Relationship Between State and Religion in India: A Sphere of Indifference, Contradictions, or Engagement?

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While religious liberty has become one of the frequently deliberated and contested categories in our contemporary global world, its public presence as a state policy has had a long history in the Indian subcontinent. Tracing its origin back to Ashok’s period in third century BCE, this chapter explores the relationship between state and religion from then until now. A close look at Indian history indicates that there have been highs and lows in the relationship between the state and different religions. Conversion of rulers from one Indian religion to another and a relatively successful presence of Muslim and Christian imperial powers in India meant that the subcontinent witnessed mixed articulations of relationship (both positive and negative) between the state and different religious traditions. When a religious tradition becomes a ‘dominant’ (to employ M.N. Srinivasan’s ideas in Sanskritisation theory) religion, that is, the religion of the powerful, the empire/state’s attitude towards the religious other changes substantially. It varies from official patronage granted to certain religious traditions to destruction of famous religious sites—especially those associated with the previous crown—and from the accommodation of religious others to the persecution of religious monks and other adherents. The hostility among the Indian people towards the internal religious other would soon be directed towards the external religious other since twelfth century CE, though such an attuite was not totally incongruent to how the external rulers engaged with the religious other and their culture in most instances. In the modern era, while the constitutionally stated position of the democratic Indian state to religion includes both neutrality/indifference (i.e. Nehruvian dharma-nirapeksata ) and equal treatment of all religions (i.e. Gandhian sarva-dharma-samabhava ), the range of religious freedom citizens enjoy in India constitutes a wide spectrum that differs from one issue to another, from federal government to provincial state governments, and from one provincial government to another. This chapter seeks to unpack the complex relationship between the Indian democratic state and religious traditions in India in different historical periods, geographical locations, political contexts, and demographic milieus. It takes issue with the idea of political neutrality of Indian nation state as enshrined in the Indian constitution and examines other ideas such as ‘preeminent religion’ or ‘first and foremost religion’ for their scope to include different kinds of policies and legislations enacted by elected governments to address the issues and concerns of the Hindu majority in India. From the viewpoint of state-religion relationship, we can identify different ideological constellations in independent India such as the so-called secular Congress, Hindutva BJP, communist governments, anti-Brahmanic Dravidian, and other secular regional parties that were elected to power at different levels and in different places. The policies they adopted towards both the Hindu majority and the religious minorities of India can be anything but religiously neutral. It means that the relationship between secular democratic Indian nation state(s) and religions in India, as elsewhere in the world, is never a settled affair, nor is it an inactive field. It is rather a terrain of engagement and complicity between state and religion and a site of operation that accommodates contradictions of approaches and conflicts of political interests. This dynamic and ongoing relationship not only brings about an intersectional civil space negotiated between what is politically profitable, democratically desirable, and electorally possible, but also places religious citizens and their reasonings in the public square. Whichever party it may represent, the elected political class always seeks to produce, though in significantly varying degrees, an optics of neither betraying the interests of the religious majority nor disfavouring the legitimate/felt needs of the religious minority, thereby carefully crafting a rhetoric of inclusive governance. How does this rhetoric affect the adherents of different religious communities in India and how do state policies impact liberative journey of the socially excluded communities (especially the Dalit and tribal people) among the religious minorities are million-dollar questions which the chapter seeks to answer among other issues outlined above, thereby attempting to narrate the relationship story between state and religion, a story that is unique to India and its people.

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Ponniah, J. (2023). Relationship Between State and Religion in India: A Sphere of Indifference, Contradictions, or Engagement?. In: Holzer, S. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Religion and State Volume II. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35609-4_16

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Politics and Religion in India: An Analysis Introduction

Profile image of Robertson Selvam

The simple thesis is of this paper is that religion and politics were never purely or completely separated in India, in spite of the contributions of modernity and hence it is necessary to strive hard to separate them as secularism seems to be more viable in a pluralistic context. While working towards this direction, it may also be asked how best positive religious insights can guide political wisdom. To derive at this point, I shall attempt a sketchy and graphic historical development of the process of secularization leading to the formulation of secularism and secular state. While attempting to do so, I shall also highlight the never-ceasing influence of religion on politics and how politicization of religion takes place. To prove the thesis I shall analyze the role of Congress party, emergence of Muslim League and religious interest organizations leading to the formation of BJP. Considerable space shall be devoted for the patterns in which BJP attempts to subscribe to communal politics. Before concluding the analysis the areas and issues that need to be considered and addressed can be underlined. 1 Traditional Society The ideological component in traditional societies was provided almost entirely by religion; secular political ideologies did not exist, and the legitimacy of the ruler was based on religious ideas. The religiopolitical system was an integrated system in which ruler, clergy, religious ideology, religious norms of behaviour, and coercive governmental power were combined in order to maximize the stability of society. 1 It is also often true that "in the intricately woven fabric of traditional systems, the political functions of the clergy were no less important than the religious role of the king." 2 In general, the sway of religion over politics was noteworthy in traditional societies because religion is a mass phenomenon, politics is not; but religion can be used to make politics meaningful. Religious values are also an important influence on political culture, and predispose individuals and societies toward certain patterns of political life. 3 The preponderance of religion over politics in specific in the traditional societies has been challenged in the modern society. Here there is a conscious, but often unsuccessful, attempt to distinguish between religion and the other aspects of life. To understand this phenomenon it shall be appropriate to circumscribe modern period.

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15 Religion in India

Dhruba Sinha

Introduction

The module intends to scrutinize the major religions that are prevalent in India, the impact of socio-religious movements and the complex connection between religion and politics. India is often described by an old adage; ‘unity in diversity’. The ambitious project of unity decided to use secularism to fight off the diversity created by religious plurality. Therefore, a study of religion will be incomplete without Indian secularism which will bring with it a brief discussion on communalism. It consists of five sections. The first one will deal with definitions of religion and brief descriptions of a few religions that are prevalent in India. It will explore not only the diverse characters of these religions but also the internal diversities. The second section will discuss three different socio-religious movements which took place in different eras. The third section is on secularism which will focus on its emergence, problems related to it and the issue of communalism. The fourth section will view religion from the perspective of women and the last section will summarise and conclude the module.

1.     Religion

Religion has its origin in fear and ignorance; such is believed by many. In the ancient age, when human beings were merely savages and were unable to explain the forces of nature like lightning, rain, wind and fire. In order to appease these formidable forces they started worshipping them. Thus Gods came into existence.

‘Religion’ is derived from the Latin word ‘Religio’ which denotes bonding. Charles A. Ellwood (1938) described religion as the search for truth and especially for eternal values. Herbert Spencer defined religion as “the recognition that all things are manifestations of a Power which transcends our knowledge” (Hick 1987). According to James Martineau, “Religion is the belief in an ever living God.” The problem with defining religion is that these definitions might be able to capture the essence of a few religions while excluding that of the others. For instance, a definion that stresses on the presence of a divine being overlooks the fact that some religions do not acknowledge such a presence (Clothey 2006).

Karl Marx considered religion as solace to those who are distressed. According to him, religion serves the interest of the exploiters by justifying suffering and  concealing the actual truth. It creates an ‘illusory happiness’ for the oppressed. Weber on the other hand maintained that religious ideas can have a crucial influence on changing the society. In his work on Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber regarded religion as an impetus behind the development of capitalism. Besides other religions, Weber also studied Hinduism and Buddhism.

In India, religion is referred to as ‘Dharma’. The term originated from the Sanskrit word ‘Dharana’ which means ‘to sustain’. In defining religion in the Indian context, T.N. Madan (2003) stressed on some major features such as the difference of conceptualization between dharma and religion. Dharma, according to him denotes the path of righteousness and steadfastness; while religion indicates complete devotion. He pointed to the fact that, religion in India is inseparable from other domains such as politics. Religion in India according to him is marked by pluralism which is evident not only across the religions but within these religions. Acceptance of religious plurality can also be found in the religious reform movements. M. Mohiuddin (1987) referred to the Bhakti and Sufi movements as ‘cross fertilization’ of Hinduism and Islam. Both of these movements stressed on ‘fundamental equality’ of all religions.

India is called home by people whose religious faith varies to a wide range. According to a 2011 census, majority of the population is Hindu while 13.4% are Muslims, 2.3% are Christians, and 1.9% are Sikhs. A significant number of people have their faith in Buddhism, Jainism, Zoroastrianism and Judaism.

1.1. Hinduism

Clothey (2006) while discussing the religions in India warned against the romanticized portrayals of religions. He cited the example of glorified representation of Hinduism as ‘sanatana manav dharma’ which evolved as a reaction to colonial criticism. According to K. N. Panikkar, what is known as Hinduism today, was actually different sects, cults and deities who came together after the advent of Islam because of social necessities. Hinduism according to him is synonymous with Brahminism, which claims its origin in the Vedas.

All the sacred scriptures of the Hindus belong to Shruti and Smriti. Shruti refers to those which were heard while Smritis are those which were remembered. Shrutis are also known as eternal truths heard by the sages. Vedas are a part of Shruti. There are four Vedas. RigVeda, YajurVeda, SamaVeda and Atharva-Veda. The Rig Veda is  considered the earliest one and contains hymns. The Sama Veda consists of hymns in musical notes while Yajur Veda provides guidance for rituals. The Atharva Veda is different in character than the other three and is believed to represent folk religions. Each of these Vedas contains four parts namely Samhita, Brahmana, Aranyaka and Upanishad. The other sacred scriptures such as Puranas1, Itihasas2, Darshanas, Dharma- Shastras, Tantras come under Smritis. The other sacred texts such as Grihya Sutras, Dharma Sutras and Shrauta Sutras which came gradually after the Vedas were guidelines for performing domestic religious ceremonies, public rituals and social ethics (Madan 2003).

These ancient texts divided the society into Varnas, namely Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. According to the spiritual texts, these divisions were made on the basis of qualities (Guna3) and acts (Karma). Purity, energy and ignorance specified Brahmanas, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras respectively. Krishna Chaitanya (1986) described these four castes as “the seers and sensitives, the statesmen or administrators of polities; entrepreneurs and technicians; the unspecialised masses”. Max Weber (1958) defined Indian caste system as a ‘closed status group’, as caste was ascribed on a person during birth and no mobility was allowed. He believed that the success of this system lied in the notion of transmigration and the hope of attaining a dignified life in the next incarnation. However, practice of caste system is not as simple as it sounds. T. N. Madan (2003) noted that the ritualistic practices of these castes vary according to the regions.

Based on people’s perception of Supreme Being, Hinduism was also divided into denominations4 (Sampradaya) such as Shaivism, Vaishnavism, Shaktism and

   1 Puranas can be referred to as mythologies. There are 18 Puranas. These are divided into three categories after three major Gods; Brahma, Vishnu and Maheshwara.

2 Itihasas are the most popular sacred texts. Ramayana and Mahabharata come under this category.

3 There are three Gunas. Sattva Guna, rajo Guna and tamo Guna. Sattva Guna or, Sattvik refers to purity, Rajo or, rajasik to energy and Tamo-Guna or, Tamasik to ignorance or, inertia.

4 Shaivites worship Shiva while Vaishnavites are devoted to Vishnu and his other forms. Followers of Shatism see the Supreme Being within female deities such as Kali and Durga.

Smartism. These Sampradayas were further divided into sub-sects. While most of these forms were originated from Vedism, Tantrikas were believed to be non-vedic. Currently, eighty percent of India’s total population belong to Hinduism. While Hinduism along with Jainism, Sikhism and Buddhism are considered of Indic origin, Islam came from outside.

Muslims are a majority in Jammu and Kashmir, Lakshadeep, Assam and west Bengal. Islam means “the willing and active recognition of and submission to the command of the one, Allah” (Waines 2004). People who follow this path are known as Muslims. Islam is monotheist in nature and the origin of Islam can be traced back to 610 AD in the preaching of Prophet Muhammad. Prophet Muhammad was born in 570 AD in Mecca. He was believed to be the messenger of God. The Quran, the holy book of the Muslims carries the dictation of Prophet Muhammad. Muslims are divided into two sects; Shiahs and Sunnis. The division was created over the conflict regarding the right successor to carry on Prophet Muhammad’s work. The Sunnis who constitute the majority of the Muslim population believe that Abu Bakr, Prophet Muhammad’s father-in-law is the true successor of the Prophet. Shiahs on the other hand follow Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad.

It is believed that Islamic people first arrived on the Indian subcontinent at the beginning of the eighth century though the actual invasion began in the eleventh century. The invaders and their rich culture over a period of hundreds of years were gradually absorbed. According to T.N. Madan (2003), the spreading of Islam happened more through the efforts of Ulama and the Sufis, though incidences of coercive conversion were not absent.

Islam put great emphasis on compassion for others. The Quran asks its followers to spend one-tenth of their income for the welfare of poor, orphans, widows and those who are in need (Engineer 2011). It also asks to cultivate virtues such as mercy, benevolence, compassion and justice. These virtues have been upheld by the Sufi tradition. Sufism advocates asceticism and relys more on morals than rituals. Sufism has been described by Junayd al-Baghdadi, a sufi master, as “self-annihilation in God”. According to Asghar Ali Engineer (1998), Sufis developed the notion of ‘unity of being’, that is, God is one and is the source of all human beings. Therefore, all  human beings deserve equal respect. Sufis went on the path of finding the essence of being, which lies beyond what one can perceive normally and they live a life of purity in accordance with God’s demand. Sufis, share belongingness with those people who are weak and suffer from social vices. Compassion is a crucial virtue for Sufis. The stories suggest that their compassion extends not only to human beings but all living beings. In India four traditions of Sufism can be found. These are Chishti, Naqshbandi, Qadiri and Suhrawardi (Madan 2003).

