lies between tasks a person can already carry out by themselves ( level of actual development ) and tasks that a person could not perform, even if assistance is available (Vygotsky, 1978).

The interaction with another person or an object frees the novice of some of the cognitive load of the task at hand and allows them to reach their goal. At the same time, the interaction will provide them with behavior to imitate and internalize for future use. In time, learners will become able to perform these tasks or activities on their own and will rely less on outside regulation (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2000, 2005, 2011; Swain, 2005; Vygotsky, 1978).

Eventually, language learners will reach a level of proficiency where they no longer need outside assistance and instead become self-regulating in their use of the language. In this state, a person can facilitate their own language resources through private (inner) speech to achieve and execute control over their mental processes and their interaction with the language. The process from other-regulation or object-regulation towards self-regulation is called internalization, and (verbal) communication is the crucial means by which such a process is achieved (R. Ellis, 2008). According to the theory, the highest level of proficiency in any language can thus only be achieved if learners interact with others and produce output as well as take in input (R. Ellis, 2008; Swain, 2000, 2005).

It might be tempting to equate Vygotsky’s Zone of Proximal Development with Krashen’s i + 1. However, as Dunn and Lantolf (1998) have pointed out, the two theories are incommensurable at their core. For Krashen, language learning takes place automatically within a person’s language acquisition device (LAD), given a sufficient amount of input within a person’s i + 1. If the affective filter is low enough and enough comprehensible input is available, language acquisition will be inevitable. As long as enough input is provided, the acquisition curve will be a steady, continuous, and linear process, moving from one stage to the next (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989; Lantolf, 2005). Krashen does support a weak interaction hypothesis by acknowledging that dialogue and interaction can help to negotiate meaning and clarification, making input more comprehensible. However, he rejects the idea that output production and interaction are necessary factors for (incidental) language learning. For him, a true interaction hypothesis cannot explain cases in which learners have reached a high level of proficiency without interaction. In fact, he sees the value of interaction not in the amount of language spoken by the learner but in the amount of input provided by the interaction partner (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989).

On the other hand, Vygotsky rejects the idea of an autonomous individual acquiring a language through an automatic cognitive process. Instead, he states that language development results from humans constantly developing to a higher state of control over their own mental activities by using the assistance of others or objects. Language development is thus not a linear but rather a historical process, rooted in a social context and acquired through interaction and imitation. As a result, interactional and material circumstances shape the form and outcome of each individual process (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2005).

Dunn and Lantolf (1998) concluded that trying to converge the two theories means reading into Krashen something that is not there and taking the interactive core out of Vygotsky. Instead, they call for an acceptance of this incommensurability and peaceful coexistence, dialogue, and appreciation for their individual contributions to the field (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998). Following this call for dialogue, this study will draw on both theories in order to explain incidental language learning in the context of media-related extramural English contacts. As Section  4.2 . will show, there is empirical evidence for incidental learning processes through input only contact, as well as evidence for the (additional) benefit of interaction and output production.

Similar to Vygotsky, Swain also sees language as an inherently social and interactive artifact that humans use to interact with each other and their environment. In her output hypothesis , she emphasizes not only the interactive nature but also the need for active output production in order for learners to reach higher language competences.

While evaluating Canadian immersion programs in 1985, she found higher French test scores for the immersion students than for the non-immersive students. However, while the reading and listening scores of the immersion students were almost similar to native speakers, their performance for writing and speaking stayed behind those of their native counterparts. Since students in immersive classes are presented with a high amount of comprehensible input on a daily basis, her findings raised doubts about Krashen’s input hypothesis (Swain, 2000, 2005). Swain and her team argued that the important difference between native French speakers and immersion students was that students in the immersion classes were not pushed to produce a high amount of output. For Swain, the production of comprehensible output, i.e., output that is “grammatically accurate and socio-linguistically appropriate” (Swain, 2005, p. 472) for a given situation, and which allows the interaction partner to understand the speaker, goes far beyond simply providing an opportunity for enhancing fluency through practice (Swain, 2005). Instead, the output serves three functions:

First, producing language output can trigger noticing on different levels. Learners may notice a word or form because it is frequent or salient. However, they may also notice gaps and language problems in their own interlanguage, which hinders their ability to express themselves accurately. They might then seek to fill the gap by interacting with an interaction partner or an inanimate tool (e.g., dictionary, grammar book) or make a mental note to pay further attention to the relevant input in the future. In this way, through the recognition of problems, a mental conflict is triggered, and a cognitive process is initiated, leading to generating new or consolidating existing knowledge (Swain, 2000, 2005). Empirical research has shown evidence for such a process in learners after producing written or spoken language output in interaction with another student (for an overview see, for example, Swain, 2005).

Second, empirical findings suggest that output serves as an opportunity for testing one’s language hypothesis and provides the learner with an opportunity to alter and modify the output if the hypothesis proves to be incorrect (Swain, 2000, 2005). This becomes possible through feedback from the interaction partner. The feedback can be implicit or explicit. With implicit feedback, learners must infer the inaccuracy of their utterance, while explicit feedback clearly states where the learners’ utterance was correct and where it was incorrect (Carroll & Swain, 1993). Both implicit and explicit feedback can be positive or negative. Implicit or explicit positive feedback verbally or nonverbally confirms that an utterance was indeed correct (Carroll & Swain, 1992). Explicit negative feedback verbally or nonverbally states that a form does not belong to the target language. Implicit negative feedback occurs verbally in the form of error correction, corrective recast, and rephrasing of erroneous sentences or phrases, or through nonverbal communication (Aljaafreh & Lantolf, 1994; Carroll & Swain, 1992, 1993; R. Ellis, 2008; Long et al., 1998). Both forms of feedback are effective and can provide learners with information that input alone cannot provide. Empirical studies have, for example, shown that negative feedback, both implicit and explicit, can induce noticing of forms and phrases which are not as salient through comprehensible input alone or are rare or unlearnable through positive feedback (Aljaafreh & Lantolf, 1994; Carroll & Swain, 1992, 1993; R. Ellis, 2008; Long et al., 1998).

Therefore, feedback helps learners to test their hypothesis about the target language.

Strategies to solve language problems might include testing alternative hypotheses, applying existing knowledge to the context at hand, and internalizing newfound knowledge into one’s system. In fact, some errors or turns observed in learners’ written or spoken interactions may be seen as evidence for testing different hypotheses about the target language. By doing so, learners are engaged in deeper processing of the target language, ultimately resulting in increased control and automaticity in using the target language. This, in turn, releases cognitive resources for higher-level processes. Therefore, it can be argued that the process of modifying one’s own output represents language acquisition (Swain, 2000, 2005).

Third, the production of language output provides an opportunity for metalinguistic reflective functions (Swain, 2005). By putting thoughts into words, they become sharpened and transformed into an artificial form that is accessible to further reflection and response by oneself and others. Thus, speaking or writing represents both cognitive activity and the product of the activity itself.

In addition, output production triggers a deeper understanding and elaboration because it requires the speaker/writer to pay more attention to the elements of a message and their relationships to each other to connect and organize them into a coherent whole. Through this process, a more durable memory trace is established in learners’ minds, and language learning is facilitated (Swain, 2000, 2005).

All of these functions and benefits of output production are present in collaborative dialogue, in which speakers work together in order to solve linguistic problems and build linguistic knowledge (Swain, 2000, 2005). It is in output and interaction that learners have the opportunity to actually use the target language and stretch beyond their present stage of language competence. Swain, therefore, concludes that the production of comprehensible output is necessary for learners to reach the highest levels of proficiency (Swain, 2000, 2005). Language is thus interlinked with and fostered through social interaction, emerging as a result of “meaning-making processes” (Black, 2005, p. 120) within a specific social context (Black, 2005). In interaction with others, learners have the chance to test their hypotheses and to gain more control over their own language production.

Despite the somewhat incommensurability of the way the discussed theories model language learning and the importance language input, output, and interaction play in its process, the discussed theories suggest that regular contact with a foreign language and the chance to use it to interact with others can result in incidental language learning.

In terms of input and media-related extramural English contact, Chapter  2 has shown that technological developments in the last few decades have made regular access to English-language media content highly accessible for learners in Germany and Switzerland. By regularly engaging in English media content, learners are presented with a high amount of input for the most frequent English words and chunks, both written and auditory. In addition, learners can benefit from contact to less frequent and topic-specific vocabulary. Since learners choose the content themselves, it should be highly motivating and engaging, thus lowering the affective filter.

In addition, newer interactive media channels can further increase and deepen the learning process by allowing learners to interact and engage in dialogue. Here, Vygotksy’s theory and Swain’s output hypothesis provide a framework that might explain why a high level of interactive extramural contact with a foreign language might help students to navigate their interaction with the target language. The interaction will provide them with the necessary assistance to make complex input comprehensible, work through their zone of proximal development, and engage in mean-making processes within a given social context. Such interactions can be with a more advanced speaker of the target language (other-regulated), but also with other inanimate objects (object-regulated), such as additional information material, a dictionary, or other forms of technological tools. This might be especially important for less proficient learners. As learners progress in their control over the language, they might be more and more able to self-regulate and process even complex authentic input on their own. In addition, the chance to produce output and engage in dialogue will help learners to notice gaps in their own knowledge, reflect on their language use, and test hypothesis.

However, it should be mentioned that in the very beginning, learners might not be able to navigate authentic English-language media content even with the help of other-regulation and object-regulation. Instead, most learners will rely on in-classroom instructions at this stage. Even Krashen admits that for most learners, the first contact with a target language will most likely be through the educational system. This in-classroom instruction will provide learners with comprehensible learning material geared explicitly towards their competence level (Krashen, 1985). As such, formal instruction within the classroom will have a significant impact on students’ language development and will lay the base for any future language learning. Indeed, as Hulstijn (2001) points out, most teachers and scientist are well aware of the fact that even though incidental learning is a useful and powerful tool for language learning, it is important to teach learners the linguistic principles and lexical system of the target language, as well as making them aware of (vocabulary) learning tasks and teach them explicit strategies for doing so. Most teaching materials recognize this by including a vast number of techniques and activities to teach beginners and intermediate learners the necessary core vocabulary. This ensures that learners start their language journey with the study of a base vocabulary, learned to automaticity, while contextual learning does only play a role in later stages (Hulstijn, 2001).

In addition, formal instruction will also help learners to develop what Krashen calls the monitor . While a person’s ability to produce language derives from their unconscious knowledge and acquired competence, conscious learned knowledge about the target language serves as a monitor. This monitor helps to regulate and check output before it is uttered. For the monitor to work, learners need to be aware of the rules and be concerned with correctness (Krashen, 1985).

With time, learners will become more proficient and, as a result, will find it easier to find comprehensible media content outside of the classroom and engage in more complex interaction and dialogue with advanced learners and native speakers. Chapter  2 could show that newer interactive media channels do provide learners with said opportunity to produce and actively use English in natural settings. In this way, the media has created new assisted and interactive language learning opportunities outside of the educational setting, which provide more than just language input. New forms of interactive online communication tools, such as chatrooms, messaging apps, and message boards, can provide opportunities for extramural English contacts and activities through synchronous or asynchronous interaction with native and non-native speakers. By using these media channels, learners not only receive a high amount of input but can also actively produce output and engage with others in collaborative dialogue and interaction. In these interactive contexts, they will get immediate feedback on their language production. Here, advanced learners and native speakers can act as sources for other-regulated interaction, similar to a teacher in the classroom. They provide positive and negative feedback and help learners in the form of, for example, co-construction, explanations. Through these contacts, learners may even be provided with the opportunity for a high level of immersion within a language community. In this way, new words and phrases can be used and repeated regularly, which in turn fosters a higher conversion rate into long-term memory (Hulstijn, 2001).

The next chapter will summarize empirical evidence for incidental language learning occurring both from input-only as well as from more interactive media channels.

4.2 Empirical Evidence

Early research into incidental learning processes was often conducted within the field of psychology and concentrated on learning through input by reading or being read to by others. The studies were usually experimental in design and did not focus on language contact through extramural English contacts. In recent years, interest in incidental learning processes through media-related extramural English contacts in natural settings has grown significantly outside of the field of psychology. Extramural language contact in these natural settings might be provided through books or other written online and offline material or through music, podcasts, audiobooks, radio, movies, TV series, TV shows, online communities, and computer games. While the first of these media channels only provide language input, online communities (e.g., social media platforms) and computer games can also provide learners with opportunities for output production and synchronous and asynchronous social interaction. The following chapter will summarize important recent empirical findings for incidental language learning in natural settings among young learners (i.e., children and adolescents) through these channels.

As the media landscape changes rapidly, the summary will focus on newer findings to increase comparability with the present study. In addition, the summary will focus on studies about extramural English contacts in natural settings as this aligns with the focus of the present study. Key findings from experimental studies will be discussed only where they provide important insight otherwise missing (for a more detailed discussion on experimental studies in this area see, for example, Huckin & Coady, 1999; Ramos, 2015).

Studies investigating media exposure within the classroom and homework assignments were excluded as they do not focus on extramural English contacts. This also excludes the use of educational computer games, computer-assisted language learning, online learning platforms, and other forms of material specially developed for language learners.

4.2.1 Incidental Language Learning Through Reading

Books have been one of the traditional ways for extramural contact with English as a foreign language. One advantage of reading is that it provides learners with the possibility of repeatedly encountering unknown words and phrases, thus increasing the knowledge of those words and the chance of committing them to memory (Vidal, 2011). However, research has suggested that reading a book is a demanding activity as learners already need to have advanced language competences (Peters, 2018). According to Huckin and Coady (1999), readers need knowledge of at least 2,000 of the most common words in English to understand and use 84% of the words in most texts (and spoken language). For general text comprehension, readers must even be able to understand 95% of the words used in a given text. In order to be able to do so, people need to know the 3,000 most common words. Complete comprehension will not be reached until one understands 98% of the words in a text, which already requires a vocabulary of the 5,000 most common words. According to Sylvén and Sundqvist (2015), this might be the reason why learners in their study only reported low frequencies of leisure time reading in English. Nevertheless, even though 5,000 sounds like a relatively large number, Huckin and Coady argue that it is well within reach of the average language learner (Huckin & Coady, 1999).

Despite these challenges, empirical research suggests the effectiveness of extensive reading, especially for incidental vocabulary gain. To this author's knowledge, at the time of this study, there seem to be no studies looking exclusively into unprompted extramural reading and language competences in natural settings. Empirical evidence must therefore be drawn from studies investigating incidental language learning in experimental settings. However, it should be kept in mind that these settings do not strictly provide extramural contact as defined in this study.

Elley and Mangubhai (1983) conducted a study to examine the effect of extensive reading programs for children from Fujian primary schools learning English as a foreign language. In the experimental groups, teachers encouraged students to read as much as possible and provided age-appropriate books within the classroom. In one of the experimental conditions, teachers also discussed and followed up on the material. Compared to the control group, students in both experimental conditions showed increased language competences in the post-tests. Even though the study suffers from a lack of control over what happened in the classrooms (e.g., some teachers in the control groups read aloud to their students on a regular basis, even though they were instructed not to), the results all point towards the existence of incidental learning processes through extensive reading.

Pitts et al. (1989) conducted a study with 74 learners of English as a foreign language, who were asked to read an excerpt from Anthony Burgess’ book A Clockwork Orange . The book contains the artificial language nasdat and is thus ideal for testing, as students most likely did not know these words beforehand and could therefore not derive their meaning from any similar words in their native language. They were told they would be tested on the story's content afterward but were not told about any vocabulary testing. Two experimental groups were tested in addition to one control group. Experimental group 1 was given 60 minutes to read the text. Group 2 was additionally shown a short clip from the film before reading for 60 minutes. This was due to the high complexity of the text and the younger sample in group 2. The control group neither read the text nor watched the movie. Results from the subsequent vocabulary test showed a significant difference between the experimental and control groups, with group 2 scoring significantly higher than group 1.

Similar to these findings, Dupuy and Krashen (1993) found in their experimental study that even exposure to 40 minutes of reading showed significant gains in students’ vocabulary knowledge. They showed students of French as a foreign language a short clip of the film Trois hommes et un couffin, followed up by a 40-minute reading of an excerpt from the book. Results showed a significant language gain in the experimental group. The group of 3 rd year students of French as a foreign language even outperformed the advanced 4 th year language students in the second control group.

Both teams concluded that in the light of the significant, yet sometimes minor, gains in vocabulary, incidental language learning from reading can occur with foreign language learners, even in a short timeframe. In addition, subjects were only tested on a fraction of words, meaning that they could have learned other words incidentally as well, without it being represented in their test scores. Furthermore, subjects did not read the entire book, which would have provided them with the opportunity to encounter unknown words multiple times, thus increasing the chance of storing them to memory. Last, the chosen texts were quite difficult for readers in both experiments. Hence, it would be possible that more incidental learning would have taken place if learners had been able to understand more of the texts and thus infer more meaning of unknown words from the surrounding context (Dupuy & Krashen, 1993; Pitts et al., 1989).

In order to overcome the limitations of these earlier studies, Horst et al. (1998) conducted a pre-post-test experimental study in which subjects were asked to read a whole novel over a period of 14 weeks. Students read along while the text was read aloud in class. After each session, the texts were re-collected and stored in the school to prevent students from reading ahead or looking up unknown words at home. The results showed a significant gain in vocabulary by the subjects. The gain was higher than in Dupuy and Krashen (1993) or in Pitts et al. (1989), which the authors attributed to the longer exposure and the longer text. Prior knowledge seemed to have played a moderating role in students’ ability to pick up words, as higher knowledge allows students to infer the meaning of unknown words more easily from the surrounding context. Word frequency in the text also played a moderating role in the chance of words being picked up. In addition, nouns were picked up more often than other word types. In a follow-up interview, students reported being surprised that the words they were tested on in the post-test were actually in the novel. This is a strong indicator of the implicit knowledge built through incidental learning.

Despite the findings, the authors conclude that while reading might be a source for incidental learning, it seems to be a slow process. Learners, on average, picked up one word for every fifth word read. However, this result is much higher than for the previous studies, which found retention rates of around one in twelve (Horst et al., 1998).

Pigada and Schmitt (2006) investigated the influence of incidental vocabulary learning in a qualitative study design. They observed one intermediate learner of French as a foreign language. Even though the study used simplified reading material, not authentic texts, their results are still interesting, especially since they not only tested for increased knowledge about word meaning but also spelling and grammatical characteristics. This aids the understanding of the incidental learning process. As the authors and others have noted, the disadvantage of texts with a rich context is that the meaning of a single unknown word might not be necessary to understand the text as a whole. As a result, learners might not subconsciously try to infer the meaning of each unknown word and thus might not learn the meaning of these words. However, the exposure might still increase their knowledge about other aspects of a word, with spelling being the most affected characteristic. Their results revealed that their test subject was able to recall at least one of the word aspects in two-thirds of the target words. Moreover, while not all words were fully mastered by the subject, he was nevertheless capable of using them in productive writing. The highest number of exposures within the text was necessary for learning the meaning of nouns, and some words were still unclear after they appeared more than twenty times in the text. However, one exposure was enough for spelling in some instances. Results also suggest that the inference of meaning for some words was hindered by the interference of the subject’s native language and similar words in French (Pigada & Schmitt, 2006).

In a more recent study, Vidal (2011) showed significant gains in vocabulary knowledge for language learners through written academic texts. In comparison to auditory input, readers recalled more information overall, especially low proficiency learners. The author concluded that reading provided learners with ideal opportunities to dwell on unknown words and sentences. Repetition of words was an important factor for recollection, with readers needing significantly less repetition than listeners to store words to memory. However, the author also concluded that readers and listeners made more gains in words that were explicitly elaborated beforehand. This shows that explicit elaboration can foster robust connections between form and meaning.

Overall, the empirical findings show that incidental language learning from extensive reading does occur, albeit the process being slow and challenging for readers. In addition, some words (e.g., nouns) seem easier to pick up than others and repetition seems to be an important factor for recollection but does not guarantee a successful learning process.

All of the discussed studies used books or book excerpts for their research. However, the internet has also made new forms of written content available. While social media sites often only provide shorter texts, blogs might provide readers with longer English content from various areas of interest. It can thus be hypothesized that online reading activities will also lead to incidental learning processes. However, to this author's knowledge, there is no empirical data available for reading online in terms of incidental language learning, yet. Studies concerning online communities, including social media platforms, will be discussed separately in Section  4.2.4 , as they provide not only input but also enable output production and interaction.

4.2.2 Incidental Language Learning through listening

Music can be a valuable source for language learning, as the lyrics are highly repetitive, conversation-like, and slower-paced than spoken, non-musical discourse. In addition, people tend to listen to the same song multiple times (Toffoli & Sockett, 2014). It is therefore surprising that there seems to be little empirical evidence for incidental language learning from exposure to music, either in an experimental or in a natural setting. One of the few studies investigating the effect of extramural listening to pop music on students’ vocabulary competences is Schwarz (2013). In the study, 74 secondary students were tested on their word recognition for 14 common words from 10 popular songs. In addition to self-reported word recognition, students also had to use some words productively or provide a translation or synonym, thus making the results more reliable. Results showed a significant increase in vocabulary knowledge between the pre- and post-test. In addition, the qualitative analysis of the translation and synonyms also showed that some students already referred to the song lyrics in the pre-test, demonstrating that they already knew the lyrics and the words were processed in the context of the song. However, four students had inferred the wrong meaning of the target word from the song. The author did not investigate the differences between students with a high number of extramural contacts and students with lower extramural contacts. This is probably due to the small variance in the sample, as all students listened to English music every day (Schwarz, 2013).

Even though the sample size was small, and the data relies on students’ self-reported knowledge, the results showed a promising trend towards incidental language learning from exposure to English pop songs. However, similar to the findings for reading, the vocabulary gains were small (Schwarz, 2013). This once again supports the notion that incidental learning takes place in small increments and through repeated exposure.

In their experimental study,Pavia et al. (2019) investigated vocabulary gains from listening to music for 300 Taiwanese children ages 11 to 14. Their results showed significant gains in knowledge of spoken-form recognition for both single word items and collocations for the experimental groups between pretest and immediate post-test, but not for the control group. Repeated exposure significantly increased learning gains, starting around seven encounters. Overall, students’ learning gains were again small. Results for the delayed post-test could not solely be attributed to the treatment, as the control group also showed a significant increase in vocabulary. The authors attributed this to learning effects from the immediate post-tests or conscious discussions about words and collocations among the students after the test. Experimental and control groups did not differ in regard to their gains in form-meaning connections. This is in line with other empirical findings that showed learners retain spoken-form recognition before form-meaning connection, the latter needing more exposure than the former. As the authors note, this might be even more dominant in exposure to music since songs do not provide as much context as other forms of media content. Nevertheless, even though participants only listened to two songs and results only show learning gains for spoken-form recognition, the results are promising and show that incidental learning through music can occur even after a short exposure and even in learners at a beginner level.