Islam too has its internal hierarchies and practices of inequalities. Shiahs all over the World are considered inferior to Sunnis. This schism is a perennial source of conflict between them. Muslims in India can be divided into three categories namely Ashraf or the noble born, Ajlaf or people born in low castes and Arjal or the excluded (Ahmad 2009). Among Muslims, these divisions are referred as jatis and there are complex subdivisions based on occupation, birth and ritualistic practices. Imtiaz Ahmad noted that people who belong to Arjal community maintain distance from other communities. In some places, they even have separate burial grounds and mosques. Sometimes, though their presence is tolerated in a Mosque, they are forbidden to sit in front of upper castes.

1.3.  Sikhism

Sikhism originated from Sant tradition in the early sixteenth century. It started as a philosophy which later converted into a religion. Guru Nanak is considered the founder of this religion. He was born in 1469 in an upper caste Hindu family. However, he soon realised the futility of idol worshipping, rituals and rites. He showed his followers the way to salvation through the continuous remembrance of the divine being or, the ‘Akal Purakh’. ‘Kirat Karo, Vand Chhako, Naam Japo’ (do labour, share and eat, recite God’s name) (McLeod 1989) was the preaching of Guru Nanak. By rejecting the notion of difference among human beings he emphasized on devotion, effort and morality. He also put emphasis on meditation as a mean to realise the omnipresence of ‘Akal Purakh’ (McLeod 1989). People who followed him were known as Nanak-panthis and afterwards Sikhs. Sikh religion had ten Gurus. After Nanak, there were Guru Angad, Guru Amar Das, Guru Ram Das, Guru Arjan, Guru Hargobind, Guru Har Rai, Guru Harkrishan, Guru Teghbahadur and Guru Govind Singh. Guru Granth Sahib is the sacred scripture of Sikhs that holds the essence of this religion.

According to W. H. Mcleod (1989), after Nanak it was necessary to have a successor to protect this evolving religion from oblivion. He believed, without a successor Nanak-Panth wouldn’t have survived. He also noted that as the followers grew in number, the philosophy of Nanak was ascribed on new members at birth. McLeod pointed to the fact that with growing number of disciples and expansion of geographical area, there was an increasing pressure for certain changes. Therefore, came into existence the system of supervision, through which people were appointed to act on behalf of the guru. The concept of Langar also arrived during this time. Langar system brought inspiration from Nanak’s preaching against caste-system and unequal treatment of human beings.

The story of the establishment of Sikhism is incomplete without a brief glimpse into the emergence of Khalsa. According to the most popular belief, Guru Govind Singh baptised Sikhs to instigate them against the oppressive ruling and injustice of Mughals. Khalsas are those who go through an initiation ceremony and follow certain codes of conduct which consist of abstinence from liquor, tobacco, practice of dowry or, casteism and protecting the defenceless. Their duties also include worshiping one divine being and contributing one-tenth of earnings for religious purpose. McLeod cited a few more traditional explanations of the origin of Khalsa. One of those suggests that after Guru Tegh Bahadur who died a horrifying death at the hands of Mughals, the Sikhs became terrified, which provoked Guru Govind Singh to turn them into Khalsas ‘to ensure that never again would Sikhs be able to take refuge in anonymity”. (McLeod 1989)

Inspite of Guru Nanak’s preaching against outward rites and practices, Sikhism fell prey to institutional worships and rituals such as the Gurudwara and initiation ceremonies. W.H. McLeod explained these changes as responses towards changed situations, which he believed was necessary as “a growing and maturing Panth could never have sustained the informality of the first Guru’s practice”. Like many other religions, Sikhism could not avoid internal divisions and was split into Amritdharis, Keshdharis and Sahajdharis. Baptized Sikhs who follow all the tenets are Amritdharis; while Sikhs who are not baptized are known as Keshdharis. Sahajdhari Sikhs are those who are not born within Sikhism and choose to become one by following the doctrines. McLeod also noted that caste distinction was not absent  among Sikhs though there was no caste based discrimination. By referring to local narratives, he showed that not onlywere all the Gurus were from Khatri caste; but they also followed old traditional practices of marriage. Studies showed that though the lower castes as well as outcastes embraced Sikhism, the way they used to be treated did not change much. The Jats who according to Hindu Varna system were treated as ‘Shudras’, were attracted to egalitarian nature of Sikhism and converted themselves into Sikhs (Puri 2009). Gradually, they earned land, wealth and high social status. Later colonial rulers elevated the position of Jat Sikhs in British Indian Army. Jats were glorified as loyal, courageous and racially ‘pure’ (Puri 2009). Possession of Land became synonymous with ‘dominant caste’. Mazhabi, Balmiki Sikhs, who did not have any right over land and used to perform menial works, became outcastes. Mazhabi, Rahtia, Ramdasia Sikhs along with few other groups were considered untouchables and prohibited from accessing wells and entering into the Golden Temple . The instances of discrimination during Langar are not uncommon. Incidences of prohibiting entry of Dalit Sikhs into Gurdwaras and proscribing them from using common cremation grounds led to establishment of separate Gurdwaras and cremation grounds for Dalits.

While Hinduism, Sikhism and Islam are theistic in nature, Buddhism and Jainism are what Clothey (2006) described as ‘heterodoxies’. According to him, heterodoxies were those who challenged the Vedic authority and put emphasis on action (Karma) rather than on wisdoms. They not only rejected God but refused to accept the existence of life after death. Buddhism and Jainism attracted merchants (Vaishyas) with its simplistic principles which stressed on morality and working ones way towards salvation (Clothey 2006).

1.4. Buddhism

Buddha refers to one who has attained complete spiritual awakening (Lillie 1975). It means ‘the enlightened one’. Gautam Buddha was born in the fifth century BC at Kapilavastu (Kapilavatthu). He was named Siddhartha (Siddhattha) Gautama. At a young age he realised that suffering is inevitable and went in search of truth. The notion of impermanence and suffering is in the core of Buddhism (Frauwallner 2010). The suffering emanates from ignorance about the ‘real nature of things’. Therefore,  Buddha explained four truths5 and eight paths6 that can enable one to live a life without misery (Krishna 2010). There was no concept of God in Buddhism during the nascent period. However, at a later stage Buddha was deified and rituals evolved. The followers were divided into two sects; Mahayana and Hinayana. The Mahayna sect perceives Buddha as a divine being while followers of Hinayana recognize him as an enlightened human being.

‘Human beings are one and the same in their essential characteristics’ (Krishna 2010. P.104); this was the preaching of Buddha. Buddhist philosophy didn’t really go beyond this immediate life and dealt with ‘eternity’; neither did it try to answer questions regarding existence or, non-existence of God. Rather, Buddhism tried to end the suffering of human beings that emanates from desire and greed. The Scholars believe that Buddhism improved the life of women as it emphasized on equal treatment of both genders. Bhikkhuni Sanghas brought rays of hope for women, who got the opportunity to educate themselves. It also criticized the caste system and untouchability that was prevalent among Hindus. Buddha undermined the position of Brahmin by saying that every person has the right to reach the ‘highest perfection’ irrespective of their gender or, socio-economic background. Buddha asked human beings to abstain from violence, killing and practicing slavery. Buddha emphasized on rational thinking and discussion on resolving issues as opposed to believing something blindly on account of its being tradition, old or, written. Buddha’s teachings have been collected in Tripitakas. Buddhism, because of its non-discriminating feature attracted those people who were downtrodden and suffered on account of being at the lowest strata of social order.

Buddhism and Jainism are not only similar in principles, but similarity can also be found in the stories regarding the early life of Buddha and Mahavir. Both were from royal families and renounced their wealth afterwards (Clothey 2006).

1.5. Jainism

5 Existence of suffering, origin of suffering, extinction of suffering and path that lead to cessation of suffering are the four truths. [see The Buddha- The Essence of Dhamma and Its Practice. P.129]

6 Right understanding, right thought, right speech, right action, right livelihood, right effort, right awareness, right concentration are the eight paths.[p. 134]

Jainism is considered as one of the oldest religions of India. The term Jain came from ‘Jina’. Jina is the one who has been liberated from worldly emotions and enlightened with ‘infinite knowledge’ (Sangave 2001). Self-control, morality, meditation, omniscience and non-violence are the pith of Jainism. Jainism is divided into Digambar and Shvetambar sects. However, it has not been possible to figure out the exact reason of this division. The differences between these two sects are also minimal.

It is believed, Jinas, who strive for the liberation of the human beings, appeared as Tirthankaras at different periods of time. According to Jain phiolosophy, there are twenty four Tirthankaras. Mahavir Jain is believed to be the last one of them.

Jainism also encouraged charity or, ‘dana’. In jainism, charity is believed to be a way of controlling ones greed which is the source of violence (Sangave 2001). It promoted charity by means of offering education, medicine, food and shelter.

Unlike all these religions, Christianity came to India at a recent period. It arrived with Christian missionaries who saw the opprtune of proselytisation in people’s indignation towards the prejudiced caste system. Apart from these, there are many other religions as well as cults which are less heard of. Bauls which can be found in Bengal is the example of one such cult which is similar to Sufism. They are wandering minstrels, who renounced their previous connection to Hinduism or, Islam. In north-eastern India old animistic tribal religion still prevails. According to Clothey (2006), origin of some of the Gods and Goddesses in Hinduism can be found in Tribal religions. It can also be assumed that all the religions which claim hegemony over others on account of being old or, ultimate are delusional.

2.     Religious Reform Movements

Asghar Ali Engineer (1998) often referred to religions as Dogmas. A dogma, according to him is an ‘authoritative doctrine’ which gradually over time gains acceptance by a huge mass and becomes unchallengeable. He denoted this stage as ‘doctrinaire syndrome’ and maintained that most of the major religious faiths are affected by it. He said, “As life is full of uncertainties and doubts, human beings are normally in search of certainty, security and sanctity, and dogmas and doctrines provide all three” (1998.P.3). However, while tracing the origins of religion, one can see that these all started with the search for truth. Religions were meant to be guidelines that would lead human beings to the right path. Engineer (1998 stated that  Islam for example, stressed on thinking, reasoning, contemplating and wisdom. It cautioned against accepting tradition without questioning as “blind faith would lead to empty rituals” (Engineer 1998.P.7) However, over time, these religions digressed into meaningless rituals and superstitions. The stagnation of religions gave birth to all the religious reform movements. Since medieval to contemporary period, history has witnessed several reform movements. Some of these movements were conspicuous while others were more subtle. Bhakti and Brahma Samaj movement were of the former type, while Sufi movement and Bauls were less conspicuous. Along with Bhakti movement and Brahma Samaj movement, we will also discuss dalit movement which also started as a revolutionary reaction against caste based oppression and issue of untouchability.

2.1. Bhakti Movement

Bhakti movement originated during the medieval period and occurred at different places in different times throughout the succeeding centuries as a revolutionary response to the decadence of prevalent religions (Khan). Bhakti has been defined as devotion, love, meditation and continuous remembrance and even as prayer. Ramanuja defined it as “absolute self-surrender to God”. T. Chinnathambi (1994) wrote that Bhakti is attainable by “God’s realization through devotion” rather than ritual. An essential feature of Bhakti movement is monotheism. Ramanuja in Tamilnadu, Jayadeva and Namadeva, Ramananda, Kabir, Chaitanya in Bengal, Tulsidas, Mirabai are some of the proponents of Bhakti movement. Bhakti movement was open to people of all kinds of religion, caste, class and gender. People oppressed by caste hierarchies took solace under it. The advocates of this movement preached equality. According to Ramanuja, anyone can attain salvation as devotion knows neither caste, colour or, social status. Bhakti movement, undermined varna system and the superiority of Brahminism. It was characterized by equality of all irrespective of caste, creed, religion or social and economic status, resistance against caste system, opposition to idolatry and ritualistic practices and complete devotion.

Most of the proponents of this movement preferred the vernacular language instead of Sanskrit as local languages were easily understood by the masses. Therefore, the movement had an enormous impact on the vernacular literature. Tulsidas authored ‘Ramcharitmanas’ in Hindi, while Chandidas produced ‘ShriKrishnakirtan in Bengali. Sri Chaitanya preached the messages in Bengali throughout his life. At a  later period, while residing in Puri he encouraged his disciple to use Oriya. Kabir propounded unity, equality and futility of rituals through poems written in Hindi while Marathi was used by Eknath and Tukaram. Such movements arose whenever, there was oppression and suffering and embraced by a large number of people who were otherwise excluded in the name of caste, class or, jati. Rishi movement and Sant tradition are examples of such movements.

Brahma Samaj movement on the other hand emphasized on recovering the “pure intellectuality of Upanisads” and was mostly embraced by few educated ones but failed to attract people from all sections of society.

2.2.  Brahma Samaj Movement

This religious reform movement started in Bengal by Raja Rammohan Roy during nineteenth century. It was an attempt of few enlightened people to redeem the moral character and to liberate the mass from horrid religious and social rites, rituals and superstitions like Sati, child-marriage, witchcraft, polygamy and other social malaise. This movement started with Rammohan’s rejection of idolatry and criticism of priesthood. He translated Vedanta and five Upanishads in order to inform masses that his assertion is true as it is written in the oldest texts of Hinduism. In 1828, he established Brahma Samaj, which was meant to encourage assembly of all those who did not believe in ritualistic practices, idol worship and had faith in the ‘unity of God’. Afterwards the Brahma Samaj got divided into different sects because of internal Schism.

This reform campaign did not restrict itself to religion but took an ambitious step towards social reform as well. It raised awareness for education of women and eradication of ‘Purdah’ system. Schools and colleges were established and journals were published especially for women. The revolutionaries advocated a ban against polygamy and child-marriage while they supported widow-remarriage. The Civil Marriage Act (1872), which proscribed early-marriage, polygamy and authorised intercaste marriage is believed to be in existence because of Keshab Chandra Sen and the Brahma Samaj movement. Brahma Samaj of India, which was separated from the Adi Brahma Samaj of Debendranath Tagore under the leadership of Keshab Chandra Sen also indulged in philanthropical works like famine relief, night school, dispensaries, etc. Towards the end of the nineteenth century the Brahma Samaj movement gradually disappeared into obsolesce.

2.3. Dalit movement

In the recent period, the biggest movement witnessed against Brahminism is the Dalit movement under the leadership of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. It was an attack on the socio-cultural hegemony of so called higher castes. Ambedkar wanted to elevate the social status of Dalits which he realised will not be possible except by conversion to another religion. Buddhism, which stands at the exact opposite of Brahminism with its equality, simplicity and refusal of idolatry, presented a suitable alternative. According to B.R. Ambedkar, Buddha wanted this religion to be such that is open to change as need arises.

“He wished his religion not to be encumbered with the dead wood of the past. He wanted that it should remain evergreen and serviceable at all times.” (1999. P. 188) While Brahminism posed Vedas as infallible and unquestionable, Buddhism taught ‘nothing is infallible’. It stressed on reasoning and transience (Prasad 1993). Ambedkar also stated that while the root of Hinduism lies in ‘social necessities’, Buddhism thrived upon the principal of morality. Ambedkar and a large number of his followers converted to Buddhism in 1956.

Discussion on religion in India cannot be complete without a glance at the post colonial period. Politics in India has always been under too much influence of religion. History has witnessed religion causing conflict and divergent political interests. Therefore, the leaders used the ideology of secularism to unite the whole nation.

3. Emergence of secular India

Though India is defined as a secular country, the debate over its secular characteristics never ceased. India was declared as secular in the 42nd amendment (1976). In western societies, secularism evolved due to conflict between the church and the state. The supreme authority of the church was challenged because it was viewed as a hindrance for growth, which resulted in separation of church or, religion from politics (Engineer 2011). But, in a country like India, where religion is omnipresent, it is not an easy task to separate nation-state from religion. Therefore, it focussed on treating all religions equally.

The term ‘secularism’ was coined by George Holyoake in the mid nineteenth century. He believed that unity of principles can win over the diversity of opinions. Thus he wished to bring all human beings, irrespective of their religious beliefs, under the  term ‘secular’. Various scholars have defined secularism in different manners. But mostly, they have agreed that secularism is the separation of religion from state or, politics (Bhargava). Some scholars have also defined it as separation of the private from public sphere. Secularism ensures the equality of all citizens.

Nehru described secularism as “freedom of religion and conscience, including freedom of those who may have no religion. It means free play of all religions, subject only to their not interfering with each other or with basic conceptions of our state.” Therefore, Nehruvian ideology viewed secularism as a state of separation between religion and public affairs. Indira Gandhi, the third Prime Minister of India referred to secularism as equal alignment with all religions (Chatterji, 1995). According to Amartya Sen, a secular state must treat all the religions equally. P.C. Chatterji (1995) described a secular state as one that forbids discrimination of citizens on the basis of religion. Non-interference of state in religious issues has also been mentioned by him as a crucial feature of a secular state.

In India, secularism evolved due to political prerequisite. In order to fight colonialism, it was necessary to unite everyone. During the 1920s, the Indian National Congress used the notion of secularism in uniting people from all sections of society irrespective of their religious beliefs against colonial rule. However, after independence, instead of refurbishing the old British structure of governance, which relied on consulting people like Maulavis or, Pundits to resolve issues for respective communities, the constitution of independent India to some extent followed the old structure (Anand). Therefore, the new constitution was not free from imperfections and it reinforced the previous asymmetric ways of treating citizens based on their religious faiths. In the absence of a uniform civil code, the constitution depended on varying personal laws for various religious communities in resolving issues regarding marriage, divorce, adoption, succession, inheritance, etc.

Since its introduction, the constitution has gone through numerous modifications. Many of such modifications have been done with the intentions of reforming Hindu personal laws. For instance, divorce and inheritance right of women was introduced. Furthermore, in resolving family matters state got the ultimate jurisdiction in case of Hindus. Such is not the case of other religious communities. Islamic laws did not go  under any reforms and the consequence of applying personal law was witnessed during the Shah Bano Case7.

Whether or not to implement a uniform civil code is a matter of raging controversy, as many religious communities feel that abolishing personal law will inevitably be replaced with laws manifesting Hindu interests. Moreover, after independence, the clause of reservation opened a door for lower caste people to move upward in the status quo; which according to Ornit Shani (2008), created a complex situation. The upper caste felt threatened by the reservation policies as the situation improved for the backward castes. They assumed that the policies are favouring lower caste people, which gave rise to resentment and violence.

Though the caste system is an inherent feature of Hinduism, at present, caste is seen more as a political discourse (Shani 2008). According to the constitution, a person who belongs to any religion other than Hinduism cannot be considered as scheduled caste and if a schedule caste person gives up Hinduism s/he will no more be considered for the right of reservation as other religions do not have any concept of caste. Therefore, the caste system is not a rigid system governed by the religion anymore. It is governed and defined by the state and its reservation policies.

In spite of advocating secularism, India has witnessed communal violence between religious communities numerous times. Killing of Christian missionaries, violence against Sikhs, recent Gujarat carnage and continual atrocities against Dalits are only glimpses of such violence.

According to Periyar, religion is nothing but the obstacle of society (Veeramani 2011). He believed that religion is the source of all kinds of inequalities and ‘social injustice’. The tendency to prove that one’s religion is superior to that of others resulted only in conflicts. The Hindutva movement that had started in early 1900s resulted in atrocities against Muslims in different places at different times. The announcement of jihad8 by the student organization SIMI is believed to be a counter 

7 Shah Bano Begum, at the age of 62 filed a law suit against her husband after being divorced with five children. The lower court as well as the Supreme Court gave the verdict in her favour. Although the verdict created a huge sensation and was criticized as it was against Islamic law. It was seen as a threat to Islam. Shah Bano Begum was denied the alimony.

8 Islam in the current period is often being associated with ‘Jihad’. The political situation has aggravated the scenario and highlighted Islam in association with violence. Asghar Ali Engineer,  act against the Hindutva movement by some. Recently, SIMI9 portrayed Prophet Muhammad as the ‘prophet of wars’. Irfan Ahmad (2010) on this account remarked that this was invented in the political context where Muslims are becoming the victims of violence. This is how the religious texts and their meanings undergo change to serve the interests of the people in the time of crisis and need. By crisis, I meant the issue of communalism, which assumes that India is divided into distinct religious communities whose interests are contradictory (Chandra 2004).

Communalism according to Bipan Chandra (1987) emerged in India as a result of modern politics. Communalism gets strength from the notion of serving a certain ‘community’, for e.g. Hindu, Muslim or, Sikh. While talking about communalism, one needs to remember that these communities are by no means homogenous in nature. They are divided in terms of region, language, culture, class, social status, food habits and even in customs and ritualistic practices. Chandra (1987) further explained it by saying that “an upper class Muslim had far more in common culturally with an upper class Hindu than with a lower class Muslim. And a Panjabi Hindu stood closer culturally to a Panjabi Muslim than to a Bengali Hindu”. Moreover, thousands of years of cohabitation made people of different religious faiths to exchange and accept beliefs of others. Scholars argued that while seeking the solutions to certain problems, the boundaries between faiths often dissolve, making people seek refuge of gods of other religions. Thus we have deities like Dakhsin Roy and Banbibi in the Sunderban area of Bengal. These deities are worshipped by both Hindus as well as

while explaining the relation between Islam and Jihaad said that Islam is not merely an abstract doctrine. It does consider the socio-political context. Thus, Quran “opposes violence but permits it contextually” (Engineer 1998). He asked the reader to consider the socio-political as well as socio-economic condition of a society where a religion evolves in order to have better understanding. Islam was originated in a period of oppression and suffering. “Thus the Quran sanctions war if the weak are being persecuted and there is no other way left to rescue them.” Hinduism and Sikhism have also supported violence in times of crisis.

9 Students’ Islamic Movement of India is an organization which has been banned a few times after 9/11, as it has been suspected of being involved in terrorism.

Muslims in the hope of getting protection against tigers. Also, if one looks at the shrines of Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir, one can see the influence of Buddhism as most of the Muslims in Kashmir were converted from Buddhism.

4.  Impact of religon on women

Women are the most vulnerable victims of religion. Women have suffered through practices like dowry system, sati, child marriage, polygamy, and devdasi. Hindu religious scriptures have always glorified those female characters that have showed devotion and obedience in spite of suffering. Sumona Vohra (2003) argued that the existent social and economic inequality is derived from these texts. In Islam, women are considered inferior to men. They are advised to be obedient and cover themselves with a veil. Similarly, sacred Hindu texts made women slaves to their father, husband or, sons. They were even advised to worship their husbands. Women were proscribed to remarry after the death of their husbands and instructed to stay loyal to the deceased (Chatterji 1995). It is believed that some of these rituals were restricted to upper caste people. Gradually they were adopted by other castes as well. For instance, at first Sati was prevalent among Brahmins but later it was found in practice among all. Chatterji (1995) also showed that in Buddhism, bhikkhunis are considered inferior to bhikkhus. Bhikkhus are entitled to admonish and “receive cofession of bhikkhunis, but not vice versa” (1995. P.290).

Religions in India are vast and complex in nature. The above discussions showed that not only are these religions distinct in nature, but their numerous sects and sub-sects also vary in terms of beliefs and practices. Some of these religions are animistic, polytheistic or, monotheistic in nature; while others are atheistic. Many cults and sects evolved gradually from these religions most of which degraded over time and are considered corrupted and exploitative now. It also showed that casteism pervaded other religions as well and conversion could not stop caste related atrocities. To ensure equal treatment for all its citizens, India was declared a secular country. It is a country of assorted religions, cultures, values, beliefs and practices. Respect instead of tolerance can lead it towards realizing the true nature of secularism.

  • Metcalf, Barbara D. “A Historical Overview of Islam in South Asia”.
  • http://press.princeton.edu/chapters/i9061.pdf Anand, Anchal. “The Curious Case of Indian secularism”.
  • http://www.isn.ethz.ch/Digital‐Library/Publications/Detail/?ots591=0c54e3b3‐1e9c‐be1e‐2c24‐ a6a8c7060233&lng=en&id=152307 Marx, Karl. Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right 1843-44. Trans. Joseph O’Malley. Oxford University Press, 1970.
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  • Sen, Ragini. Wagner, Wolfgang and Howarth, Caroline. “Secularism and religion in Multifaith societies: The Case of India”. Springer Briefs in Political Science.
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25.  Sangave, Vilas Adinath. Facets of Jainology: Selected Research Papers on Jain Society, Religion and Culture. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan Pvt. Ltd., 2001.

26.  Madathikunnel, Sabu George. “Secularism and the Crisis of Secularization in India: A Taylorian Response”. A Journal of Religion, Education and the Arts, Issue 7, 2011

27.  Larson, Gerald James, ed.  Religion and Personal Law in Secular India: A Call to Judgment.  Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2001

28.  Madan, T. N. “Religions of India: Plurality and Pluralism” in The Oxford India Companion to Sociology and Social Anthropology edited by Veena Das. Oxford University Press.

29.  Prasad, R. C. Ambedkarism. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas Publishers Private Limited, 1993.

30.  Clothey, Fred W. Religion In India: A Historical Introduction. London and New York: Routledge, 2006.

31.  Chandra, Bipan. Communalism: A Primer. New Delhi: Anamika Publishers and Distributors (P) Ltd., 2004.

32.  Selected Writings on Communalism. people’s Publishing House, 1994

33.  Chandra, Bipan. Communalism in Modern India. Delhi: Vikas Publishing House Private Limited, 1987

34. Khan, Rasheeduddin. “The Problematique: The Heritage of Composite Culture As An Input In The Process of Building A New National Identity” in Composite Culture of India and national Integration. Edited by Rasheeduddin Khan. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advancd Study and Allied Publishers, 1987

35. Veeramani, K. Thoughts of Periyar. Chennai: Dravidar Kazhagam Publications, 2011.

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Essay on Religion and Politics in India

Students are often asked to write an essay on Religion and Politics in India in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

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100 Words Essay on Religion and Politics in India

Introduction.

Religion and politics in India are deeply intertwined. India is a land of diverse religions, and this diversity influences its political landscape.

Religious Influence

Religion plays a significant role in Indian politics. Many political parties are based on religious identities, leading to a blend of religion and politics.

Secularism in Politics

Despite the religious influence, India is a secular country. The government is committed to treating all religions equally, ensuring no discrimination.

Challenges and Conclusion

While the blend of religion and politics can create unity, it can also lead to conflicts. It’s crucial for India to maintain its secular nature while respecting religious diversity.

250 Words Essay on Religion and Politics in India

India, a country of diverse cultures and religions, has always found its politics deeply intertwined with religion. This amalgamation has significantly influenced the socio-political landscape of the nation, shaping its democratic ethos and electoral politics.

Historical Perspective

The birth of India as an independent nation was marked by a partition along religious lines, setting a precedent for the interplay between religion and politics. The political discourse in India has been marked by religious identity, with parties often using religion as a tool to mobilize voters.