Additional evidence for incidental language learning through music in older learners comes Toffoli and Sockett (2014). Results from their study with 207 Arts and Humanities students in France showed that French university students listen to a high amount of English music on a daily basis; some even listen exclusively to English music. Furthermore, the music was not just background noise, but students engaged in active listening strategies such as looking up song lyrics online or pausing and rewinding songs to understand the lyrics better. Learners were also asked to translate four excerpts from popular song lyrics in order to measure possible learning effects. Results showed that frequent listeners (at least once a week) outperformed non-frequent listeners for all four excerpts. Unfortunately, the language comprehension test only included four items in the form of four excerpts from song lyrics. What is more, it is not clear if learners had come across any of the words presented in the test before. As the authors noted, preferences for genre, artists, and songs varied considerably in the sample, making it difficult to choose lyrics for the test. In addition, the sample size was relatively small. Still, the results yield important insights in terms of the variety of music styles learners listen to, as well as the listening strategies employed by learners.

Apart from music, another form of auditory input is spoken auditory input, e.g., from reading aloud to learners. R. Ellis (1999) summarized findings for language learning by reading out loud to younger children in multiple experimental studies. The results show an increase in language competences for young learners in classes where students were being read to on a regular basis. Again, repetition was an important factor for learning gains. The author also stressed the significance of the opportunity for learners to ask questions and show their non-comprehension in face-to-face settings. These interactions will probably lead to additional input from the reader, specifically tailored to the individual learners’ language skills.

In addition to the reported learning gains from reading, Vidal (2011) also showed significant vocabulary gains for university students listening to academic texts (see also Section  4.2.1 ). However, listeners recalled less information in direct comparison to readers in the sample. Vidal concluded that listening to a speaker seems to be a rather challenging activity, especially for lower proficiency learners, as real-time language processing makes it harder to segment the spoken text into separate words and recognize unknown words or phrases from running speech. As a result of these challenges, listeners most likely needed more repetition in order to commit a word to memory than readers do. However, it is likely that, as learners’ proficiency increases, so will the ability to identify and process unknown words from listening to audio input (Vidal, 2011).

Furthermore, the results showed that listeners most likely cannot suppress the activation of knowledge from their native language. As a result, they often do not recognize the differences in cognates or false friends. They are also less likely to add new, formerly unknown meanings of polysemous words to memory. Instead, they were shown to stick with the meaning they already knew, even if it made no sense in the given context. Readers in the study suffered less from this problem (Vidal, 2011).

However, despite the challenging nature, Vidal concludes that listening to English audio content can aid learners in their language learning process since words heard auditorily are stored directly into the phonological memory. Words encountered in the written form still need to be recorded, a process that might be partially or entirely unsuccessful in some cases. Listening can thus help to foster more stable and long-lasting memory traces (Vidal, 2011).

Similar to Vidal, van Zeeland and Schmitt (2013) conducted a study with postgraduate students from an English university who learned English as a second language. While it has to be kept in mind that the study tested learners much older than in the context of this study, who also lived in a country where the target language (English) was the native language, the results still yield interesting insight into the complex nature of incidental vocabulary learning.

As opposed to earlier studies, this study did not only assess recognition and recall of meaning, but also form and grammar recognition. Thirty high-intermediate to advanced learners of English were asked to listen to a text passage read to them that contained several made-up words. They were told to concentrate on the meaning of the text as a whole. While 20 learners were tested immediately afterward, ten learners were tested with a delay of two weeks to identify long-term retention without confounding learning effects from the first post-test. Results showed a significant but again small learning gain for all knowledge dimensions. Overall, meaning recall showed the smallest gains. Learners scored highest in form recognition, followed by grammar recognition, for immediate and delayed post-test. The authors conclude that these results show that some vocabulary dimensions are picked-up later than others. Interestingly, what little meaning learners were able to gain incidentally was better recalled after two weeks than gains for form and grammar recognition.

Overall, the empirical evidence suggests the benefit of extramural audio contact to a foreign language. As music is a popular leisure-time activity and people tend to listen to their favorite songs repeatedly, extramural contacts through songs offer a beneficial way to learn a language.

English-language music has traditionally been easy to access, even before the advent of the internet in both Germany and Switzerland (see Chapter  2 ). Therefore, music has most likely already been an opportunity for incidental language learning for adolescents in past generations. However, the possibility of modern music streaming on online-based music platforms might provide learners with a greater locus of control over their listening experience. Being able to pause, rewind, and use the lyrics-on-screen function at their own discretion is likely to make input more comprehensible for learners (Toffoli & Sockett, 2014).

In addition, the empirical evidence for spoken language summarized in this chapter also highlights the learning opportunities provided by English audiobooks, radio programs, and podcasts. However, research about learning gains from extramural contacts in a natural setting is still scarce.

Similar to reading, learning gains from this kind of input seem to be small (van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011). This is likely also due to the fact that listening to authentic input is equally if not more challenging for learners. Learners need to know as many as 6,000 to 7,000 of the most common words to follow a spoken discourse (Nation, 2006). In addition, empirical evidence shows that especially low proficiency learners might have problems with the recognition and segmentation of words from running speech (van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011).

4.2.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Watching

English-language movies, TV series, and TV shows provide viewers with both auditory and visual input. New words are presented within a narrative context and supported by visual aids. If subtitles are added, written content is provided as well. Watching movies, TV series, TV shows with subtitles thus provide auditory, written, and visual information, with the latter providing rich contextual clues for the former two (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Lindgren & Muñoz, 2013). In addition, Webb and Rodgers (2009) point out the beneficial characteristic of repetition for vocabulary learning, especially in TV series.

Earlier studies about incidental learning through watching audio-visual content usually investigated subtitled movies and TV series, as these were the options most accessible to viewers at the time. In their study, Neuman and Koskinen (1992) investigated the influence of subtitled TV programs on both language and topic knowledge for Asian minority students in the US. They found significantly higher results for the subtitled TV and the normal TV group in comparison to the two control groups (listen to audio and reading along; reading only). These results strongly support the claim that reading (subtitles) is not the only route for incidental learning processes and that visual content does, indeed, foster learning. In addition, the study also showed evidence that students’ prior vocabulary knowledge and a supportive context, in the form of video print, play an important moderating role in the incidental learning process. However, the authors pointed out that since the content is not produced with the language learner in mind, the content might be too complicated for beginners to follow. In addition, the pace of the spoken information in most TV series and movies might be too quick for some learners and subtitles are designed to keep pace with the scene on screen (Neuman & Koskinen, 1992).

d’Ydewalle and his team conducted several experimental studies investigating the effect of watching subtitled television on learners' language competences (an overview can be found in d'Ydewalle, 2002). Results showed evidence for the fact that reading and processing the input provided by subtitles is an automatic process beyond conscious control and that it triggers incidental learning processes (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).

Incidental learning proved to be even more effective when subtitling was reversed, i.e., when the foreign language was presented in subtitles and the native language in the audio track. The authors attributed this to the fact that processing the subtitles was the main activity for participants and thus, providing the foreign language in written form led to higher learning gains (d'Ydewalle & Pavakanun, 1997).

Furthermore, results from studies with different age groups showed that, in general, younger children pay less attention to subtitles and prefer dubbed movies and TV series. This is most likely due to their lower reading skills. However, a small part might also be influenced by the fact that younger children in the Netherlands (where the studies were carried out) are not as accustomed to watching subtitled television as older children and adults are. As a result, they benefit less from extramural English contact if subtitling is reversed and therefore show lower vocabulary gains (d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).

Results from the research group also showed that the similarity between a person’s native language and the foreign language in question plays a moderating role in the effectiveness of the incidental learning process (d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).

In addition to vocabulary, d’Ydewalle and colleagues are also one of the few teams to investigate the acquisition of grammar and syntax through incidental learning. While the initial studies failed to detect any effect, they were eventually able to show slight increases in grammatical competences. However, it should be mentioned that the increases were most significant when explicit rules were presented in advance. Therefore, the authors concluded that grammar might be too complicated to acquire solely from exposure to the target language (d'Ydewalle, 2002). Increases in grammar and syntax competence should thus only be expected after some form of formal instruction has taken place. They confirmed this in a study comparing children before and after they were first introduced to French as a second language within the school context (d'Ydewalle, 2002). In contrast, words, especially nouns, seem to be much easier to acquire incidentally (d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999).

Apart from subtitled content d'Ydewalle and Pavakanun (1997) also found learning gains for experimental groups with only the foreign language in the audio track (without any subtitles) and concluded that watching the rich visual information provided by the movie enabled participants to derive the meaning of the story from the visual context. This was not the case when the foreign language was provided in the subtitles, and no audio track was played, which is probably due to the fact that participants missed important visual clues while concentrating on the subtitles.

In support of these findings, Araújo and da Costa (2013) could also show that advanced learners from the European Survey on Language Competences (ESLC) did not significantly benefit from movies with subtitles compared to movies without them. The reverse was true for students at the beginner level. The authors attributed these findings to the fact that learners need to reach a certain level of proficiency before being able to process non-subtitled audio-visual content efficiently. Once they reach that threshold, subtitling no longer contributes significantly to the learning process.

Kusyk and Sockett (2012) tested 43 French university students on their word recognition from audio-visual input. High-frequency watchers demonstrated a significantly higher rate of recognizing and ability to define the most frequent 4-word chunks tested in the vocabulary test than low-frequency watchers. In addition, the results showed a tendency for more frequent and more salient chunks to be recognized more easily. The results underscore the importance of previous knowledge for extramural contacts in natural settings. Most students situated themselves at a B1 level at the beginning of the study. As the authors point out, at this level, learners should be able to understand most of the spoken content in standard dialect on TV or radio. However, the results should be interpreted with caution due to the small sample and the fact that word comprehension was not measured by a comprehension test but by students’ self-evaluation.

Last, results from Lindgren and Muñoz (2013) also show that watching television is the second-best predictor for learners’ listening and reading comprehension.

Overall, the empirical evidence presented in this section shows the beneficial effect of audio-visual contact in the form of movies and TV series for foreign language learning. In contrast to audio-only input, watching a movie or TV series provides a rich visual context to help learners follow a story, even if they do not understand every word. Similar to music, the technical opportunities of streaming services provide learners with a greater locus of control over their viewing experience. Being able to pause and rewind, switch between native and foreign language audio tracks and use subtitling is likely to make input more comprehensible and help with listening comprehension overall (Toffoli & Sockett, 2014).

As with other forms of language input, learning gains from this kind of input seem to be small, most likely due to the challenge of decoding words and meaning while listening to authentic language input. Similar to audio-only material, learners need an extensive vocabulary in order to follow spoken discourse (Nation, 2006; Webb & Rodgers, 2009), and low proficiency learners will most likely struggle to recognize and segment running speech (van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011). However, even though the requirements for incidental learning through watching television might be quite high and the medium might therefore not automatically be suited for beginners, Sylvén and Sundqvist (2015) could show that even children as young as 11 or 12 might reach the appropriate level of prior knowledge. Motivation is probably a key factor since the children want to understand their favorite TV series, movies, and TV shows and thus tend to pay close attention to what is shown on screen (Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015).

Apart from movies, TV shows, and TV series, online videos might be another source for audio-visual input. These videos are usually shared via video-sharing platforms, such as YouTube, and cover various topics, from makeup to gaming to lifestyle and mental health. These platforms have also given rise to a new form of celebrity: social influencers (see Section  2.1 for reference). Social influencers produce and upload videos of varying lengths to video-sharing platforms or social media platforms (e.g., Instagram). They often have millions of followers worldwide and post multiple videos per week or even per day. Most of the most popular influencers come from the US or the UK. In addition, influencers from other countries might also choose to produce their content in English to reach a broader audience. Video platforms, therefore, provide an increasingly rich amount of authentic audio-visual input in English, including different accents and dialects. These videos also give insight into different cultures. To this author's knowledge, there are no empirical studies for this form of extramural English contact and language learning, yet. This is surprising, given the large amount of input available and the popularity of these platforms among young people (MPFS, 2017; Waller et al., 2016). It is thus very likely that German and Swiss adolescents follow international English-speaking influencers who meet their interests on social media and video-sharing platforms. This will, in turn, provide them with yet another source of extramural English contact.

4.2.4 Incidental Language Learning Through Online Communication

With the rise of interactive online platforms, such as chatrooms, messenger boards, and social media sites, learners not only have the opportunity to take in a rich amount of language input but also to socialize and interact with other native and non-native speakers online (Thorne et al., 2009). The internet thus provides the opportunity for new, participatory forms of learning and interaction (Black, 2005; Thorne & Black, 2007; Thorne et al., 2009). However, empirical evidence in this area is still sparse. Among the various online communities, fan fiction communities have received the most attention for their potential for incidental learning. The following section will thus summarize findings for this form of participatory writing space and its learning potential, but the findings can most likely be generalized beyond the scope of this specific form of online community.

Fan fictions are “original works of fiction based on forms of popular media such as television, movies, books, music, and video games” (Black, 2005, p. 118). Within these communities, “native and non-native English speakers [have the opportunity] to use literacy skills to forge relationships with individuals who share their interests” (Black, 2005, p. 120).

Empirical evidence for incidental language learning from this kind of extramural contact can mostly be drawn from the work of Black (2005, 2009). The author used ethnographic and discourse analytic methods to estimate and understand how English learners interact and communicate on these platforms. Additional theoretical considerations and literature reviews can be found in Thorne (2008), Thorne and Black (2007), and Thorne et al. (2009). The results show that online (fan) communities offer learners the opportunity to use language in a social environment and in a way that is meaningful to a particular purpose. In order to participate in the community, users do more than type grammatically correct utterances; they use language to create communities and interact with each other (Thorne et al., 2009).

Through engaging in the community, learners get in contact with a rich amount of input of meaningful content, but also actively use language to produce various forms of output and engage in interaction with more experienced members of the community, thus increasing their language competences (Black, 2005; Thorne et al., 2009).

Within fan fiction communities, members can choose multiple levels of participation. First, members can be readers only, i.e., only read stories written by others and benefit from the vast amount of language input through extensive reading and familiarization with techniques and conventions of different genres of writing, without having to produce content themselves (Black, 2005; Thorne et al., 2009). Second, members can choose to contribute by writing reviews for other people’s stories, even though a reader might not be proficient enough in English to write their own stories, yet. By giving others (constructive) feedback, users are able to demonstrate their knowledge and expertise within a specific fandom (Black, 2005). Last, members might decide to write and publish their own stories. Writers can decide to publish in their native language or choose another language. For example, non-native writers might choose to publish their stories in English to reach a larger audience. Announcing one’s status as a non-native speaker might help those authors, as it tells readers to focus on the content rather than grammatical correctness. At the same time, more advanced readers and native speakers often offer extensive feedback on grammatical errors, spelling mistakes, and style issues (Black, 2005). In doing so, they aid novices on their journey to use language as an internal resource to control their own mental processes (R. Ellis, 2008). As Black shows, this form of support and feedback helps non-native writers increase their awareness for audience-specific composition issues and drastically improve their writing skills (Black, 2005; Thorne et al., 2009). Authors might also choose to find a beta reader , i.e., an official proofreader, for their story (Black, 2005; Thorne & Black, 2007).

The actual writing process is further aided by the fact that authors can draw on a rich body of characters and plotlines from the original material. It is also common (as long as it is acknowledged) to incorporate elements and plots from other works of fiction or create crossovers (Black, 2005; Thorne & Black, 2007). By doing so, fan fiction communities not only offer other-regulation in forms of support and help from the community but also object-regulation by artifacts such as existing plotlines, characters, and genre conventions provided by the source material (Thorne et al., 2009). Ultimately, this fosters learners to “move beyond the mechanical aspects of decoding and encoding in the target language.” (Black, 2005, p. 127).

Overall, the analyses have shown that different levels of involvement offer even novice learners an opportunity to be part of an online community and make fan fictions sites a perfect place for collaborative and participatory writing processes. Within the community, learners get constructive feedback from native or more advanced speakers in a supportive environment and have the opportunity to solve linguistic problems together as proposed by the sociocultural theory (Black, 2005; Thorne et al., 2009). Students can revise, edit, and redesign their texts by drawing on and incorporating input from a broad audience of reviewers, engaging in dialog-based interaction, and drawing on the meta resources available in the community. Fan fiction communities are thus ideal places for English learners to become accepted members of an English-speaking community, practice their language skills with native speakers (both receptive and productive), get constructive feedback, and eventually take on their own identity as an English speaker (Black, 2005).

While fan-fiction communities have drawn particular attention by researchers in the last few years, the findings can be expected to be expandable to other forms of online communications, such as forums or message boards and social media. Unfortunately, however, to this author’s knowledge, there is no empirical research on incidental language learning in that area. Nevertheless, it seems that online communities present users with an environment rich in authentic content as well as the opportunity to try out and develop one’s own identity as an English user within an international community. With these characteristics, online communities have long surpassed the simple input mode offered by traditional printed media.

4.2.5 Incidental Language Learning Through Gaming

Computer games have often been frowned upon as leisure time activities and have been suspected of causing violent and addictive behavior in adolescents and children (Graham, n.d.). However, research has shown that computer and video games can also have a positive effect on language learning, especially if they provide gamers with a complex narrative and offer the opportunity to interact with other gamers during the game.

Computer and video games differ in the degree to which they provide such a rich and interactive gaming environment. Following Graham (n.d.), games can be categorized into three levels of narrative complexity. Low narrative games  – e.g., puzzles, rhythm, or simulation games – do not follow a narrative and often have no endpoint or final goal. By comparison, narrative games  − e.g., sport and racing games − provide a narrative and require some background knowledge from the real world. High narrative games provide an even richer and more complex narrative story, in which the gamer has to perform a set of tasks and quests to win the game (Graham, n.d.). It can be expected that more complex narratives might provide a higher level of authentic and comprehensible input to gamers.

Narrative and high narrative games are designed to engulf the player within the inherent logic of the gaming world. While playing, gamers are presented with situations and decisions to choose from. As a result, the course of the story depends on the player’s preceding decisions. Players can thus be seen as co-creators of the game, not just mere users. By playing the game, they shape the game’s environment as much as it shapes them (Gee, 2005). However, similar to the real world, not all actions are available in all situations and to all players alike. Instead, players have to follow a specific set of rules and regulations, which they have to learn and master to succeed in the game (Gee, 2005).

Players get to know the world by wandering through it and solving tasks (i.e., quests) (Gee, 2005; Zheng et al., 2015). Depending on the game, quests can be solved alone or in collaboration with other players. By completing these quests, players build up their character’s abilities, skills, and equipment (Gee, 2005; Zheng et al., 2015). In order to solve quests, players will have to take risks and try out new ways or creative solutions. After successfully finishing a quest, a player moves on to new, slightly more challenging adventures. This forces the player to develop new solutions and communication strategies since the ones used in the level before might not be sufficient anymore. By continuously presenting the player with new and slightly more complicated, yet still solvable, tasks, game designers make sure that the games stay interesting yet rewarding enough for people to keep playing (Gee, 2005).

In such an environment, new information, words, and phrases are introduced at the exact time necessary and are embedded within a situated and communicative context. They are easy to process and do not overwhelm players at the beginning of the game. New words and phrases are also strongly linked to a gamer’s immediate purpose and goals, as the new information is needed immediately to solve the subsequent quest in the game (Gee, 2005). This makes computer and video games ideal for contextualized and situated language learning. By contrast, schools often introduce topics detached from people's goals and purposes, causing them to be more difficult to remember (Gee, 2003).

“People are quite poor at understanding and remembering information they have received out of context or too long before they can make use if it […]. Good games never do this to players, but find ways to put information inside the worlds the players move through, and make clear the meaning of such information and how it applies to that world.” (Gee, 2003, p. 2)

Due to these characteristics, Gee identifies 25 out of 36 learning principles related to language learning in modern gaming (Gee, 2005, 2007). These advantages of gaming for incidental language learning led some researchers to predict the rise of digital games as a game-changer in modern language teaching methodology. However, in recent years, the discussion has shifted somewhat away from how to convert digital games for educational purposes to the notion that digital games already come equipped with the ability to teach cognitive skills and promote problem-solving (Thomas, 2012).

In addition to these general advantages, some games also provide the opportunity to interact not only with the gaming engine but also with other players via written or audio chats. According to the Scale of Social Interaction (SSI) model, games can be categorized according to the level of interaction they allow for, i.e., how many players can play simultaneously. These differ in the way they allow language input and output from the gamers. The model distinguishes between single-player, multiplayer, and massive multiplayer online role-playing games. Single-player games are played alone and do not allow interaction with other gamers. As a result, they only offer language input and few to no opportunities for output production. Multiplayer games allow for the interaction of multiple players simultaneously. These players might be in the same room or might be connected online. These games provide the opportunity for authentic interaction with other players. As a result, they can provide more opportunities for incidental learning within the natural game setting. Massive multiplayer online role-playing games ( MMORPG) can be seen as the most advanced form of interactive gaming. Here a large number of gamers can be logged in to the games’ online servers and can play and interact with each other simultaneously (Sundqvist, 2013).

Within MMORPGs, players are usually encouraged to work together to solve quests. In doing so, players fall back on their social competences from the real world, building social connections, cooperating with each other, and even building communities (Gee, 2005; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Zheng et al., 2015). Depending on the abilities and experiences of the player’s characters, these communities often form rather complex hierarchies and rules of interacting with each other, making sure that each player’s abilities and skills are utilized the best way possible. Novices are integrated into the group and can learn from other, more experienced players (Gee, 2005; Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012b).

Gaming communities in these MMORPGs can consist of people from the same geographical region, who might know each other in real life, but there are many communities in which members do not live close to each other. In these communities, English is often the language of communication among group members (Piirainen-Marsh & Tainio, 2009; Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015). Just as with the skills necessary for successfully participating in the quests, more experienced language users within these communities serve as role models and catalysts for the language socialization of novice English speakers (Thorne et al., 2009). As suggested by the sociocultural theory, social interaction and other-regulated activities help novice learners move towards a self-regulating state in their language and gaming trajectory. In this way, multiplayer games and MMORPGs offer an immersive environment with repeated exposure to the target language in an authentic communicative context and meaningful interaction. Gamers have to communicate, negotiate meaning, and get real-time feedback from their gaming partners. In addition, MMORPGs usually involve a high level of engagement, motivation, and commitment to the task and the people involved. According to Gee, these characteristics make MMORPGs a silver bullet for language learning in natural settings (Gee, 2003, 2005, 2007; M. Peterson, 2010; Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015).