Religion as a Political Tool

Religion in India is not just a spiritual matter; it’s a socio-political entity. Political parties capitalize on religious sentiments to foster a sense of identity and unity among their supporters. This strategy often leads to the polarization of society along religious lines, creating a breeding ground for communal tensions.

Secularism and Politics

The Indian constitution advocates for secularism, ensuring equal rights and freedom for all religions. However, the practical implementation often gets blurred with political interests. The selective use of secularism by political parties to appease certain religious groups has raised questions about the true essence of Indian secularism.

The intersection of religion and politics in India is a complex phenomenon. While religion plays a significant role in shaping political ideology and voter behavior, it also poses challenges to India’s secular fabric. Striking a balance between religious freedom and political integrity is crucial for the sustenance of India’s pluralistic democracy.

500 Words Essay on Religion and Politics in India

The interplay of religion and politics in india.

India is a country characterized by a rich cultural, religious, and political tapestry. The interplay of religion and politics in India is a complex and profoundly influential dynamic that shapes the nation’s social and political landscapes.

The Historical Context

The intertwining of religion and politics in India is deeply rooted in its historical context. The nation’s partition in 1947, based on religious lines, set the stage for religion to become a central player in political discourse. The political ideologies that emerged, such as secularism and communalism, were deeply influenced by religious considerations.

Religion in Political Discourse

Religion plays a significant role in the political discourse in India. Political parties often employ religious symbolism and rhetoric to mobilize support. This can be seen in the way political campaigns are often crafted around religious identities, with promises made to protect the interests of specific religious communities. This has led to a form of identity politics where religious affiliations often dictate political alignments.

Religious Mobilization and Vote Bank Politics

The concept of ‘vote bank’ politics has further entrenched the role of religion in Indian politics. Political parties often target specific religious communities, promising to protect their interests in return for their votes. This has created a situation where religion is used as a tool to garner political support, often leading to divisive politics and communal tensions.

The Challenges and Implications

While religion can provide a sense of identity and community, its intertwining with politics has led to a number of challenges. It has often resulted in divisive politics, fostering communal tensions and sometimes even leading to violence. The politicization of religion also undermines the secular ideals enshrined in the Indian constitution, which envisages India as a secular state where all religions are treated equally.

The Way Forward

The way forward lies in strengthening the secular fabric of the nation. This requires promoting a political culture where religion is not used as a tool for political gains. It involves fostering a sense of inclusive nationalism that transcends religious identities. Education and awareness can play a crucial role in this, helping to promote a culture of tolerance and mutual respect.

In conclusion, religion and politics in India are deeply intertwined, shaping the nation’s social and political landscapes. While this dynamic has led to challenges, it also presents opportunities for fostering a more inclusive and tolerant society. By promoting a culture of secularism and mutual respect, India can ensure that religion serves as a force for unity rather than division.

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Essay on different religions in india.

essay on religious beliefs in india

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India presents a baffling diversity in religious persuasions and faiths. Although the traditional religion of the land is Hinduism, many other faiths and belief systems, from tribal forms of religion to Buddhism, Christianity and Islam, have coexisted for centuries. They have cre­ated for themselves cultural niches within a shared space.

These faiths are indigenous (Indie) as well as introduced from outside (extra-Indic). The Indie religions have all evolved from early Hinduism, which has been undergoing changes in content and ritual practices in response to the prevailing cultural, ethno-lingual and ecological diversities in dif­ferent regions of the country.

Within Hinduism, a number of sects, such as Vaisnavism and Saivism, emerged on the scene adding further diversity to the cultural mosaic. These sects have a specific geographic patterning of their own in the country. This shows how ideological differences and philosophical interpretations lead to diverse socio-cultural practices and the associated rituals based on religious faiths.

Thus it is evident that the differences in religious ideologies may lead to sect formation even within the same religion. These differences have led to the emergence of regional nuances in religious practices. In the same way, protest movements within Hinduism eventually led to the emer­gence of new faiths, such as Buddhism and Jainism.

These protest movements also led to reform within Hinduism. Another Indie relig­ion—Sikhism—was genetically linked to these changes. In its original form it was a fine blend of the basic elements of Hinduism and Islam. Religious faiths which originated in West Asia, e.g., Christianity, Zoroastrianism and Islam, also found their followers in India. Initially following a sea route to India both Christianity and Islam had their early base in the littoral regions of South India, particularly the west­ern coastal region, from where they spread into the interior parts.

Later missionary activity systematically organized by the Christian missions during the subsequent centuries, particularly the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries, found many responsive groups among the tribes and the Hindu depressed castes. The spread of Islam In northern and western India was a later phenomenon. In fact, it fol­lowed the sequence of developments leading to the Muslim conquest of the northern parts of the country in the medieval period. Unlike the Christian missionary activity Islamic enterprise was never system­atically organized.

However, the emergence of Muslim seats of power in the different regions of the country provided an added incen­tive to conversion. Evidently, coexistence of multiple faiths and a pervasive spirit of tolerance has been a distinguishing feature of the Indian society through the ages.

Social Expression of Religious Identity:

Although religion is a matter of personal faith, religious identity of an individual in India is often expressed at the social plane. Unlike the western world where mass celebration of the religious occasions is in­frequent, more so the public display of festivities is rare, religious celebration in the oriental societies is a sociological phenomenon. The Indian society conforms to this norm. Mass festivals are common and the year is dotted with religious events, major as well as minor, which have far-reaching social implications.

In fact, in some religious groups, there are several occasions during the year when people publicly dis­play their adherence to a certain form of religious ritual. For example, large processions are taken out with great zeal. Likewise, people offer mass prayers in mosques and churches on certain festivals.

Mass prayers are also held in mosques on every Friday. The celebration of festivals acquires dimensions which transcends the limits of the private sphere of life. They become occasions of public expression of religious identity. These practices have continued and co-existed giving strength to the pluralistic nature of India’s religion-cultural ethos.

Elements of Religious Identity:

The issue of religion, or religion-based identity, may be approached in several ways.

First, religion is a matter of faith, a personal affair and a philosophy of life of an individual or a group of individuals.

Secondly, and flowing from the first, followers of a certain religion, by virtue of their adherence to a common faith, may develop a community feeling. This leads to conscious or unconscious expression of solidarity with the followers of that religious faith. This community feeling charac­terizes all religious group formations.

Thirdly, a common code of social conduct based on a religious faith may lead to public expressions of a particular religious identity, e.g., dressing in a particular way, avoidance of certain items of food and mass assemblies and public demonstrations on religious occasions.

These divergent codes of con­duct and socio-cultural practices eventually lead to a consciousness of religious and cultural differences. Followers of other religions are often ranked on a scale constructed in the light of a particular religious ideology and are then rated as superior, inferior or even untouchable.

If religion is a matter of personal faith, and there is little adherence to a publicly manifested code of conduct, it does not affect anybody. But if there is a public assertion of one’s religious identity expressed pro­nouncedly in dress ways, food ways, avoidance of or preference for certain items of food, cooking habits, eating habits, inhibitions in in­ter-dining and so on, a religious group acquires an identity of its own and gets differentiated from other religious groups on a social basis.

Other forms of discriminatory social behaviour follow. This pro­motes, on the one hand, an internal feeling of solidarity and, on the other, a feeling of division. Such divisive tendencies may acquire acute forms and may result in a variety of social conflicts. When groups are formed and perceived on religious basis social authority is often likely to be wielded by a priestly class (the authority of the church as in Ro­man Catholics or the authority of the Ulema as in Islam, although the two are not comparable in orientation and rigour).

This sooner or later acquires political nuances. When such a stage is reached, religion is likely to become the basis of social mobilization which eventually may lead to a social discord. The highest stage in this regimentation is reached when a state identifies itself with a particular religion and sub­jects the followers of other religions, or religious minorities, if any, to a discriminatory treatment. Theocratic states based on dissimilar relig­ious formations may eventually confront each other in situations of war in an attempt to subjugate each other. Crusades were the best ex­ample of such conflicts when the contesting parties were fighting in the name of religion.

The above discussion shows that religion in the world societies has not always been purely a matter of simple faith. Actions of indi­viduals or groups often transcend the limits of personal space. Then religion becomes a manifested basis of social differentiation.

In that role, it has far-reaching operational implications which do not always seem to hint at harmony or cohesion. At the same time, there is no gainsaying the fact that in the world society, religion as a moral phi­losophy has played a role of promoting harmony, peace and commitment to civilized public behaviour. The values inculcated by religious teachings are universal and reveal the essential unity of all re­ligions.

Religion has acted as a civilizing force promoting humanism, respect for other forms of identity and a spirit of sacrifice in an Endeavour to achieve higher goals for human coexistence. Religion has induced individuals to subordinate themselves to the higher ideals of humanism and sacrifice their own comforts for the collective good of the humankind.

However, human history is also full of instances when religion-based spirit of harmony and compression has been largely ignored in order to establish the supremacy of a given religious formation. The same factors which are cohesive in a given formation become the basis of rivalry and competition between the different re­ligious groups.

While it is true that religion promotes spiritualism, spiritual values have often been superseded by the human lust for secu­lar authority and material well-being. Despite the religious teachings for good moral behaviour conflict between the good and the evil has continued through history.

Religion in Indian Society: Historical Background:

Let us now examine the place of religion in Indian society in its his­torical context. Religion is a form of social organization. While it is personalized, social expression of one’s religious identity leads to sig­nificant behavioural patterns. The attitudes adopted by different religious groups reveal that ideology is a determining force in social behaviour. People chalk out their social interaction modes in the light of the religious faith they profess. The ramifications of a differential pattern of social behaviour are seen in patterns of social interaction, celebration of festivals, organization of cultural activities, manage­ment of social space and personal manners.

Western education has brought about a certain degree of social transformation; nonetheless the hold of religious ideologies is too strong. At the same time, it is true that an enlightened class of Indians is thoroughly secular and ca­pable of rising above the religious identities in all situations of crisis.

While Hinduism is the religion of the land, there is no one pan-In­dian form of religion. In fact, Hinduism has been evolving through the ages. Moreover, it has interesting regional forms and each cultural region has its own distinguishing traits expressed in rituals, customs, ceremonies, festivals and social practices. An early form of Hinduism, based on the worship of mother goddess gradually changed into a re­ligious form commonly referred to as Vedic Hinduism (Box 7.1).

Mother Earth

The advent of Vedic religion led to drastic modification of the ancient faith around the middle of the second millennium B.C. While the Vedic re­ligion remained as a superstructure, regional forms of faith based on a blending of local varieties with the newly introduced elements contin­ued as a substratum. It is commonly known that the transformation of early Hinduism into Vedic form of religion started with the advent of the Indo-Aryan language, particularly Sanskrit, which became the vehicle for this change. The Vedic theology according to one interpretation “begins with the worship of the things of heaven, and ends with the worship of the things of earth”.

The gods of heaven included Surya, Savitar and Bhaga, which really implies the worship of sun in different forms. Then was the worship of the gods of the intermediate sky, Indra, and earth-born gods, Agni, Soma, etc. Gradually, the concept of sraddha, or periodical feast of the dead, led to the emergence of the cult of sacri­fice.

The Rig-Veda recorded the practices and the rituals associated with the different forms of worship as the Vedic religion spread to other re­gions of India from its homeland in the Sapta-Sindhava region. It acquired distinct regional forms. The Hindu pantheon recognized a Super Being, an Atman or Parmatman which permeated all beings, in­cluding the gods they worshipped.

The Vedic theology was not a fixed set of ideas. In fact, it continued to evolve from the period of the Vedas to that of the Brahmanas and the Upanishads. During these evolutionary stages significant changes were registered in the Hindu philosophy and the very concept of gods underwent a change. As Brahmanism became rigid protest movements against the as­cetic fraternity of the Brahmans were launched. These protest movements eventually led to the emergence of new faiths, such as Buddhism and Jainism. Buddhism was a heretical movement. Basi­cally, it was a reformation movement and a protest against the ascendancy of the priestly class.

Buddhism, in its original form, was not a religion as such. It was simply a monastic organization. It in­sisted on a non-Brahmanic order. In its historical context, it appears that it was a culmination of the ongoing conflict between the Brah­man and the Kshatriya. In the background of Magadha one can understand that the Kshatriya was in a dominating position. The fact that these protest movements originated in Magadha explains the na­ture of the caste conflict so peculiar of the region. Early Buddhism tried to disentangle people from the Brahmanical cult.

Among the ba­sic elements of Buddhism were the sanctity of animal life (ahimsa) and the craving for salvation (nirvana). However, the early Buddhist gos­pels were a continuation of the old Hindu beliefs and ethics. Buddha laid an extraordinary stress on the issue of nirvana. It is a remarkable feature of India’s religious tolerance that in spite of its opposition to Brahmanical supremacy Buddhism co-existed with Brahmanism for more than a millennium. In its early days Buddhism benefited from its practice of holding sangha (congregation of monks or monastic order) in the propagation and consolidation of Buddhist faith.

Through these congregations Buddhist preachers redefined their position vis-a-vis the basic philosophical issues. It is also believed that Buddhism also bene­fited when the state adopted it perhaps as a state religion under Asoka. Asoka’s role in the propagation of Buddhism to other parts of the world, such as Sri Lanka and Central and Eastern Asia, is too well known. With the passage of time Buddhism got divided into two schools of thought—Hinayana and Mahayana.