Sylvén and Sundqvist even argue that MMORPGs might be similar to content and language integrated learning (CLIL) Footnote 2 in school, as it forces learners to use their language skills to solve tasks, meet the given requirements in order to be successful gamers, as well as communicate and get immediate feedback from other gamers. Similar to learners in a CLIL classroom, gamers thus have a high motivation to understand new vocabulary and grammar in order to solve quests successfully and communicate with other players. Moreover, since the game is a voluntary, leisure time activity rather than a school requirement, gamers will probably be more motivated to put in endless hours to perfect their gaming and language skills than learners within a classroom (Sundqvist, 2011; Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012b).

The two authors also investigated Gee’s statements about learning principles in relation to the MMORPG World of Warcraft . They conclude that the game does, in fact, provide eight of Gee’s 36 criteria, i.e., active and critical learning, psychosocial moratorium, identity, practice, regime of competence, subset, transfer, and affinity group (Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012b). They also confirm Gee’s proposed similarities between MMORPGs and the CLIL classroom in terms of the authenticity of the materials, the integration within a language community, and learners’ motivation. They conclude that the advantages of playing MMORPGs might be responsible for the repeated empirical finding that boys outperform girls in vocabulary tests, even though girls tend to hold more positive attitudes towards languages and attend CLIL classes more often (Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2012b).

In a similar vein, Zheng et al. (2015) could show that MMORPGs provide learners with a rich input of social, historical, and cultural material to use as tools for their interactions with each other. Similar to Gee, the authors see these characteristics of games as highly beneficial, as they provide players a sense of embodiment by giving them a specific role, a goal, and the opportunity to experience the consequences of their actions. In addition, they found that gaming encourages learner agency and allows learners to transcend from the here and now of the situation to more general knowledge and use of the language (Zheng et al., 2015).

Further empirical support comes from Thorne (2008). In her qualitative study, she could show the fruitful way gamers communicate with each other and how language learning may occur. In her study, an American and a Ukrainian gamer began to communicate and chat within the MMORPG World of Warcraft. Their interaction showed forms of collaboration, negotiation of meaning, feedback, as well as other- and self-correction. In addition, the American gamer reported that the communication reduced inhibitions and insecurities and increased their motivation to further engage in language learning activities.

Similar to these findings, Rankin et al. (2006) showed increased vocabulary knowledge and enhanced output production for four participants in a pilot study. Students were asked to play the interactive game Ever Quest II for at least four hours per week. However, while more advanced learners seemed to benefit from the game-based interaction and communication, beginners seemed to struggle with cognitive overload from the game’s requirements.

In another study, Rankin et al. (2009) employed a pre-post-test experimental design to investigate gamers’ actual increase in vocabulary knowledge and conduct an in-depth analysis of their social interactions. Two experimental groups were established: in the first experimental group, six native Mandarin speakers were asked to play a video game among themselves. In the second experimental group, another group of six native Mandarin speakers played the game in interaction with a group of native English speakers. The six students in the control group did not play but instead received three hours of language instruction. Results showed that the two experimental groups outperformed the control group in the post-test regarding vocabulary knowledge in the context of the game. However, classroom instruction was more beneficial for participants’ scores on sentence usage. The authors attribute this finding to the fact that the employed test was very close to the classroom exercises students were exposed to before. It should be noted that the statistical results should be interpreted with caution due to the small sample size.

In-depth analysis of chat protocols revealed that the native speakers helped and guided the novice players through the all-English interface and the unfamiliar game. Results also showed that language use increased for Mandarin speakers over time. The protocols showed that these gamers started to produce more output as they grew more confident with the game (Rankin et al., 2009).

Results from M. Peterson (2012) also support the fact that gaming can help introduce language learners to specific language practices of a target group. The data showed that the six foreign language students in his sample adapted their interaction strategies in an online-based gaming environment and used time-saving techniques, such as abbreviations and emoticons. The data also shows how students engaged in continuous collaborative dialogue and interaction in the target language English.

Last, Piirainen-Marsh and Tainio (2009) conducted a qualitative study about the interaction of two teenage boys (10–14 years) regularly engaging in playing Final Fantasy X together. Although not an MMORPG, the study shows that even games with extensive (subtitled) dialogues offer a rich amount of linguistic input for the players, as well as a chance for playful and casual practice of language skills. The constant repetition throughout the game can lead to considerable learning effects.

While most studies reported here have focused on interactive gaming, Purushotma (2005) also found evidence for learning effects from non-interactive single-player games. In his article, the author analyzed the benefits of playing The Sims (a life simulation game played in single-player mode). While the game characters speak an artificial language, the game offers a wide range of text within the menu and in-game notifications. The vocabulary resembles an English beginner course, with a high number of everyday words and phrases. As with other games, players will get immediate feedback for their hypothesis of unknown words in the form of character's behavior in the game and the game environment. In addition, the newest version of the game offers the possibility to change the program code to show in-game messages in two languages (e.g., the native and a foreign language) and can offer translations for unknown words within a pop-up window. The analysis shows that even non-interactive games can offer opportunities for incidental language learning. With its high level of frequent vocabulary, games like The Sims might be especially suitable for beginners. The non-violent and fighting-free setting might also make it especially suitable for younger learners. Research has also shown empirical evidence that these non-violent games might be a more attractive gaming option for female students than many of the often violent or sports-centered interactive game options (MPFS, 2017).

Although the sample sizes in the reported studies were often small, the empirical findings in this chapter suggest that incidental language learning can occur from interactive and non-interactive gaming. Furthermore, interactive games can help learners move from other-regulated learning to a state of internalized self-regulation and control of language as a mediative tool, as proposed by Vygotsky’s sociocultural theory. However, as with other extramural contacts, interactive gaming in English can be challenging for beginners. However, collaborative dialogue and corrective feedback from other more advanced speakers can help bridge the gap, reduce inhibition, enhance motivation, and facilitate language learning. Overall, the immersive environment offered by modern interactive computer and video games is thought to offer an ideal platform for situated and incidental learning, thus bridging learning in and outside of the classroom (Reinders, 2012).

4.3 Incidental Language Learning Through Multi-channel Media Exposure

This last section will summarize empirical findings from studies that did not focus on a specific media channel but rather looked at learners’ overall frequency of extramural contacts across multiple media channels.

At the beginning of the 2000s, Hasebrink (2001) showed that the German participants in his studies claimed to have learned around 20% of their English competences outside of school through informal contact (Hasebrink et al., 1997, p. 163ff). However, as this is only a self-reported estimate and the study did not include a test on language competences, these results should only be seen as a rough estimate. However, the result points towards the occurrence of informal learning processes even before the advent of the internet.

The only other empirical evidence for Germany comes from the study Assessment of Student Achievements in German and English as a Foreign Language ( DESI). The study investigated 9 th graders in Germany and included some questions about media-related extramural English contacts via email, video, television, books, comics, manuals, and songs in the questionnaire. While these categories are by no means exhaustive in terms of modern online and offline media content, the results can still yield some interesting insights. Media-related extramural English contact activities showed a medium-sized correlation with students’ English test results and English grades. Students in the highest educational track (Gymnasium) reported higher frequencies of media-related extramural English contacts and a higher interest in reading (Helmke et al., 2008). Apart from these results, no further empirical evidence seems to exist for Germany or Switzerland.

For Sweden, Sundqvist (2009a) Footnote 3 showed significant and positive correlations for the overall frequency of media-related extramural English contacts, vocabulary competences, and oral proficiency (for details about the test procedure see Sundqvist, 2009a). While the effect of reading was especially strong for oral performance, gaming and surfing showed the highest correlation for the vocabulary tests in her study. Dividing students into user groups showed that high-frequency users received significantly better test results than low-frequency users (Sundqvist, 2009a). Interestingly, however, the author also found indications for the effects of extramural English contacts to be stronger for low-frequency than for high-frequency users. She interpreted the findings as an indication that the increase from no contact (0 hours) to some contact (e.g., 8 hours) might be more beneficial than the increase from 45 hours to 53 hours (Sundqvist, 2009a).

In addition, the positive correlation between extramural contacts and oral test results found in the data only holds for two of the four classes, while it is negative for the other two. Sundqvist assumes this could be due to the socio-economic composition of the classes or due to the teacher influence but did not elaborate further (Sundqvist, 2009a). While her sample is relatively small (n = 80), her study does give an interesting and compelling inside view into the field of media-related extramural English contact through the media and the relationship with learners’ competences. In addition, her use of language diaries provides a detailed, in-depth measurement of students’ actual frequency of extramural contacts that might be more reliable than some of the ex-post-facto questionnaires employed in other studies, including the present.

Forsman (2004, cited in Sundqvist, 2009a) also found a significant and positive relationship between the overall frequency of media-related extramural English contact and students’ tendency to use American words and phrases (in comparison to British ones) in his study with 330 Swedish-Finish students. The author attributes these findings to the dominance of American media content.

Lindgren and Muñoz (2013) could also show the positive effect of extramural exposure to a foreign language on children’s listening and reading comprehension in multiple European countries (aged 10 to 11). The results also showed a significant effect for the cognate distance between the native language and the foreign language: students with a native language closer related to the target language showed a significant higher learning effect.

Peters (2018) found a significant positive correlation between media-related extramural English contacts and language competences. Significant effects could be shown for reading books and magazines, surfing on English-language websites, and watching movies and TV series without subtitles, but the correlations were small in effect (except for browsing). Surprisingly the results showed a small negative correlation between vocabulary knowledge and listening to English-language songs, as well as no significant correlation for watching subtitled movies and TV series or for gaming. The study was conducted in the Flemish region in Belgium, which has a high level of non-Flemish and non-dubbed TV productions. The author attributes the lack of correlation between subtitled TV series and movies with test scores, therefore, to the fact that there is virtually no variance in her dataset since almost all students watch subtitled movies and TV series regularly (Peters, 2018).

In addition to the correlations, results from an analysis of variance with covariates also revealed the overall frequency of media-related extramural contact to be a positive predictor for students’ vocabulary knowledge. The effect explained with 13% more variance than the length of in-class English instruction (Peters, 2018, p. 159).

Olsson (2011) focused specifically on the effect of extramural English contacts on students’ writing skills. The author found a strong and positive significant correlation between overall media-related extramural English contacts and test results for a national mandatory writing test. Examining the individual media categories separately, she found a significant and positive correlation between extramural reading, writing, and watching television and the writing test scores. An in-depth analysis showed that students with a higher level of extramural contact on average wrote longer sentences and used longer and more complex words for some text types. In addition, she found that all students with at least moderate extramural contacts reached a pass with distinction or a pass with special distinction in their 9 th grade finals. The extramural contacts also showed a moderate, significant correlation with learners’ grades (Olsson, 2011).

In addition to the overall scores for writing, the study also looked at certain text features in more detail and found significant correlation effects for sentence length in the written mails and the use of infrequent vocabulary for the newspaper articles, but not the other way around. Moreover, even though all students showed a higher variation in vocabulary for the newspaper article than the mails, students with high frequent extramural contacts did show significantly more variation than non-users or low-frequency users. This points towards the fact that students with frequent extramural contacts might gain a more extensive and more diverse language register, which allows them to adapt their language to different text types (Olsson, 2011).

Despite these interesting findings, the results should be read with caution as Olsson’s sample is very small (n = 37). Still, the study gives an important insight into the relationship between extramural contacts and writing in English as a foreign language in general and different text features in particular.