The Mahayana school which developed under Kanishka promised salvation to the entire uni­verse as against the Hinayana concept of salvation of the few. It is a known history that Buddhism started declining in its homeland while it flourished abroad. Hiuen Tsiang’s visit to India during 629-45 A.D. confirmed its general state of decay. It is understood that the main cause of this decline was Brahmanical revivalism attended by a refor­mation movement within Brahamanism.

The rise of Brahamanism is attributed to the efforts of Kumarila Bhatta, a Brahman preacher of Bi­har and his disciple, Sankaracharya. There were other factors too. For example, the Buddhist creed was based on a high standard of morality, much higher than the level of common people.

Moreover, rejection of the sacrificial cult and abstraction of the concept of god acted as dis­tracting factors, hastening the decay of Buddhism. The common Hindu was more interested in gods which were concrete objects of worship. Thus, the decline of Buddhism may be an outcome of the re­surgence of Brahamanism as well as the natural decay of the Buddhist faith among the masses.

The ascetic fraternity of the Brahmans led to another protest movement which came to be known as Jainism. The movement emerged in the lifetime of Buddha himself. Like Buddha, its leader Vardhamana, popularly known as Mahavira Jina, also came from Ma­gadha. The Brahman authority was so strong that these protest movements gained popularity.

Jainism also aimed at nirvana, al­though the Jain concept of nirvana was a little different than in Buddhism. Within Jainism a division between Svetambara and Digam-bara took place at an early stage. Svetambara originated in the northern and the western region of the country while Digambara had its base in the south. The Digambaras followed the principle of nu­dity. A third sect which consisted of Dhondias also emerged. Jainism received state patronage under the Chalukyas of Gujarat and Marwar. With this began the process of construction of famous Jain temples in different regions of the country. Unlike Buddhism, Jainism did not suffer a setback.

The Jain order survived without much of a conflict, external or internal. Today, the main Jain sanctuaries are situated in the isolated hills, such as Parasnath in Bengal, Palitana in Kathiawar and Mount Abu in Rajasthan. The census records show a successive decline in the numerical strength of Jain population. It may also be noted that the home of Jainism today lies in Gujarat and adjoining Marwar region of Rajasthan where the followers have been drawn mostly from among the trading communities and not in Bengal, Magadh or Orissa where the Jain faith originated.

Reform movements, initiated by Buddha and Mahavira, resulted in new formulations of ritual as well as social customs. There was a phase, although short-lived, in Indian history when the tide of Bud­dhism seemed to submerge the Hindu faith. Buddhism had its sway over a vast region from Bengal to Kashmir and from the Himalayas to Kaveri till a new Brahmanical upsurge brought an equally spectacular change.

The protest movements represented by Buddhism and Jainism also led to reformation within Brahmanism. These reform movements eventually resulted in the emergence of a new form of Hinduism which is currently in practice in all parts of India. Its basic elements consist of use of one sacred language (Sanskrit), through which the rit­ual is practised, pilgrimage to holy places and the rule of a priestly class which determines the life of the ordinary Hindu men and women. The religion of the peasant, although simpler in its theologi­cal content, is equally controlled by the Brahamanical authority.

In the course of time, two sects, viz., Vaisnavism and Sivaism emerged among the Hindus. While the former focuses on the worship of Visnu, the latter on the worship of Siva. Each sect has its own or­der of rituals performed on specific occasions. However, both the gods are worshipped by the common Hindu folk throughout the country.

Both Siva and Visnu are mentioned in the Mahabharata as two separate gods, and at the same time each represented by the other. The Hindu trinity of gods consists of both of them as well as a third god, Brahma, who was treated as the chief of the gods in the epic pe­riod. The modern belief is that while Brahma occupies a central position, he is represented by both Visnu and Siva and in their wor­ship Brahma is also worshipped indirectly.

As pointed out earlier, a remarkable feature of Hindu society is a spirit of tolerance and accommodation of multiple forms of faith. It was because of this spirit of tolerance that other faiths which came from outside flourished. Christianity and Islam came from outside and the people embraced these faiths without much of a social conflict.

This has been a historic tradition that successive penetration by non- Indic religions was not resisted. Political conflicts were there between the local kingdoms and the invaders, but they did not result in relig­ious conflicts. Gradually, these religious faiths created for themselves niches in the Indian social space.

As indicated earlier, among the Se­mitic religions, the earliest to make an impact in India was Christianity. Syrian Christians appeared on the west coast of India in the very first century of the Christian era. Later, in the seventh cen­tury A.D., Arab traders brought the message of Islam to the people living on the west coast of India. This happened much before the Mus­lim (political) conquest of northern India.

It is thus obvious that the religious composition of the Indian population has been changing with conversions from one faith to the other. The spatial patterns of distribution of different religious groups were also greatly modified by large scale migration following the par­tition of India in 1947. Partition brought about a significant change in the distribution and relative strength of different religious faiths in north western, northern and north eastern India.

Spatial Distribution of Religious Groups :

The different religious communities of India include major groups, such as the Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists and the Jains, as well as minor religious faiths, such as Jews and Zoiroastrians. Moreover, several tribal communities continue to retain faith in tribal religions based on totemism and animism. The Hindus account for 82 per cent of the total population and are the largest religious group in the country. However, in some districts, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs or the Buddhists are more numerous than the Hindus. Muslims are the largest minority group and account for 12.12 per cent of the total population.

Christians constitute 2.3 per cent of the population and the Sikhs 1.94 per cent. Buddhists and Jains are numerically insignifi­cant accounting for 0.7 and 0.5 per cent of population respectively. It may be noted that while Hindus are generally found everywhere, other religious groups are concentrated in a few pockets only (Table 7.1).

Religious Composition of Population, 1991

It may be useful to identify the main patterns in the spatial distri­bution of the major religious groups in order to understand the role of religion in defining the parameters of Indian social space and the socio- cultural regionalism based on it.

Related Articles:

  • Classification of Religious Groups in India: Indigenous and Extra-Indic
  • Religious Movements in India

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Essay on religion | india | sociology.

essay on religious beliefs in india

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Here is an essay on ‘Religion’ for class 11 and 12. Find paragraphs, long and short essays on ‘Religion’ especially written for school and college students.

Essay on Religion

Essay # 1. meaning of religion :.

Indian society is pluralistic in nature. India is a land of religious pluralism. Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Sikhism, Christianity, and several other religions have been coexisting and growing side by a side in Indian society since ancient times. The Hindus constitute the largest segment of population nearly 73%, the Muslim nearly 12% and the Sikhs about 2%.

Religious diversity is a feature of Indian social structure and it plays an important role in politics. The adoption of secularism incorporating the maxims ‘Equality of all religions’ and ‘Absence of a State religion’ testifies to this reality of Indian politics.

The presence of religious communalism too reflects the harmful side of religious diversity. It is indeed quite perplexing to find that no Indian religion advocates violence and exclusiveness, yet in the name of various religions violence often erupts in different parts of India. We regularly face the loss of human life and precious resources because of aggressive and biotic clashes between the forces of Hindu Communalism, Muslim Communalism and Christian Communalism.

The spirit of secularism and the process of secularisation of political culture are yet to secure a sizeable hold in the polity. Religious tolerance is preached by all yet it is not effectively practiced and cultivated. As such religious factor continues to act as a hindering and harmful factor in the harmonious process of socio-political development.

In sociology, the word religion is used in a wider sense than that used in religious books. It defines religion as those institutionalised systems of beliefs, symbols, values and practices that provide groups of men with solutions to their questions of ultimate being.

A common characteristic found among all religion is that they represent a complex of emotional feelings and attitudes toward mysteries and perplexities of life. As such religion comprises first, systems of attitudes, beliefs, symbols which are based on the assumption that certain kinds of social relations are sacred or morally imperative and second, a structure of activities governed or influenced by these system.

According to Radin, it consists of two parts—physiological and psychological. The physiological part expresses itself in such acts as kneeling, closing the eyes, touching the feet. The psychological part consists of supernormal sensitivity to certain beliefs and traditions. While belief in supernatural powers may be considered basic to all religions, equally fundamental is the presence of a deeply emotional feeling which Golden Weber called the “religious thrill”.

Different Definitions of Religion:

Religion is one of the most influential forces of social control. Different writers have defined religion in different ways.

Definition :

(1) According to Ogburn, “Religion is attitude towards super human powers.”

(2) James G. F. Frazer considered religion as a belief in “powers superior to man which are believed to direct and control the course of nature of human life.”

(3) According to Maclver, “Religion, as we understand the term, implies a relationship not merely between man and man but also between man and some higher power.”

(4) W. Robertson maintained that religion is not a vague fear of unknown powers, nor the child of terror, but rather a relation of all the members of a community to a power that has well of community at heart, and protects its law and moral order.

(5) Durkheim defined religion as a “unified system of beliefs’ and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden.”

(6) According to Gillin and Gillin, “the social field of religion may be regarded as including the emotinalised belief prevalent in a social group concerning the super-natural plus the overt behaviour, material objects and symbols associated with such belief.”

(7) According to Sapir, “Religion is man’s never- ceasing attempt to discover a road to spiritual serenity across the perplexities and dangers of daily life.”

(8) According to Arnold W. Green, “Religion is a system of beliefs and symbolic practices and objects governed by faith rather than by knowledge, which relates man to an unseen supernatural realm beyond the known and beyond the controllable.”

(9) According to M. M. Johnson, “Religion is more or less coherent system of beliefs and practices concerning a supernatural order of beings, forces, places or other entities.” According to Malinowski, “Religion is a made of action as well as system of belief, and a sociological phenomenon as well as a personal experience.”

In this way there are numerous definitions of religion given by thinkers according to their own conceptions. As a matter of fact the forms in which religion express itself so much that it is difficult to agree upon a definition. Some maintain that religion includes a belief in supernatural or mysterious powers and that is expressing itself in overt activities designed to deal with those powers. Some regard religion as belief in the immortality of soil. While it is possible to define as belief in God or some supernatural powers, it is well to remember that there can also be a Godless religion as Buddhism is. The Buddhism rejects belief in the immortality of the soul and the life hereafter.

The ancient Hebrews did not have a definite concept of immortal soul. They seem to have had no conception of post-mortem rewards and punishments. Others regard religion as something very earthly and materialistic designed to achieve practical ends.

But as Ruth Benedict wrote, “Religion is not to be identified with the pursuit of ideal ends. Spirituality and the virtues are two social values which were discovered in the process of social life. They may well constitute the value of religion in man’s history just as the pearl constitutes the value of the oyster. Nevertheless the making of the pearl is a by-product in the life of oyster and it does not give a clue to the evolution of the oyster.” Summer and Keller asserted that “Religion in history from the earliest to very recent days has not been a matter of morality at all but of rites, rituals, observance and ceremony.”

Essay # 2. Relationship between Religion and the Constitution of India :

The constitution of India embodies secularism in letter and spirit and it is accepted as a principle affirming I. No religion of the state as such II Equality of all religions in the eyes of law III Freedom of religion for all citizen IV No discrimination on the basis of religion V Freedom of the individual to accept and follow voluntarily any religion or faith or creed VI freedom of the each religious group to establish and maintain religious and philanthropic institutions, with their own organisational set up VII prohibition of religious instructions in recognized, government and government aided educational institutions.

The role of state in religious matters has been kept limited to the preventing violations of public order, morality and health and for eliminating social evils being practised in the name of any religion. The Preamble of the constitution while defining the scope of the ideal of liberty holds that it includes liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship. Right to freedom of religion stands enhanced in the constitution as one of the Fundamental rights of an Indian citizen and as such enjoys a constitutional guarantee.

In spite of all these constitutional provisions, secular political culture has not been developed in Indian political system since independence. Unfortunately there is gap in theory and practice. The Indian state does not prefer any religion and yet maintains its relationship with all religions. Communalism in all its ugly forms continues to be present and even appears to be spreading its fangs. The emotional integration of people is yet to take place.

The role of religion can be analysed by focusing on the following points:

1. Existence of Religion based Political Parties :

Like every other liberal democratic constitution, the constitution of India guarantees to the citizens the freedom to form their associations as well as the right to freedom of religion. These two freedoms have, however, led to the organisation of several political parties on the basis of various religions. Muslim League, Hindu Maha Sabha, Shiv Sena, Akali Dal besides several other ‘Politically active Jamayats’ and other organisation, are at work in the environment of Indian political system. The parties, being organised on narrow foundations, tend to remain away to get partially and parochially attached to the national mainstream.

2. Religion and Electoral Politics :

Religion plays a crucial role in the Indian elections. Right from the process of political socialisation and leadership recruitment till the making of authoritative values, religious factor constitutes an important factor in Indian politics. It is operative in all spheres of electoral politics—the selection of candidates for contesting elections, the allocation of constituencies to various party candidates, the election campaigns organised by almost all political parties and even the independents, the casting of votes, the formation of ministries and the process of policy making. Ram Janam Bhumi vs. Babri Masjid issue was definitely an important issue in the November 1989 and June 1991 elections.

3. Appeasement of Religious Minorities :

The political parties in India try to develop their vote banks among the minority religious groups. These parties continuously follow the policy of appeasement of religious minorities. They support and encourage the forces of religious fundamentalism, which are always present in all religious groups, but more particularly in minority religious groups for furthering their chances of success in elections. The political parties always try to establish a rapport and connection with religious organisations, particularly the ones which are functioning in their respective areas.

The religious group which enjoys numerical majority feels greatly disturbed by the policy of appeasement of the minority religious groups and as a reaction or even otherwise tends to organise and support a party that commits itself to the majority religious tenets.

The success of the B. J. P in the November 1989 Lok Sabha elections and 1990 state elections has been largely due to this factor. In fact, in some of the States like Punjab which has been having religion based political parties; religion has been a determining factor of state politics. It acts as a major determinant of electoral behaviour.

4. Religion of Government-Making :

In the organisation of governments, both at the Centre and State levels, the political leaders always keep in mind the religious factor. They try to appease or accommodate religious leaders by giving ministerial berths to the candidates who stand elected as representatives of the people.

The search for inducting a Sikh minister or the exercise involved in the appointment of a Muslim to a high office tend to reflect the presence of religious factor in the process of government making. Shiv Sena Government in Maharashtra reflects an increasing role of religion in government making at least in some of the Indian states.

5. Religion as a Determinant of Voting Behavior :

All voting behaviour studies in India fully bring out the fact that religion always acts as an important determinant of people’s choice of candidates in elections. The political parties, both which are based on a particular religion as well’ as one which are secularist, do not hesitate to canvass for their candidates in the name of religion.

In Kerala communists have always used religious factor to gain majority in the state legislature. The voting behaviour of the minorities in particular is always determined by this factor. ‘Vote for Panth’ or ‘Islam is in danger’ etc. are the usual slogans which the electorate in Punjab and Kerala always listen during election days.

6. Religious Interest Group:

Religious interest/pressure groups play a key role in Indian Politics. Arya Samaj, Jamait-lslami, Sikh intellectual Forum, Sikh Students Federation, Hindu Suraksha Samiti, Anti-cow Slaughter Movement, Brahmin Sabhas etc. all act as interest/pressure groups in Indian political system. These are involved in all processes of politics as political socialisation, leadership recruitment, interest articulation, interest aggregation, political communication etc.

These groups use political parties for securing their interests and in turn political parties use them for strengthening their support basis. Some of these forces act as forces of religious fundamentalism and seriously strain the secular forces. The Muslim interest groups are currently engaged in safeguarding the interest of Muslims regarding Babri Masjid while Hindu interest groups are determined to build the Ram Janam Bhumi Temple in Ayodhaya. The issue of Ram Janam Bhumi vs. Babri Masjid has been a major active issue in Indian politics for the last ten years.

In this way it is clear that religion plays a very important role in the socio-political life of the people of India. This is something natural for a society inhabited by religious people believing in various religions. Unfortunately the religious symbols, practices, rituals and non-religious values serve as the basis of antagonism. All religions preach the gospel brotherhood of man and Fatherhood of God. All stand for human values and humanism. All uphold similar values and hence can safely co-exist and develop side by side.

The adoption of religious values over and above the religious symbols or rituals is what is needed most in Indian Society. This has been what Mahatma Gandhi had meant while advocating the need for making religion as the basis of politics. Unless and until it is accepted and adopted, the Indian policy shall continue to suffer from communalism and dangers of disintegration. The forces of religious fundamentalism must realise that progress and development can be possible only by accepting secularism.

The Muslims and the Hindus must accept that the religious factor was not the only factor behind the partition. The creation of Pakistan must bring home the fact those religious differences when got politicised lead to division and disintegration. The separation of Bangladesh from Pakistan must bring home the fact that religion alone cannot be the basis of nationhood. Ethnic wars among people belonging to the same religion and wars among people belonging to same religion but different nationalities must make us realise the limited nature of religion as a factor of nationhood.

Adoption of secularism as a principle of healthy and prosperous living and the integration of minorities in the national mainstream but neither by force nor by appeasement but voluntarily by dependence upon reason, science and education can go a long way to channelise the role of religion in a healthy direction. Religious fanaticism and fundamentalism must be met by recourse to the religious values and not by counter-fanaticism and counter- fundamentalism.

Religion is therefore, a reality and integral part of Indian social structure. It can neither be ignored nor overlooked nor even eliminated. But through secularisation and by cultivating a rational love for religious value, which fortunately happen to be same in all religions, the harmful and negative role of religion can be replaced by a positive, healthy and unifying role of religion in Indian society. Without doing this no one can or should expect a bright and better future of India.

Essay # 3. Social Functions of Religion in India:

One of the clearest formulations of the hypothesis of the social function of religion was made by Red Cliffe Brown in his work on the Andamanese (1922) and restated in his essay on “Religion and Society” (1952) where he says – “Stated in the simplest possible terms the theory is that an orderly social life amongst human beings depends upon the presence in the minds of members of a society of certain sentiments, which control the behaviour of the individual in his relation to others. Rites can be seen to be regulated symbolic expressions of certain sentiments. Rites can, therefore, be shown to have a specific social function, when and to the extent that, they have for the effect to regulate, maintain and transmit from one generation to another sentiment on which the constitution of the society depends.”

Taking two different types of religion, ancestor worship in ancient China and Australian Totemism, he shows how in both it is possible to demonstrate the close correspondence of the form of the religion and the form of social structure, and how in each case the religion contributes to the social cohesion of the society.

Because religion is a complex institution, the social functions it performs are quite diverse. If a religious function produces beneficial consequences, then we normally refer to it as a positive function—as, for example, when religion stimulates tolerance, peaceful cooperation or love.

Religion can also generate harmful or dysfunctional effects. The religiously approved human sacrifices practiced by some tribe are an obvious example. Thus religion can exert both a positive, cohesive and comforting influence and a negative, disintegrating influence. Furthermore, some religious functions are manifest—intended and immediately observable—and some are latent—unintended and not immediately discernible.

(i) Integrative Function:

Most sociologists of religion consider integrative function as most valuable social function. Kingsley Davis (1949) goes so far as to say that religion makes an “indispensable contribution to the social integration”. Any ongoing group is somewhat integrated if its members perform specialised but interrelated activities and are, therefore, dependent on one another. Religion often produces a special kind of group unity and a strong social cohesion. It can supply the bond or force that holds members of a group together, and it can give them strong, positive feelings toward the group.

(ii) Social Support:

Religion provides support, consolation and reconciliation. In doing so it strengthens group morale. Human beings need emotional support when they are uncertain and disappointed and they need reconciliation with their society when they are alienated from its goals.

Religion acts as a mechanism through which people adjust to the inevitable facts of human existence contingency, powerlessness and scarcity, frustration and deprivation, death , suffering and coercion, largely direct human lives. But the regular norms of society provide no comfort during these exigencies and no guide for correct behaviour to circumstances that seem neither just not meaningful. It is in these circumstances that religion provides support to the individual.

(iii) Social Control:

Religion not only defines moral expectations for members of the religious group but usually enforces them. In addition to supernatural sanctions in the afterlife, there are frequently supernatural sanctions in this life, such as the threat of disease for violators of magical property taboos. To the extent that moral norms supported within religious group are at the same time norms of the society, social control within the religious group has functional importance for the wider society as well.

(iv) Socialization:

Religion is an adjunct of the process of socialization. Because socialization is never perfect deviance from societal norms is frequent. Religion supports the norms and values of established society by making them divine laws. The deviant, when breaks a norm, is made to believe that he faces not only the anger of his fellow humans, but that he can also be punished by a supernatural all powerful being.

(v) Legitimization of Social Values:

Religion can forcefully help to legitimize society’s most cherished values. When religion justifies and affirms a system of values, a compelling dimension is added to value system. Religions endorse and reinforce our society’s norms of honesty and personal rights. Guides to action and standards for judging one’s own and others’ behaviour in the natural world are infused with beliefs about the supernatural. So, by offering the highest-order explanation for group values, religion can persuade members to agree with and accept the group norms and goals.

(vi) Legitimization of Power:

To use, Berger’s example, every society is faced with the necessity of distributing power, for which purpose political institutions emerge. In legitimizing these institutions, the society has to justify the use of physical violence, which underlies power. Religion mystifies the institution by giving it extra human qualities.

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Why Islam cannot be secular…it was never meant to be

There are few things I find more amusing than the sight of mullahs waving the flag for secularism and mourning its demise.

As someone who grew up in an Old Delhi Muslim neighbourhood where mullacracy ruled, I still have vivid memories of how much they hated secularism and secularists.

And because they couldn’t stand secularism, which they denounced as an anti-religion ideology, they couldn’t stand the only truly secular force in the country: the Left.

And I should know. Because my own mother, who was a Communist Party of India (CPI) activist, had a taste of their communal and misogynist campaign against her — portraying her as an agent of the Soviet Union.

And they did this with more than a little help from the “secular” Congress. For much of its 70-year rule, the Congress and its right-wing Muslim power brokers played fast and loose with secularism — reducing the whole idea to a farce.

The right-wing Hindu backlash we are facing today is a direct result of this crass perversion of secularism. And those responsible for causing it are shouting the loudest over its demise.

This rant is prompted by an essay written by a Muslim Australian academic, M Adil Khan, professor of development practice at the School of Social Science, University of Queensland, Brisbane, claiming that “Islam and secularism are perfectly compatible and are in conformity with each other”.

The essay , published in Countercurrents magazine, “Is Secularism Incompatible With Islam And Vice Versa?”, has triggered an animated debate in Muslim circles.

Khan’s cheery view of Islam is based on what he describes as the two “basic tenets” of Islam.

One is the Qur’anic injunction (chapter 109, verse 6) “Lakum Di Nukum Walia Din” variously translated as “your religion is to you and mine to mine” and “to you be your religion, and to me my religion”.

It is frequently cited as evidence of Islam’s emphasis on religious tolerance and freedom of belief — as “an example of the Quran’s teachings on religious pluralism and peaceful coexistence”, as Khan says.

It is also routinely deployed as a rebuff to Islam’s critics who accuse it of promoting intolerance and extremism.

And justice for all

The second tenet, he cites, is “insaaf” (justice) propagated by Islam’s Second Caliph, Hazrat Omar. It is said that when his commanders asked how to treat non-Muslim in conquered territories, he told them: “Govern them with Insaaf (justness).”

Khan says: “(This) impressed non-Muslims of these newly conquered territories so much that many voluntarily converted to Islam.”

On the basis of these two rather abstract and general edicts, Khan saheb goes on to build the argument that “Islam and secularism are perfectly compatible — and are in conformity with each other.”

Islam, he says, passes the so-called “Romila Thapar test” of secularism — namely the “functioning of the universe and human society without involving divine intervention”.

Lest someone missed this, he repeats it ad nauseum — each time more loudly, as it were. I’m quoting him verbatim should something get lost in translation:

“Islam’s two basic tenets of governance, namely, ‘Lakum Di Nukum Walia Din’ and Hazrat Omar’s governing principle ‘Insaaf’ are in sync and not in conflict with each other. Indeed, the most ideal way to govern societies, Islamic or otherwise, would be through the principles of justness (Insaaf) and religious tolerance (Lakum Di Nukum Walia Din), tenets that guarantee, as in secular democracies, fair and equal treatment of all citizens and protection as well as nurturing of religious values and rituals through promotion of inter-faith tolerance and mutual respect.”

His attempt to co-opt the venerable Romila Thapar, a Marxist historian and faith-sceptic, would certainly make her cringe.

A whole way of life

In his zeal to construct an edifice of secular Islam, he conveniently overlooks its inherently unsecular foundation. By the way, Islam itself has never claimed to be secular.

It’s important to remember that it is not like any other normal religion restricted to a few rituals, and odd “dos” and “don’ts”. It is designed to be a whole way of life — a rigid system of practices that control every bit of your life 24x7, from the time you get up in the morning until you go to sleep.

As it has grown and expanded, it has become more rigid with the spread of Saudi-style hardline Wahabbi Islam across the world, including India.

Well-known British Muslim scholar Ed Husain writes in his critically-acclaimed The House of Islam: A Global History that for the “devout Muslim, Islam’s divine touches leave an imprint on daily life”.

And here is The Oxford Handbook of Secularism (2007) on the all-compassing influence of Islam on the lives of its followers.

“From its very beginning, Islam has provided a comprehensive guide regulating all aspects of life from birth until death, including those in the political sphere. From the times of Prophet Muhammad, through various regimes and caliphates, up to the modern period, it has maintained a close connection between the state and religion. Most Muslims, at least in theory, have not accepted the idea of separation, particularly since non-separation has always been the norm.”

Religion at its heart

Islam can be liberalised to some extent by adjusting its outdated practices to the contemporary zeitgeist, and that’s already happening in some countries.

But a “secular” Islam is an oxymoron. Islam simply doesn’t do secularism. The bottom line is that it cannot be secularised without sacrificing its essence.

Because secularism means detaching religion from the public space, while Islam is all about religion dominating it.

In its very elementary sense, secularism means that the state should strive to keep the public space free from religion and play the role of a neutral umpire vis-a-vis the followers of all faiths — even if the state itself has religious characteristics such as in Britain and America.

Britain is a Christian state with the monarch bound by the obligation to protect Protestantism throughout the UK. But the public space is wholly secular. Christians don’t get any preferential treatment; nor are Christian practices imposed on non-Christians, or any area of public life.

Islam, however, doesn’t recognise the idea of a secular public space. Civil society is an extension of Islam. The mosque is the centre of Muslim civil society.

That Islam and secularism are incompatible is acknowledged by many authoritative scholars like Egypt’s Yusuf al-Qaradawi who argue that Christianity is more comfortable with the idea of secularism because historically it has more or less maintained separation between state and religion.

To highlight this is not to cast a slur on Islam. That’s how Islam was constructed, and, as pointed out earlier, it has never claimed to be secular. It is its apologists who make that claim on its behalf.

Ultimately, the truth is that no religion is secular in the sense of not being covertly prejudiced against rival or competing faiths, all the good-goody stuff notwithstanding. Sadly, even Hinduism is losing its traditional open-mindedness.

But that’s another debate. For another time.

For now, Eid Mubarak to all.

Images: Sajeev Kumarapuram/AI

Read more from the author here .