In a longitudinal study, Olsson and Sylvén (2015) also investigated the effect of media-related extramural English contacts on the academic vocabulary of CLIL and non-CLIL students. As in Sundqvist’s study, students were asked to fill out a survey and keep a language diary. Students were then asked to write four argumentative and explanatory essays. The results reveal that CLIL students had slightly more extramural contacts and wrote and read English texts significantly more often outside of the classroom, which in turn seems to lead to a more positive attitude towards English. However, the frequency of extramural contacts did not significantly affect students’ test results and learning progress. The two authors even raise the question of whether or not extramural contacts might level the advantages in language learning for students attending CLIL classes. However, as the authors also note, the study does not answer how much vocabulary students are subjected to through extramural contacts (Olsson & Sylvén, 2015).

Sylvén (2019) further investigated the differences reported by Olsson and Sylvén (2015) with the same dataset. The language diaries from both measurement points again showed that CLIL students were exposed to a greater amount of media-related extramural English than non-CLIL students over time. In addition, the frequency of extramural contacts showed a positive correlation with sentence length and sentence types.

Results from Sylvén (2004, as cited in Sylvén & Sundqvist, 2015) support these findings. The data showed that Swedish CLIL students seem to not benefit as much from English within the classroom as from the use of English outside of school. In addition, although CLIL students on average scored higher than non-CLIL students, non-CLIL students who had a high level of media-related extramural English contacts scored higher than CLIL students who did not have frequent out-of-school exposure to English.

Two quasi-experimental studies further investigated the causal link between extramural English contacts and language competences. In his study, Kuppens (2010) recruited 374 primary students in the Netherlands, who did not have had any English instructions in school and did not have many extramural contacts with English before the study. The questionnaire included watching subtitled television, playing computer games, and listening to music as extramural categories. Non-subtitled movies, TV series, TV shows, websites, and radio were excluded since it could be assumed that a certain level of preexisting proficiency in English would have been necessary to utilize these media forms in a meaningful way. On the other hand, watching subtitled television does not require such a high level of proficiency, nor does listening to music or playing computer games. The results showed that students did use the mentioned media categories regularly. Watching subtitled television showed a significant influence on students’ language test results. Playing computer games also showed a significant effect but only for the English-to-Dutch test, not the other way around. Since the survey did not distinguish between different computer games, it is difficult to determine if variance regarding the preferred games might have influenced the results. The author also speculates that watching subtitled television might be functioning as a form of ‘gateway’ for eventually switching to monolingual television in English as well as the use of other media channels (e.g., fan sites, blogs) (Kuppens, 2010).

In their longitudinal study, Verspoor et al. (2011) compared a group of students who, for religious reasons, had minimal media-related extramural English contact (control group) with students who attended public schools and had the opportunity for regular extramural contact (experimental group). The data showed that lack of extramural contact had a long-term effect on students’ proficiency development. While the control group did not differ significantly in their language competences from the rest of the students at the beginning of the study, a significant difference was found after three years (Verspoor et al., 2011).

Overall, the results presented in this section strengthen the findings from studies focusing on specific media channels. A higher frequency of overall media-related extramural English contacts seems to be positively correlated with higher language competences. While some of these studies only reported correlative results, findings from Kuppens (2010) and Verspoor et al. (2011) lend support to the notion of a causal effect of these contacts on language competences. The results from these two studies also support the claim that extramural English contacts have a positive effect on language competence, even without additional in-class instruction.

4.4 Conclusion

This chapter began by arguing that regular media-related extramural English contact with English as a foreign language can lead to unprompted and unconscious language learning processes. When reading in English, listening to music, watching a movie, or playing a video game, learners usually do not have a dictionary at hand. Instead, they are concentrated on the content and need to derive the meaning of unknown words from the surrounding context. According to the input hypothesis, this will result in incidental language learning, as long as the input is comprehensible, i.e., slightly more complex than a person’s current level of competences. Under such conditions, learners can form plausible and practical hypotheses about the meaning of unknown words. This process is automatic, given that no significant cognitive obstacles or resistance are active (Krashen, 1982, 1985, 1989).

In addition, the chapter drew on the sociocultural theory and the output hypothesis and discussed the possibility of incidental language learning through output production, feedback, collaborative dialogue, interaction, and communication through interactive media platforms and games. According to the theory, learners will only reach the highest levels of language proficiency and self-regulated language use by interacting with other, more advanced learners or native speakers (Dunn & Lantolf, 1998; Lantolf, 2000, 2005, 2011; Swain, 2005; Vygotsky, 1978). Thus, frequent interactive extramural English contact can allow learners to increase their language competences as a by-product of other activities.

The empirical research presented in this chapter has supported the positive relationship between media-related extramural English contacts and learners’ language competences. In addition, newer studies on interactive online media activities, such as gaming or message boards, social media, or online communities, have also shown the advantages of interaction and output production for incidental language learning. While some studies can only report correlative findings, (quasi-) experimental studies have also provided evidence for the causal effect of extramural English contacts on language competences.

Together these findings suggest that learners should not only receive input but also produce, use and repeat new words and phrases on a regular basis in order to foster a higher conversion rate into long-term memory through repetition and forming links with other words within the mental lexicon (Hulstijn, 2001, 2013).

Despite these positive findings, the process of incidental language learning seems to be limited in terms of the scope and speed by which learning can take place. Most of the studies summarized above have focused on vocabulary gains. Studies that have tried to show increases in learners’ knowledge of grammar, morphology, or syntax have generally only reported a marginal effect or no effect at all. Indeed, studies have shown that presenting students with formal instruction before presenting them with an incidental learning opportunity produced larger learning effects for grammar tests (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Elley, 1997; Vidal, 2011). These results indicate that not all aspects of a foreign language can be easily acquired incidentally. While vocabulary, especially nouns, seems to be easy to pick up as a by-product of other activities, grammar seems to be too complex of a topic for such an incidental process. Instead, formal instruction and feedback seem to be needed for learners to grasp important grammatical concepts in a foreign language (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999). However, this does not diminish the importance of learning opportunities through incidental language learning. A rich and vast vocabulary is essential for language learners to master. In order to understand a message, learners must know the meaning and functions of words, as well as the conventional way in which they are used in the target language (Elley, 1997).

Empirical findings also indicate that incidental learning is a relatively slow process, with an unpredictable outcome, and prone to errors. Texts with 200,000 words or more are most likely needed for a person to learn 108 new words (Letchumanan et al., 2015; Sok, 2014; Webb & Rodgers, 2009), and learning gains from listening seem to be even smaller than gains from reading exposure (van Zeeland & Schmitt, 2013; Vidal, 2011). It is thus not surprising that some studies have shown that intentional learning is more effective and faster, even for vocabulary learning in direct comparison (R. Ellis, 1999).

In addition, several factors have been shown to influence the speed and success of incidental language learning. This includes word characteristics (e.g., distinctiveness, polymeny, length, imageability, and correlation between form and meaning), frequency of exposure, repetition, text type, input complexity, contextual clues, learners’ language proficiency, and ability to guess words, mother tongue and motivation. In addition, the proportion of words already known and the students’ background knowledge has also been shown to influence the incidental learning process (N. C. Ellis, 1994; R. Ellis, 1999; Huckin & Coady, 1999; Hulstijn, 2003; Letchumanan et al., 2015; Neuman & Koskinen, 1992; Ramos, 2015; Sok, 2014).

These last two factors also underline the fact that extramural contacts might not be suitable for all language learners alike. As empirical research has shown, this might be especially true for auditory and audio-visual input (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Vidal, 2011). As movies and TV series were not made with the language learner in mind, the high pace, use of less frequent vocabulary, idioms, different dialects, and advanced syntax might simply be too difficult for beginners to follow. Listening to and watching authentic media content in English is, therefore, most likely not suited for low proficiency learners, as they lack the competence to distinguish words in running speech and cannot identify certain word characteristics correctly (d'Ydewalle, 2002; d'Ydewalle & van de Poel, 1999; Vidal, 2011). As a result, learners who have not yet reached the necessary threshold will probably not engage in watching movies and TV series on a regular basis, at least not without subtitles (Webb & Rodgers, 2009).

This problem might be less prominent in books or other forms of written material, in which the reader has more time to engage with the text. However, overall, learners seem to need to have reached a certain level of language proficiency (usually within an educational context) before they can enjoy more complex forms of media content. Otherwise, even the most compelling authentic input will just be incomprehensible noise (Krashen, 1982). This is also emphasized by Neuman and Koskinen (1992), who pointed out the importance of prior knowledge of vocabulary as a moderating variable for incidental learning outcomes. Similarly, Vidal (2011) also found both readers and listeners to benefit from explicit elaboration before the extramural contact. He concluded that explicit (classroom) instruction helps to foster robust connections between form and meaning. Olsson (2016) also suggests that form-focused instruction will enhance the quality and depth of learners’ vocabulary acquisition through incidental learning processes and might help with transforming receptive vocabulary knowledge into productive knowledge. Overall, the findings underline the importance of formal language instruction, especially in the beginning, in order to teach learners the most frequent vocabulary and linguistic principles of the target language (Hulstijn, 2001) as well as providing them comprehensible learning material for their competence level (Krashen, 1985).

In addition to these limitations of the incidental learning process, research has also yet to conclusively prove how incidental learning works within the brain. This is primarily due to the challenges in designing reliable, valid, and objective measurements, as it is difficult to measure what people do and how they deal with an unknown input while making sure that what is measured is, in fact, incidental learning.

Most research in the field of psychology has been experimental in nature, testing participants in a laboratory and sometimes using artificial language to avoid the problem of subjects’ prior knowledge of the language. As a result, findings from these studies cannot easily be generalized to naturalistic contexts (Hulstijn, 2003; Kuppens, 2010).

Most experiments were also only able to provide evidence for short-term effects since they tested participants shortly after exposure to the stimuli (Hulstijn, 2003; Kuppens, 2010). As Vidal points out, the findings might thus only represent the strength of memory traces due to exposure rather than real incidental learning in terms of new lexical entries (Vidal, 2011). Investigating long-term language acquisition would require frequent and intensive contact with a target language. Such intensive exposure is difficult to implement within the confinements of an experimental setting. Still, if people pick up vocabulary or grammar after only a short period of exposure, it is almost certain to assume that more prolonged exposure would result in similar, if not even greater language acquisition (Kuppens, 2010).

Furthermore, most experimental studies tend to have a problem with priming. In order to investigate incidental learning processes, participants cannot be told to read texts and try not to learn something, as that means ‘putting the elephant in the room’ (Bruton et al., 2011). Studies usually ask participants in the experimental group to read a text without telling them that they would be tested afterward, while they instructed the control groups to read a text and announced the post-test beforehand (Hulstijn, 2001, 2003). However, participation alone might be enough to prime participants to expect some kind of test (Sok, 2014). Newer studies usually instruct the experimental group that they will be tested about a certain stimulus and then test a different, second stimulus, for which no test was announced. However, even such experimental designs cannot ensure validity since it cannot be conclusively proven that participants did not have any outside motive to learn. Thus, it is rather difficult to implement a study that can indisputably claim to measure the effect of incidental learning (Hulstijn, 2001; Sok, 2014). Footnote 4

Studies outside of the field of psychology suffer to a lesser degree when it comes to these problems. Instead, they usually struggle to conclusively prove causality. While some studies have implemented quasi-experimental designs (e.g., Kuppens, 2010), most studies were carried out with learners who had already received years of classroom instruction in the target language. In addition, these studies often employed ex-post-facto study designs. It is thus difficult to determine how much of the increase in language competences over a certain period of time is due to extramural contacts and how much must be attributed to students’ prior knowledge and parallel classroom instructions.