For more news like this visit TOI . Get all the Latest News , City News , India News , Business News , and Sports News . For Entertainment News , TV News , and Lifestyle Tips visit Etimes

Why Islam cannot be secular…it was never meant to be

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Regions & Countries

7. religious practices.

By several standard measures, Indians are highly religious. A majority of Indian adults pray daily (60%), more than two-thirds visit a house of worship at least monthly (71%), and an overwhelming share say religion is very important in their lives (84%). Previous Pew Research Center surveys show much less importance given to religion in several other regions of the world, including Western Europe , Central and Eastern Europe , Israel , Latin America and the United States . Only in sub-Saharan Africa and some regions with large Muslim populations do similar or higher shares of the public say religion is very important to them.

For many Indians, the high importance of religion is reflected in religious practices centered at home. Roughly eight-in-ten Indian adults (81%) have an altar, shrine or religious symbol in their home for worship, and a similar share (78%) say they have invited a religious leader to conduct religious rites at their home. These home-based religious practices are widely followed among both Hindus and members of smaller religious communities.

Some other religious and spiritual practices, though, are much less common. For instance, while yoga is strongly promoted by the Indian government as a core Indian practice, 62% of Indians report never practicing yoga. Scripture reading is also not as common: Most Indian adults (58%) say they read or listen to recitation of scripture either on a yearly basis or less often than that, including about one-in-five (22%) who say they never do this.

Buddhists are the least likely group to engage in many of these religious practices. And Southern Indians are often less observant than other Indians by these measures.

Several of the religious practices covered in the survey are common among Hindus regardless of demographic background or political preference. But among Hindus, nationalist attitudes and support for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are connected with somewhat higher levels of religious practice. For example, those who say it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian are more likely than other Hindus to meditate at least weekly (55% vs. 35%). And Hindus who have a favorable view of the BJP are more likely than those who have an unfavorable view of the party to say they have received purification by taking a dip in a holy body of water, such as the Ganges River (68% vs. 58%).

Southern Indians least likely to say religion is very important in their life

Most Indians say religion is very important

Roughly nine-in-ten Indians in the country’s Central region (92%) say religion is very important to them, while far fewer Southern Indians (69%) feel this way. And rural Indians are somewhat more likely than those who live in cities to place great importance on religion (86% vs. 81%).

College graduates are modestly less likely than other Indians to say religion has high importance in their life (80% vs. 85%).

Indians regularly visit their houses of worship

The survey, conducted before the Indian government began imposing lockdowns in response to the COVID-19 outbreak, asked Indians how frequently they visit religious sites or houses of worship. Hindus, Buddhists and Jains were asked about visiting temples; Muslims about visiting mosques for namaz; Sikhs about visiting gurdwaras; and all other respondents, including Christians, about attending religious services. Most Indians (71%) say they visit these religious sites at least once a month. (The survey also asked people if they have prayed, meditated or performed a ritual at houses of worship outside of their own religious group; see Chapter 2 .)

Most Indians visit temples or other houses of worship at least monthly

Fewer than half of India’s Buddhists (44%) visit temples at least monthly. And Buddhists are also among the most likely to report never visiting their house of worship (16%). A similar share of Muslims (20%) say they never go to a mosque for namaz, but this is almost entirely driven by Muslim women – fully 41% of whom report never visiting a mosque, compared with just 1% of Muslim men.

Among Indians overall, however, gender, age and education have little connection to how often people report attending their house of worship. But members of General Category castes are more likely than Indians from lower castes to visit their religion’s sites at least monthly (77% vs. 68%).

Visiting a temple, mosque, gurdwara or religious service also is more common among Indians who are more religious in other ways. For example, Indians who say they pray daily are more likely than other Indians to visit religious sites at least monthly (77% vs. 62%).

Most Indians give to charitable causes

Overwhelming shares of Indians give money to houses of worship

Indians also overwhelmingly give to other charities. About eight-in-ten Indian adults (78%) say they give money to charitable causes other than their house of worship.

Among Muslims, those with a college education are more inclined than less-educated Muslims to give money to charitable causes aside from the mosque (87% vs. 73%).

Among Indians as a whole, higher levels of religious observance are connected with giving money not only to a house of worship, but also to other charities. For example, 80% of Indians who say religion is very important to their lives donate money to charities other than their house of worship, compared with 68% among those for whom religion is less important.

Majorities of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Jains in India pray daily

Daily prayer common across India’s major religious groups

But prayer practices vary widely in India. Large majorities of Christians (77%) and Jains (73%), for example, pray at least once a day, while far fewer Sikhs (45%) and Buddhists (38%) do so.

Nationally, women are more inclined than men to pray daily (64% vs. 56%). And adults ages 35 and older are slightly more likely to offer daily prayers or namaz than are younger adults (62% vs. 57%). People of different education levels, however, pray daily at similar rates.

The frequency of prayer differs considerably by region – from 37% in the South saying they pray daily to about three-quarters in the Central region (74%). The low rate of daily prayer in the South is driven by the region’s Hindus: Southern Muslims and Christians pray at similar rates to their national counterparts, but Southern Hindus are much less likely to pray daily than Hindus nationally (30% vs. 59%).

Indians who say religion is very important in their lives are more likely than others to pray daily (63% vs. 45%).

Among Sikhs and Buddhists – the groups least likely to pray daily – prayer is more common among those who recently faced financial hardship. For example, Buddhists who recently struggled to pay for the basic necessities of food, medical care or housing are more likely than other Buddhists to pray daily (48% vs. 32%).

Nearly four-in-ten Muslims in India pray five times a day

More Indians practice puja at home than at temple

Most Jains, Hindus and Buddhists in India perform puja regularly

Across religious groups, people perform puja at home more often than they do at a temple. For example, while about three-in-four Hindus (76%) practice puja at home weekly, roughly half (53%) do so at a temple each week.

Sikhs are less likely than other groups to report performing puja at least weekly at home (40%) or at a temple (21%).

Among Hindus, women are much more likely than men to perform puja in their home at least weekly (84% vs. 68%). But the shares of Hindu women and men who perform puja at temples are more similar (55% and 51%, respectively).

Hindus in the Eastern region of India are generally less likely than Hindus elsewhere to practice puja at home or at temple on a weekly basis. And lower-caste Hindus are less inclined than General Category Hindus to perform puja.

Most Hindus do not read or listen to religious books frequently

Overwhelming shares of Indians across most religious groups believe their scripture is the word of God

While large majorities of Christians (78%) and Sikhs (70%) say they read scriptures at least weekly, and over half of Jains (56%) and Muslims (53%) do this as well, fewer Hindus and Buddhists (22% each) read or listen to religious books with such regularity.

Among Hindus, reading or listening to recitations of religious books at least weekly is more common among people belonging to upper castes (29%) than among people who belong to lower castes (19%). Highly educated Hindus are also somewhat more likely than their less-educated peers to read or listen to recitations of religious texts.

In every community, though, the majority believes their religion’s sacred text is the word of God. And in each case, the share who say their religious texts are the word of God is substantially higher than the share who read or listen to these texts at least weekly. For example, 82% of Hindus say the Bhagavad Gita is the word of God; 22% read it every week.

Southern Indians are the least likely to say their sacred text is the word of God (71%), with Hindus driving this pattern. Two-thirds of Southern Hindus say the Bhagavad Gita is the word of God (67%), compared with 82% of all Indian Hindus. But nearly all Muslims (94%) and Christians (96%) in the South say their sacred text is the word of God, just like Muslims (93%) and Christians (94%) nationally.

Most Indians have an altar or shrine in their home for worship

Most Hindus, Jains have holy basil at home

The vast majority of Indians (81%) say they have religious symbols in their home for worship, and a comparable share (78%) say they ever invite religious leaders into their home to conduct religious rites.

Overall, Hindus and Jains are the most likely to have altars, shrines or religious objects in their homes. This is especially true for holy basil (the tulsi plant), which is considered sacred in India – majorities of Hindus (72%) and Jains (62%) have tulsi at home, compared with about three-in-ten or fewer in other groups. Large majorities in all religious communities have invited a religious leader to their home for religious rituals.

Among Hindus, college graduates are more likely than other Hindus to have holy basil (80% vs. 71%). And college-educated Christians are much more likely than Christians with less education to keep an altar, shrine or religious symbol at home (77% vs. 62%).

Where people live also is linked with household practices. Southern Indians are less likely than Indians in other regions to invite religious leaders to their homes. Yet Indians in the Northeast are the least likely to have altars, shrines or religious symbols at home for worship.

Among Hindus, people in General Category castes are slightly more likely than lower-caste Hindus to have holy basil at home (77% vs. 70%).

Religious pilgrimages common across most religious groups in India

Muslims in India least likely to have made a religious pilgrimage

Throughout the country, older adults are more likely than those ages 18 to 34 to have made a pilgrimage (61% vs. 49%). And those in the Northern (61%) and Central (65%) regions are generally more likely to have taken a pilgrimage. Meanwhile, the vast majority of Northeastern Indians have never taken one (81%).

Most Indians who say they pray daily have been on a pilgrimage (60%), compared with about half of Indians who pray less often (48%).

Among Muslims, those who recently have faced financial hardship (i.e., were unable to pay for food, medicine or housing in the last year) are slightly more likely than other Muslims to have made a pilgrimage (41% vs. 34%). And lower-caste Muslims also are more likely than General Category Muslims to have done this (42% vs. 33%).

Most Hindus say they have received purification from a holy body of water

Many Sikhs, Jains report receiving purification in a holy body of water

Older Hindus (ages 35 and older) are more likely than younger Hindu adults to have received purification in a holy body of water (69% vs. 60%).

Strong majorities of Hindus in the Eastern (64%), Northern (71%) and Central (81%) regions – through which the Ganges flows – say they have taken a dip in a holy body of water. But even in the South, most Hindus (63%) have received purification in this way.

Hindus who say religion is very important in their lives are significantly more likely than other Hindus to have taken a dip in a holy body of water (68% vs. 50%).

Roughly half of Indian adults meditate at least weekly

Large regional variation in Indians’ meditation habits

Indians who pray daily are more than twice as likely as other Indians to meditate at least once a week (62% vs. 26%).

Indians in different regions are drastically different in their meditation habits. About three-quarters of Indians in the Central region (76%) report that they meditate at least once a week, including a majority who meditate daily (61%). By contrast, only 19% of South Indians meditate at least weekly.

Only about a third of Indians ever practice yoga

Most Indians, including most Hindus, do not practice yoga

Jains are more likely than members of India’s other major religious groups to practice yoga (61%), though many Sikhs (50%) do so as well. About a quarter of Jains and Sikhs say they do yoga at least weekly.

In India, those who do yoga tend to be relatively young, highly educated and disproportionately men. For instance, a majority of college-educated Indians (56%) practice yoga, compared with only a third of those with less education. And people in North India are more likely than Indians in other regions to ever practice yoga.

Indians who pray daily are slightly more inclined than other Indians to participate in yoga (38% vs. 30%). But on the whole, Indians who say religion is very important in their lives are not more likely than other Indians to do yoga. In fact, among Sikhs, those who say religion is very important are less likely than other Sikhs to ever practice yoga.

Nearly three-quarters of Christians sing devotionally

The survey also asked Indians whether they dance or sing devotionally. A slim majority of Indians (54%) say they sing devotionally, and about a quarter (27%) report dancing as a devotional practice.

Majority of Indians worship through singing, some dance devotionally

On balance, older adults (ages 35 and older) are a little more likely than younger adults to say they sing devotionally. But older Indians are somewhat less likely than younger adults to dance devotionally (25% vs. 29%). College-educated Indians also are more likely to dance than those with less education (32% vs. 26%).

South Indians are less inclined than those in other regions to sing devotionally. Lower singing rates in the South are driven by Hindus; Southern Muslims and Christians sing devotionally at similar or higher rates compared with Muslims and Christians nationally.

Most Muslims and few Jains say they have participated in or witnessed animal sacrifice for religious purposes

Muslims more likely than others to have witnessed animal sacrifices

A majority (65%) of Muslim men in India have witnessed an animal sacrifice for religious purposes (which could include the slaughter of a lamb or a goat for the Eid holiday, for example), compared with half of Muslim women (50%). Older Muslims, that is, those over the age of 34, are somewhat more likely than younger Muslims to have participated in or witnessed this ritual (61% vs. 55%). The practice is much less common among Muslims in the Northeast (24%) than elsewhere.

Hindus differ significantly by region on whether they have ever participated in or witnessed an animal sacrifice. Southern Hindus are the most likely to have ever participated in or witnessed animal sacrifices (65%), while those in the North are generally less likely to have engaged in this practice (25%).

Less-educated and poorer Hindus – those who report recently struggling to pay for necessities like shelter, health care or food – are more likely than other Hindus to have participated in or witnessed animal sacrifices.

Many Sikhs and Muslims follow a guru, pir or baba

The survey asked Indians if they follow a guru, pir or baba – spiritual guides or teachers common in most of India’s major religious groups. Sikhs and Muslims are the most likely to say they follow a guru, pir or baba (57% and 53%, respectively). By contrast, majorities of Hindus (56%), Jains (58%), Buddhists (77%) and Christians (83%) say they do not follow these types of spiritual teachers.

Four-in-ten Hindus in India follow a spiritual teacher

More than half of Indians in the Central (55%) and Northern (54%) regions follow a spiritual teacher, but far fewer in the West (30%) and South (23%) say they do this. And rural Indians are more likely than urban Indians to follow a guru, pir or baba (45% vs. 35%).