Furthermore, while regular extramural English contact can be assumed to increase students’ language competence through incidental language learning processes, it is also very likely that students with high language competences are more likely to engage more frequently in media-related extramural English contact. This is further supported by findings suggesting that authentic media input might be especially challenging for beginners. Consequently, a learner’s language competence and their frequency of media-related extramural English contact will most likely influence each other. As a result of this unclear direction of causality, some of the studies presented above have only reported correlative effects. Thus, while high on ecological validity, most of these studies are relatively low on reliability.

In addition, frequency and form of students’ media-related extramural English contact were often measured via a self-report questionnaire in which students were asked to average their frequency of media contact. A detailed day-to-day analysis of media habits and the specific media content students encounter was therefore often not possible. Thus, some studies cannot assess the true nature and scope of language input students might have had, making definite conclusions about causality impossible. These last two limitations also apply to the present study.

Despite these shortcomings and open (research) questions, the empirical research summarized in this chapter has shown that media-related extramural English contact can have a positive relationship with learners’ language competences. Incidental language learning can most likely be a helpful and interesting route for language learning, especially for more advanced learners. Once students reach a certain level of language proficiency, they will be able to choose from various language sources outside of the educational system, enjoying them for their entertaining characteristics while increasing their language competences, without actively trying to store new information to memory. Learning effects are likely to be strongest for vocabulary, but other areas might also benefit. In addition, newer and more interactive forms of media content might allow learners to produce language output, form hypotheses, and test them in real-life interaction. Through this interaction, learners will also get feedback and assistance from advanced learners and native speakers.

The body of empirical studies summarized above was able to show positive effects for listening, reading, speaking, and even writing skills. Given the highly complex nature of writing in a foreign language, the latter is especially impressive. The present study will analyze the effect of extramural English contact simultaneously on students’ reading, writing, and listening skills (for details on language assessment, see the next chapter). Given the empirical results above, a positive effect of extramural English contacts on all three language skills can be expected. The final research hypothesis is, therefore:

H4: : The frequency of media-related extramural English contact will have a positive effect on students’ reading, listening, and writing skills.

In terms of how much of this process is implicit and how much is acquired through explicit processes, N. C. Ellis (1994) concludes that acquiring vocabulary (i.e., words, collocations, and grammatical class information) might mostly be an implicit process, while for the acquisition of sematic properties and mapping words from context explicit processes are more relevant, see also Rieder (2003). However there is still some doubt if learning without awareness is even possible (R. Ellis, 2008). Since the focus on this study is on incidental learning and not implicit/explicit learning, the distinction will not be discussed in detail here.

Content and language integrated learning can be defined as any form of classroom based instruction in which a foreign/minority or another state language is used as the language of instruction in a non-language related school subject, e.g., biology (Olsson (2016)).

Results reported here are from Sundqvist’s 2009 dissertation. The author has conducted several follow-up studies (Sundqvist, 2008, 2009b, 2011, 2012, 2013). Findings from these other publications will only be reported if they differ from the findings in the main thesis or if they add additional insight.

The same uncertainty seems to arise when it comes to the question of whether operationalizing implicit learning is, in fact, possible. On the other hand, there is consensus that it is possible to operationalize explicit knowledge (Hulstijn, 2002).

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Krüger, M. (2023). Theory of Second Language Acquisition. In: Media-Related Out-of-School Contact with English in Germany and Switzerland. Springer VS, Wiesbaden. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-42408-4_4

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Second language acquisition and identity Definition Essay

Introduction, impact of second language use on identity.

It is difficult to predict or generalize second language acquisition because it is not an isolated activity; this is a culture-specific and identity-bound concept.

A second language user is often introduced into a fresh world that may be radically different from what he or she was accustomed to. One must therefore reconstruct or renegotiate one’s identity in accordance with these new experiences.

Ethnic confusion is something that second language learners in certain communities and generations can struggle with. If a parent migrated from another part of the world such as the Middle East, and moved to Australia, it is likely that the parent would learn English in order to communicate.

After that parent has stayed on in Australia, and has had children in the country, it is likely that these children may not be very fluent in Arabic. Communication difficulties would arise between the two parties. Such parents may decide to take their children to Arabic language schools in order to prevent the loss of their linguistic heritage (Sugita, 2000).

These second language learners would face unique identity challenges, because they would be learning a language (Arabic) that is assumed to be natural to members of their ethnic group. They have the choice of merely focusing on the language without embracing the cultural component of the Arabic world; which would imply totally abandoning the Middle Eastern part of themselves.

Alternatively, they may choose to forge a bilingual identity where they can take on components of both cultures. Several youths often choose the former option than the latter, and they usually end up going back and forth concerning these decisions. They may ask themselves whether they are Australians of Australia, or whether they are Arabs from the Middle East.

It can be argued that the most comfortable position would be to think of themselves as Australians of Arabic descent. However, this middle-ground status still has its own challenges. The individuals may find it tricky to fit into either culture as other people may not relate to them.

Sometimes some second language speakers may think of their newly formed status as a gateway for getting into a higher social class. Identities are often predetermined by the nature of social groups that one belongs to. One’s family, choice of school, place of work, and residential area can define one’s identity.

These groups are rarely chosen voluntarily as most people are simply born into them. Society will differentiate these groups by categorizing them as non privileged or privileged. The non privileged normally have fewer life chances, and may strive to alter their fate. One of the avenues that they may consider is learning another language (Shwartz, 2004).

Some languages such as English are regarded as a bridge to a better life. Second language learners often think of this process as an investment. They may assume that doing so will lead to better material resources. In certain scenarios, these changes may even be more symbolic than materialistic.

Whatever the case may be it is probable that second language learners wish to heighten their value in their social spheres. In other instances, the process of second language acquisition may reinforce one’s social status instead of improving it. The affordability of a foreign language can sometimes hamper certain people that may be interested in advancing their social class.

Indeed, members of the privileged classes tend to have more language options than their financially constrained peers. One’s social location does, in fact, determine one’s ability to access the linguistic opportunities.

Lier (2000) explains that language opportunities can be platforms for constraining and enabling others; they invite and reject others; they also offer opportunities and limit others.

In this regard, it can be stated that the process of second language acquisition is a platform for either improving one’s identity (on the basis class) or reinforcing one’s identity as a member of the privileged class.

As one learns a second language, one moves from an area of proficiency (in one’s first language) to a place of unfamiliarity.

This may necessitate reframing one’s identity based on the opinions of the people who are teaching the learner the second language, or the opinions of members of the new culture that the person is getting involved in. The beginner may be given a new set of attributes that may not be welcome.

Teachers may not necessarily appreciate the student’s other areas of expertise. Members of the new communities may also judge the individuals’ accent or his grammatical errors. It takes a lot of enthusiasm to keep trying regardless of these negativities and judgments.

One must shed off one’s identity as an authority in one culture (with regard to language) and embrace another identity as a newcomer. This may sometimes lead to exclusion or even alienation.

The person may be considered as an outsider and may be deprived from interacting with the very people he or she needs to mingle with in order to learn the new language (Kramsch, 2010).

As a second language learner continues to become more proficient in the second language, he or she may end up being comfortable with people from the new culture. For instance, a Korean student who has moved into the United States may start spending more time with American students after gaining fluency in English.

This may also involve dedicating less time to Americans of Korean descent, and hence creation of a new peer group identity (Potowski, 2007). However, not everyone will do this; some people have to deal with pressures from their friends to stay close to their native ethno linguistic communities.

Embracing the lifelong learning identity in the second language may come at the cost of losing companionship with the student’s first language community.

Second language acquisition is a platform for reconstructing one’s identity because it can cause confusion about one’s ethnicity if one is not fluent in one’s native tongue, and is trying to learn it. It can also be considered as a mechanism for social advancement or social class enforcement.

In other scenarios, it may lead to isolation from members of the second language community. Lastly, it can elicit pressure from peers who may want the learner to limit his or her association with the people from the new community. These are all scenarios in which identity has to be renegotiated.

Kramsch, C. (2010). The multilingual subject . Oxford: OUP.

Lier, L. (2000). From input to affordance: social interactive learning from an ecological perspective. In J. Lantolf (Ed.). Sociocultural theory and second language learning . Oxford, OUP.

Potowski, K. (2007). Language and identity in a dual immersion school . Clevedon, UK: Multilingual matter.

Shwartz, M. (2004). The role of identity in second language acquisition . New Mexico: University of New Mexico Press.

Sugita, M. (2000). Identity and second language learning: local Japanese learning Japanese in Hawaii . Web.

• The Classical Arabic and The Colloquial Dialects: Where the Line Is Drawn
• English vs. Arabic Phonology and Syntax
• The Linguistic Survey: Arabic Language Role in Canada
• Tai-yu Language Policy in Education
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• Language and Culture: Language Acquisition
• The Cornerstones to Early Literacy
• Opportunities of Social Networking for Second Language Learners
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IvyPanda. (2019, April 1). Second language acquisition and identity. https://ivypanda.com/essays/second-language-acquisition-and-identity/

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IvyPanda . (2019) 'Second language acquisition and identity'. 1 April.

IvyPanda . 2019. "Second language acquisition and identity." April 1, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/second-language-acquisition-and-identity/.

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IvyPanda . "Second language acquisition and identity." April 1, 2019. https://ivypanda.com/essays/second-language-acquisition-and-identity/.

Language Acquisition Vs. Language Learning

What is language learning?

The answer to the question everyone knows. It is almost a lifelong process of learning a new language.

And do you know what language acquisition is? What does that mean and what does it include?

Now, this one is a bit challenging.

Language acquisition is language learning, but it actually isn't. It is the capacity to receive and understand a language .

Not to confuse you, but there's a difference between these two expressions. 

Many people use these expressions when they want to explain language learning or vice versa, which is completely wrong. 

To understand the difference between language acquisition and language learning, we will provide you with the details about language acquisition and language learning, how they are similar and are they the same or two entirely different terms. Moreover, you will see for yourself which way is better to achieve native fluency.

Let's dive in.

What is Language Acquisition?

Language acquisition is a natural process of learning a language, usually your native language.

It is a process when a person from his very first beginnings, as a baby, acquires patterns and rules of his primary language, memorizes words and expressions, and learns to pronounce them.

This happens subconsciously when babies aren't aware of it.

Language acquisition happens through memorization and repetition.

When a person, that is, a baby acquires a language, the source of communication is absolutely necessary, which are, in the first place, mother and father.

Kids who grow up in multicultural families , hear more languages at the same time. They acquire them the same way as they would acquire one language. They memorize what they hear, without explaining grammar rules and patterns, for example, or teaching about abstract things.

In language acquisition, there is no need for direct language teaching and explanations of how the language works.

Parents, for example, show their kids with verbal communication and body language how to speak it. They repeat phrases, expressions, and sentences regularly to the children, and over time, they slowly acquire them one by one.

What Is Language Learning?

Compared to language acquisition, language learning doesn’t depend on age.

As you’ve seen, language acquisition starts from an early age, when the baby slowly acquires the language.

Language learning happens upon direct instructions and explanations of the language rules, patterns, and exceptions.

In language learning, people are aware of the learning concept and they intentionally learn it.