Hindus who pray daily are more likely than others to follow a guru, pir or baba (47% vs. 33%). However, among Sikhs, those who pray daily are less likely than other Sikhs to follow a spiritual teacher (51% vs. 62%).

Most Indians schedule key life events based on auspicious dates

Almost nine-in-ten Hindus plan important events based on auspicious dates or times

Planning for major life events in this way is very common among both men and women, Indians who are highly educated and those who are not, and older and younger Indian adults. Those who say religion is very important in their lives are somewhat more likely than others to fix dates based on auspicious times or dates (85% vs. 76%).

About half of Indians watch religious programs weekly

Roughly half of Indian adults (48%) say they watch religious programs or serials at least weekly. This is slightly lower than the share who watch other serials with this frequency (53%). Meanwhile, a clear majority of Indians (62%) watch the news at least weekly.

Sikhs (63%) and Jains (57%) are somewhat more likely than followers of other religions to watch religious programming on a weekly basis. Jains also are the most likely community to watch the news or other serial programming.

Indians watch the news more often than other programming

In general, college-educated Indians, younger adults (ages 18 to 34) and those who live in urban areas are slightly more inclined than other Indians to watch religious programs weekly.

While Indian women are more likely than men to watch religious programs or other serials at least weekly, men are much more likely than women to watch news programs.

Indians who pray daily tend to report higher viewership of not just religious programs and serials, but also other serials and the news. For example, 57% of Indians who pray daily watch other serial programs weekly, while 47% of other Indians do this.

For Hindus, nationalism associated with greater religious observance

Religious observances described throughout this chapter are common among Hindus regardless of partisanship and other political views. However, Hindus who have a favorable view of the BJP and those who express elements of Hindu nationalist sentiment tend to be more religiously observant.

Hindus who link religious, national identity are more observant

For instance, Hindus with a favorable view of the BJP are somewhat more likely than those who do not favor the party to have invited a religious leader to their home to conduct religious rites (80% vs. 73%). Hindus who see a strong connection between their religious and national identities also are more likely to participate in religious activities. For example, Hindus who say it is very important to be Hindu to be truly Indian are much more likely than other Hindus to say they meditate weekly or more often (55% vs. 35%).

Similarly, Hindus who place an emphasis on the Hindi language’s role in Indian identity and those who view Indian culture as superior are much more inclined to engage in a range of religious practices.

  • Muslims were asked how often they “offer namaz” (the Urdu word for prayer, which is commonly used among Muslims in India). ↩

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About Pew Research Center Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts .

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Interview: Michael Douglas hopes India welcomes religious diversity this election, not be a country 'under one religion’

In an exclusive interview, michael douglas talks about how india can become a better democracy, and playing benjamin franklin in a new apple tv series..

Three years after The Kominsky Method concluded, veteran actor Michael Douglas is returning to the small screen with Franklin, a period political drama where he plays Benjamin Franklin, Founding Father of the US. Essaying the historical figure has lent Michael a fresh perspective to view the state of democracy across the globe today, from his home country of America to a land he loves visiting – India.

Michael Douglas is hopeful India will welcome religious diversity this election

(Also Read: Michael Douglas praises PM Narendra Modi at IFFI, says 'India is in good hands' )

Michael Douglas on India

“We love India, as you probably know. We were there for five weeks. It was our first trip in the South. I think it's an extraordinary country, the future in a lot of ways," said Michael in an exclusive interview with Hindustan Times. He also hailed India's linguistic diversity. “Talking about democracy, to see a country with 28 different states, who speak 22 official languages… I think that's very healthy,” added Michael, who visited Karnataka, Kerala, Goa, and Telangana with his family last year, celebrating Christmas and New Year's Eve in the country.

He was also conferred with the Satyajit Ray Lifetime Achievement Award by the Indian government at the International Film Festival of India, held in Goa this past November. While Michael said India is “in good hands” at IFFI, he's counting on it to become a more vibrant democracy. “I'm hopeful that you can resolve some key political issues that are going on right now in your election, in terms of welcoming religious diversity, rather than becoming a country under only one religion,” he told us.

View this post on Instagram A post shared by Michael Douglas (@michaelkirkdouglas)

Michael didn't spare the US from this scrutiny either. Ahead of the premiere of Franklin in Cannes, France on Wednesday, Michael said at the press conference, “I think that Ben (Benjamin Franklin) would be highly, highly disappointed in the distortion of either a republic or democracy that the United States has become. I hope that this upcoming election will be a cathartic experience for the United States and turn the page onto a new chapter,” he said.

However, he did tell us that US President Joe Biden, 81, could take a cue from Benjamin Franklin in one regard – much after writing, inventing, opening universities, libraries, and post offices all his life, and drafting the Declaration of Independence, he was sent on a mission to seek support from France. “I realised that in 1776, the average age of an American to live was 39 years old. And here he was at 70, making an eight-year trip to a new country. My personal opinion is that it'd give Joe Biden a new breath of fresh air and for all of us to realise that he's very well capable to function beyond 70,” said Michael.

On filming Franklin

Franklin, Michael's new show, in fact focuses on this very leg of Benjamin's life – his journey to France for the sake of America. “He was an overwhelmingly unbelievable Renaissance figure. It was hard to grasp the extent of what he was doing. A two-month trip across the Atlantic at that age to go and ask a country for their support. So there he is, in a new democracy going to one of the world's oldest monarchies to ask them for support for his country. It's an impossible situation, loaded with spies and backstabbers," added Michael.

Michael and his team shot mostly on real locations in France at a time when the country is preparing to host the Olympics this year. He looks back at it as the best production and ensemble he's ever worked with. “I noticed a lady sitting behind the camera. I asked, ‘Who's that?' It was the casting director from France. I went over and gave her the biggest hug I ever could. I had tears in my mind that we had such great actors. I get a laugh out of the fact that French actors looked at each other and said, ‘I didn’t know you speak English! You're very good,” said an amused Michael.

Michael Douglas plays Benjamin Franklin in a new Apple TV series

Michael had the maximum scenes with Noah Jupe, the 19-year-old British actor who played his grandson Temple Franklin. While Noah said Michael made for a “great grandfather,” the 79-year-old actor admitted that he's also enjoying his current phase as a real-life grandpa to Lua, 6, and Ryder, 3, from his first wife Diandra Luker. He also has a son Dylan, 23, and daughter Carys, 20, from his second wife and Welsh actor Catherine Zeta-Jones.

“When I used to go see my daughter in college, they'd say, ‘This is not grandparents’ weekend, this is parents' weekend.' And I'd tell them, ‘No, I’m the father.' But I'm glad I don't have to do that anymore,” said Michael, whose Instagram bio reflects the various roles he loves to juggle today: “Husband, Father, Grandfather, Actor, Producer & @UnitedNations Messenger of Peace.”

So much so that the last time we saw him on the big screen was as Hank Pym in Marvel's Ant-Man franchise. He's happy to be not doing much on the work front, and prefers to spend time with his growing, blended family. “Well, I won't say I'm retired, but I'm enjoying life. So far, I’m luckily not doing anything except promoting this show. We'll see how it goes. I'm enjoying not working, I must say.”

Entertainment! Entertainment! Entertainment! 🎞️🍿💃 Click to follow our Whatsapp Channel 📲 Your daily dose of gossip, films, shows, celebrities updates all in one place.

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Transgender inclusion? World’s major religions take varying stances on policies toward trans people

FILE - Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, leader of the "Kinnar Akhara," a monastic order of the transgender community, meets with followers at the Kumbh Mela festival in Pragraj, India, Feb. 5, 2019. The Kumbh Mela is a series of ritual baths by Hindu holy men, and other pilgrims that dates back to at least medieval times. The Vatican has issued a new document rejecting the concept of changing one’s biological sex – a setback for transgender people who had hoped Pope Francis might be setting the stage for a more welcoming approach from the Catholic Church. Around the world, major religions have diverse approaches to gender identity, and the inclusion or exclusion of transgender people. (AP Photo/Channi Anand, File)

FILE - Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, leader of the “Kinnar Akhara,” a monastic order of the transgender community, meets with followers at the Kumbh Mela festival in Pragraj, India, Feb. 5, 2019. The Kumbh Mela is a series of ritual baths by Hindu holy men, and other pilgrims that dates back to at least medieval times. The Vatican has issued a new document rejecting the concept of changing one’s biological sex – a setback for transgender people who had hoped Pope Francis might be setting the stage for a more welcoming approach from the Catholic Church. Around the world, major religions have diverse approaches to gender identity, and the inclusion or exclusion of transgender people. (AP Photo/Channi Anand, File)

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The Vatican has issued a new document rejecting the concept of changing one’s biological sex – a setback for transgender people who had hoped Pope Francis might be setting the stage for a more welcoming approach from the Catholic Church.

Around the world, major religions have diverse approaches to gender identity, and the inclusion or exclusion of transgender people. Some examples:

Christianity

The Catholic Church’s disapproving stance toward gender transition is shared by some other denominations. For example, the Southern Baptist Convention – the largest Protestant denomination in the United States – adopted a resolution in 2014 stating that “God’s design was the creation of two distinct and complementary sexes, male and female.” It asserts that gender identity “is determined by biological sex, not by one’s self-perception”

However, numerous mainline Protestant denominations welcome trans people as members and as clergy. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America elected an openly transgender man as a bishop in 2021.

In Islam, there isn’t a single central religious authority and policies can vary in different regions.

FILE - The Maine State House is seen at dawn, Jan. 3, 2024, in Augusta, Maine. Fiery debate over a bill to protect health care workers who provide abortion and gender-affirming care from out-of-state lawsuits crossed a line in the Maine House, leading lawmakers to formally censure a pair colleagues on Thursday, April 11. (AP Photo/Robert F. Bukaty, File)

Abbas Shouman, secretary-general of Al-Azhar’s Council of Senior Scholars in Cairo, said that “for us, ... sex conversion is completely rejected.”

“It is God who has determined the ... sex of the fetus and intervening to change that is a change of God’s creation, which is completely rejected,” Shouman added.

In Iran, the Shiite theocracy’s founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, issued a religious decree, or fatwa, decades ago, opening the way for official support for gender transition surgery.

In Hindu society in South Asia, while traditional roles were and are still prescribed for men and women, people of non-binary gender expression have been recognized for millennia and played important roles in holy texts. Third gender people have been revered throughout South Asian history with many rising to significant positions of power under Hindu and Muslim rulers. One survey in 2014 estimated that around 3 million third gender people live in India alone.

Sanskrit, the ancient language of Hindu scriptures, has the vocabulary to describe three genders – masculine, feminine and gender-neutral.

The most common group of third gender people in India are known as the “hijras.” While some choose to undergo gender reassignment surgery, others are born intersex. Most consider themselves neither male or female.

Some Hindus believe third gender people have special powers and the ability to bless or curse, which has led to stereotyping causing the community to be feared and marginalized. Many live in poverty without proper access to healthcare, housing and employment.

In 2014, India, Nepal and Bangladesh, which is a Muslim-majority country, officially recognized third gender people as citizens deserving of equal rights. The Supreme Court of India stated that “it is the right of every human being to choose their gender,” and that recognition of the group “is not a social or medical issue, but a human rights issue.”

Buddhism has traditionally adhered to binary gender roles, particularly in its monastic traditions where men and women are segregated and assigned specific roles.

These beliefs remain strong in the Theravada tradition, as seen in the attempt of the Thai Sangha Council, the governing Buddhist body in Thailand, to ban ordinations of transgender people. More recently, the Theravada tradition has somewhat eased restrictions against gender nonconforming people by ordaining them in their sex recorded at birth.

However, the Mahayana, and Vajrayana schools of Buddhism have allowed more exceptions while the Jodo Shinshu sect has been even more inclusive in ordaining transgender monks both in Japan and North America. In Tibetan Buddhism, Tashi Choedup, an openly queer monk, was ordained after their teacher refrained from asking about their gender identity as prescribed by Buddhist doctrine. Many Buddhist denominations, particularly in the West, are intentionally inclusive of transgender people in their sanghas or gatherings.

Reform Judaism is accepting of transgender people and allows for the ordination of trans rabbis. According to David J. Meyer, who served for many years as a rabbi in Marblehead, Massachusetts, Jewish traditional wisdom allowed possibilities of gender identity and expression that differed from those typically associated with the sex assigned at birth.

“Our mystical texts, the Kabbalah, address the notion of transitioning from one gender to another,” he wrote on a Reform-affiliated website.

It’s different, for the most part, in Orthodox Judaism. “Most transgender people will find Orthodox communities extremely difficult to navigate,” says the Human Rights Campaign, a major U.S. LGBTQ-rights advocacy group.

“Transgender people are further constrained by Orthodox Judaism’s emphasis on binary gender and strict separation between men and women,” the HRC says. “For example, a transgender person who has not medically transitioned poses a challenge for a rabbi who must decide whether that person will sit with men or women during worship.”

Rabbi Avi Shafran, spokesman for the Orthodox Jewish organization Agudath Israel of America, wrote a blog post last year after appearing on an Israeli television panel to discuss transgender-related issues.

“There can be no denying that there are people who are deeply conflicted about their gender identities. They deserve to be safe from harm and, facing challenges the rest of us don’t, deserve empathy and compassion,” Shafran wrote. “But the Torah and its extension, halacha, or Jewish religious law, are unequivocal about the fact that being born in a male body requires living the life of a man, and being born female entails living as a woman.”

“In Judaism, each gender has its particular life-role to play,” he added. “The bodies God gave us are indications of what we are and what we are not, and of how He wants us to live our lives.”

Associated Press religion coverage receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content.

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