People are taught by others, preferably by professional tutors or native speakers. Language immersion is also one of the helpful ways of learning a language.

Language learners have the basic knowledge of grammar and pronunciation, which usually comes from their native language. It helps them understand the whole concept of grammar, pronunciation, reading, writing, and so on.

Language learners are aware of how important word order is in a sentence, why they should learn grammar patterns and exceptions, and how practicing to speak with native speakers helps them learn their target language.

Unlike language acquisition, language learning isn’t a natural process where you ‘learn’ the language by remembering and repeating.

Well, remembering and repeating, yes, but in an entirely different way than language acquisition.

Reading And Writing Skills As Basics in Language Learning

Learning to read and write doesn’t come naturally. 

Language learners have to learn what sounds, signs, and letters represent, how to put them together, and learn how to read them.

Besides letters combination which helps us understand the meaning and learn to express our thoughts, in language learning, we study word order in sentences, their meanings, and the fact when intonation changes, what that means, and how to use it. That way, we learn that a sentence or a paragraph’s unity can have different meanings, which again depends on contexts.

Reading and writing skills are the essentials of further language learning. When we learn to read and write in our target language, we can move forward and improve our other language skills.

Reading can help you sound like a native speaker, while writing is important for any language learner because not only will you improve your other language skills, but you will also learn about the people that speak the target language a lot.

Even though they sound almost the same, language acquisition and language learning are two different things. They aren’t completely different though because both of them are somehow connected to learning a language.

Here is an overview of the main differences between language acquisition and language learning.

• Language acquisition is a natural process, while language learning is intentional.
• Language acquisition doesn’t rely on grammar rules and patterns, that is, a person doesn’t learn grammar and other language skills the way language learners do. 
• Language learning includes a learning process where a person is aware of the importance of all language skills, from learning to read and write to improving vocabulary.
• In language acquisition a person, that is, a kid usually controls the learning path, while in language learning that part of control is on the teacher.
• Language acquisition starts from an early age, usually at home, where repetition is absolutely necessary. Language learning usually doesn’t start from an early age, and it can happen at home, but not necessarily.
• Language learners are aware of their learning process and their intention to improve it, even on a daily basis.

Final Thoughts

So, what do you think, which language learning method is better, language acquisition or language learning? Which way will you become fluent faster?

By language acquisition, you are surrounded by the language all the time but it takes time since you don’t learn it intentionally.

By language learning, you will need days and weeks to learn the language and achieve the desired level of proficiency. 

Both ways are equally efficient and for both of them, it takes time. Learning a language isn’t a magical thing and it can’t happen overnight.

If you’re interested in becoming fluent in a new language, check out these top online learning resources: Kick off your learning with Babbel , where interactive, enjoyable lessons are designed to blend smoothly into your routine, fostering fast and effective language learning. For those aiming for an in-depth understanding, Udemy provides a broad spectrum of courses from basic to advanced levels. To enhance your speaking skills, Preply connects you with native speakers for personalized coaching, ensuring significant improvement. Take advantage of a 50% discount on your first lesson at Preply with this link .

Language acquisition is a natural process of learning a language, usually your native language. It is a process when a person from his very first beginnings, as a baby, acquires patterns and rules of his primary language, memorizes words and expressions, and learns to pronounce them. This happens subconsciously when babies aren't aware of it. Language acquisition happens through memorization and repetition. When a person, that is, a baby acquires a language, the source of communication is absolutely necessary, which are, in the first place, mother and father. Kids who grow up in multicultural families, hear more languages at the same time. They acquire them the same way as they would acquire one language. They memorize what they hear, without explaining grammar rules and patterns, for example, or teaching about abstract things. In language acquisition, there is no need for direct language teaching and explanations of how the language works. Parents, for example, show their kids with verbal communication and body language how to speak it. They repeat phrases, expressions, and sentences regularly to the children, and over time, they slowly acquire them one by one.

Compared to language acquisition, language learning doesn’t depend on age. As you’ve seen, language acquisition starts from an early age, when the baby slowly acquires the language. Language learning happens upon direct instructions and explanations of the language rules, patterns, and exceptions. In language learning, people are aware of the learning concept and they intentionally learn it. People are taught by others, preferably by professional tutors or native speakers. Language immersion is also one of the helpful ways of learning a language. Language learners have the basic knowledge of grammar and pronunciation, which usually comes from their native language. It helps them understand the whole concept of grammar, pronunciation, reading, writing, and so on. Language learners are aware of how important word order is in a sentence, why they should learn grammar patterns and exceptions, and how practicing to speak with native speakers helps them learn their target language. Unlike language acquisition, language learning isn’t a natural process where you ‘learn’ the language by remembering and repeating. Well, remembering and repeating, yes, but in an entirely different way than language acquisition.

What's the difference between language acquisition and language learning?

Even though they sound almost the same, language acquisition and language learning are two different things. They aren’t completely different though because both of them are somehow connected to learning a language. Here is an overview of the main differences between language acquisition and language learning. Language acquisition is a natural process, while language learning is intentional. Language acquisition doesn’t rely on grammar rules and patterns, that is, a person doesn’t learn grammar and other language skills the way language learners do. Language learning includes a learning process where a person is aware of the importance of all language skills, from learning to read and write to improving vocabulary. In language acquisition a person, that is, a kid usually controls the learning path, while in language learning that part of control is on the teacher. Language acquisition starts from an early age, usually at home, where repetition is absolutely necessary. Language learning usually doesn’t start from an early age, and it can happen at home, but not necessarily. Language learners are aware of their learning process and their intention to improve it, even on a daily basis.

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What All Teachers Should Know About WIDA’s Test for English Learners

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Schools are required to test the progress of their English learners each year to determine whether they still need language instruction services or can exit out of such programs. In close to 40 states, that test is known as the WIDA ACCESS test .

What is the WIDA ACCESS test used for?

Offered both online and in a paper format, ACCESS tests students’ proficiency in four domains: speaking, reading, listening, and writing in English. The questions are modeled along academic content they would see in regular classes. For instance, reading questions might be about a science topic. The test is checking for language use in academic contexts, not content knowledge nor social language.

Teachers who specialize in English-language instruction say their general education peers play a key role in prepping students to succeed on the ACCESS test. And researchers who study English-language acquisition agree.

This collaboration between general and specialized teachers is even more critical now, researchers say, because new analyses of national ACCESS scores show that average scores continue to trend down since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic.

For general education teachers to better support language acquisition for the English learners in their classrooms, it starts with familiarizing themselves with the test itself and what scores can tell them about their students’ language needs.

“There is a gap between what general education teachers likely know about the WIDA test because they are unable to see it administered,” said Missy Testerman, the 2024 National Teacher of the Year and a K-8 English-as-a-second-language teacher in Rogersville, Tenn. “I feel like it’s a lot more rigorous than most people are aware of in terms of what our English-language learners are asked to do.”

The WIDA ACCESS test covers language use in an academic context

The ACCESS test takes up to four hours to complete, though timing can vary, and is typically split across multiple days in one week.

The 36 states (as well as additional territories and federal agencies) that use the test are part of what’s known as the WIDA consortium—which provides common standards as the measure of English language proficiency. The test builds from those standards in terms of levels of difficulty by grade level. It’s also an adaptive test—in particular, the online test increases or decreases levels of difficulty (known as tiers) as the student progresses, said Mark Chapman, senior innovation researcher at WIDA. For the paper test, administrators set the difficulty level for each student.

States then individually set the scores students need to get across the four domains to demonstrate proficiency in English. Their scores determine if they remain in an English-learner program or if they can exit.

ACCESS is not a test students can study for. However, students who consistently use and are exposed to language in an academic context throughout the school day are better prepared for the test.

“It’s really important to disentangle that everyday social language, that we know many students who were born in the United States and grew up in the United States … tend to be highly proficient in,” Chapman said. (Many English learners were born or grew up in the United States.)

“But that doesn’t necessarily mean you can understand the language needed to describe a science experiment, or you have the language to talk through the solution to a math problem. Those are different types of language development, which we’re trying to assess.”

What is taking WIDA ACCESS like for students?

Both online and paper versions of the test incorporate several visuals that help keep students engaged throughout and serve as additional support for younger English learners and newcomer students still very new to the English language, said Fabiana MacMillan, WIDA’s director of test development.

Students select answers from multiple-choice options, write or type out sentences and paragraphs, click and drag images, and even record themselves responding to prompts.

To loop general education colleagues into her work with English learners, Testerman in past years has taken sample questions and practice tests that are freely available on the WIDA website to general classrooms and led activities with the whole class.

“It’s really very interesting because sometimes the general education teachers are shocked at how many of their [non-English-learner] students in the general education classroom have trouble with those tasks, particularly around the writing piece,” Testerman said.

“I feel like in some cases, it’s given my [English-learner] students more respect, because their teachers and their classmates see the types of things that they’re having to do on the WIDA test,” she added.

What can the results on WIDA ACCESS tests tell teachers about students?

At Volusia County public schools in Florida, Betsy Sotomayor, an English-for-speakers-of-other-languages resource teacher for the district, regularly meets with general education teachers to review ACCESS sample questions and students’ scores and what they mean for their general classroom work.

For instance, a student may score low in the speaking portion of ACCESS but high in reading. The teacher can ask: Is that student getting enough time to practice speaking in academic contexts in the classroom?

Teachers then have a better sense of what language practice is needed in general classrooms, Sotomayor said.

“It’s just the fear of the unknown. But then once [teachers] understand how valuable this assessment is, they’re all in, they’re really all in, and they really appreciate it,” she said.

General education teachers can improve academic language use for all students

For all educators to better support English learners’ language development, they first need the right mindset.

Just because an English learner’s vocabulary may not be as expansive as others, or they write in phrases rather than sentences, doesn’t mean they’re not connecting with academic content, said Leslie Grimm, assistant director of educator learning, research, and practice at WIDA. They may just not be able to express their content knowledge in full in English yet.

“If you go into these contexts thinking 100 percent that you recognize, you affirm, and you respect where they are in their learning trajectory, and what they know and what they can do, I think that you’ll set up a more rigorous classroom environment,” Grimm said. “Because the reality is classroom environments have to be rigorous to meet any standards, whether it’s English-language development standards or content standards.”

Whether it’s preparing English learners for state standardized tests or the ACCESS test, Grimm has one big piece of advice for all teachers: maximize the opportunities for students to engage across language modalities. (Speaking, writing, etc.)

English learners need opportunities to practice talking and writing in class. Grimm suggests setting up group activities that involve turn and talk where, given a topic, a student may say something and then another says something different, but they’re building on that previous idea and expanding on it.

Students should also be given clear directions on what they are doing across modalities. For instance, if a student is asked to describe something that they’re noticing in a science experiment and must write that down, what kind of language would they use? They may name what they are studying but then may use a pronoun to describe it later, rather than restate the name.

If at the end of a social studies unit students must engage in classroom debate, there are specific language features used when speaking in a debate that students should practice using throughout the unit.

Testerman said that promoting formal, language use in general classrooms is something that benefits all students, especially since language learning never stops as language itself evolves. For instance, the word zoom used to mean moving at a fast pace but is now more often used to refer to the virtual meeting platform and the verb of using said platform, she said.

But Testerman also recognizes how busy teachers are. It’s why she advocates for district leaders to facilitate time for general classroom teachers to plan with English-as-a-second-language teachers so they can review language objectives and learning standards together and come up with a plan on how to best promote language development across the school day.

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