essay about sexual harassment in the workplace

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Sexual Harassment in the Workplace, Essay Example

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Introduction

Sexual harassment has been a hot topic for years. Corporations all over the world have been forced to deal with sexual harassment legal challenges. Crain & Heischmidt (1995) mention that after the case of Anita Hill-Clarence Thomas, Supreme Court nominee, the number of women coming out to file a complaint about sexual harassment increased significantly. Indeed, in the next nine months, the number of cases increased by 150 percent (Crain & Heischmidt, 1995). Sexual harassment is defined by the Federal Register (1980) as any form of sexual advance, physical or verbal conduct of sexual nature. While sexual harassment is illegal in most countries, it also has ethical implications. Employers need to put effective measures in place that prevent sexual harassment from happening, and make reporting easy, anonymous, and safe. The below paper will focus on government and corporate guidelines for preventing and identifying sexual harrassment.

Sexual Harassment in Context

Significance of the Issue

According to Dromm (2012), “sexual harassment is a real issue with real consequences. What some people in the workplace think brings comfort, actually brings fear and problems with self-esteem” (Dromm, 2012). Sexual harassment in the workplace is a very critical issue and affects men and women alike.

A recent publication by Stop Violence Agaisnt Women (2010) states that “It is believed that at least one-third of women in the United States experience some form of sexual harassment”. This indicates that the prevalence of sexual harassment in the workplace is significantly greater than the number of reported cases would suggest.

Ramsarop & Parumasur (2007) stated that it is still not clear which behaviors and behavior patterns constitute towards sexual harassment. The existence of the gray area makes it harder for individuals to make a judgment, and prosecutors to rule in individual cases. The next section of the review will focus on the main problems that prevent the discovery and the reporting of sexual harassment cases worldwide.

Barriers of Reporting and Ethical/Legal Considerations

According to the Stop Violence Against Women (2007), in most cases sexual harassment is not reported for many reasons. First, women do not believe that authorities and supervisors within the company would take any steps. Secondly, many women are afraid of becoming stigmatized and being blamed for falling a victim of this act. Finally, in some cases, women simply do not want to hurt the person who harassed them. They might be good friends, and a corporate night out resulted in unwanted sexual advancements. In these cases, women believe that the prosecution of the person would be too great of a punishment.

It is also hard to provide a proof of injury at court, and in most cases it is one person’s word against the other person’s, as sexual harassment usually takes place without anyone witnessing it.

Preventive Actions

One of the actions that are taken to handle sexual harassment is that all sexual harassment problems is to create relevant company policies that focus on training related to ethics. Further, policies need to state that employees can report sexual harassment anonymously.

The culture of the organization should focus on openness information sharing. In an ethical company, unwanted sexual advancement should not be tolerated. It’s one thing to be on even ground with that person, as far as sexual advances or even making sexual jokes that they don’t mind. At the same time, when the person starts taking it personally then it should be reported because the person has to feel like what they say and feel matters. According to Sherwyn (2008), “Everyone entertains a different perception of sexual harassment in the workplace, but a coworker’s personal life combined with sexual teasing should never come into play because it can cause some real damage to them especially with people that they have to work around (Sherwyn, 55, 2008).

Recent Case Analysis

A recent sexual harassment case against Kroger (Arkansas Matters, 2015) shows that the company itself has certain responsibilities towards employees. Certain steps need to be taken after the issues are reported, or the preventive policies will not achieve their intended effect. A teenager employee was subjected to sexual harassment in the workplace, and repeatedly reported the issue to her supervisor. According to the ruling in the case, Keoger “failed to take effective action to prevent such abuse of the employee by a male co-worker” (Arkansas Matters, 2015, para. 2). The company did not take any action against the harasser, and is now made to pay a settlement of $42.500. As Faye A. Williams, regional attorney of EEOC’s  confirmed: “Employees – especially very young and vulnerable employees such as in this case — should be able to report to work without fear of sexual harassment,” (Quoted in:  Arkansas Matters, 2015, para. 5).

Bosses and supervisors are usually required to take action, but sometimes they fail to fulfill their obligations to victims, like in the above case.  In light of this, special or mandatory training on sexual harassment is another course of action that people as well as CEOs are forced to take and participate in. During the training people, people, coworkers as well as supervisors are taught about the importance of sexual harassment preventions. Also, these same people are walked through several different training scenarios that show and illustrate what is appropriate behavior in the workplace along with what is intolerable or where the line needs to be drawn.

Reflection and Recommendations

According to Blackstone (2012), “Men and women are made victims of sexual harassment, harmless sexual teasing can open the doors to workplace violence unless measures are put in place to prevent this from happening” (Blackstone, 2012). Therefore, policies should not only focus on women, but the entire population.

It can be argued that women are usually the common victims of sexual harassment and are immediately expected to tell the supervisor, but men are just as susceptible to it as women are. Back in the mid to late 90s, sexual harassment wasn’t as prevalent and in need of methodical prevention like it is today but what is clear is that both genders of people experience it at one point in time.

There have been instances in the past where people who file sexual harassment complaints aren’t dealt with accordingly because of the lack of evidence or because it’s her word against his. In these cases,  employers need to determine who is lying and who’s telling the truth; it can become a battle of moral and workplace. Education related to sexual harassment, prevention, and making it easy to report cases seems to be the most effective solution for reducing the number of cases.

According to Carter (2006), “taking preventative steps to eliminating sexual harassment in the workplace is the key to happy and productive workers not to mention happy supervisors” (Carter, 2006). It can be said that sexual harassment in the workplace is an issue that should be handled with care, because it can impact a lot of people.

In closing, sexual harassment in the workplace has caused quite a lot of damage to the people working in the workplace because of the inaction on both parties’ side but taking the time to prevent it shows courage and adaptability to change; a person’s job is not a place for sexual advances or sexual harassment of any kind. It’s everyone’s responsibility to stop it at the source.

Arkansas Matters. (2015) Kroger to Pay Sexual Harassment Lawsuit Settlement. Arkansas Matters News online. Retrieved from http://www.arkansasmatters.com/news/local-  news/kroger-to-pay-sexual-harrassment-lawsuit-settlement

Blackstone, A. (2012, May 1). Fighting Sexual Harassment in the Workplace. Retrieved November 9, 2015, from University of Maine http://www.scholarsstrategynetwork.org/content/fighting-sexual-harassment-workplace

Carter, S. (2006). Preventing sexual harassment in the workplace. Retrieved November 9, 2015, from http://www.roughnotes.com/rnmagazine/search/management/08_08P070.htm

Crain, K. A., & Heischmidt, K. A. (1995). Implementing business ethics: Sexual harassment. Journal of Business Ethics ,  14 (4), 299-308.

Dromm, K. (2012, May 31). Keith Dromm on Sexual Harassment . Retrieved November 9, 2015, from http://sites.broadviewpress.com/keith-dromm-on-sexual-harassment/

Ramsaroop, A., & Parumasur, S. B. (2007). The prevalence and nature of sexual harassment in the workplace: A model for early identification and effective management thereof. SA  Journal of Industrial Psychology ,  33 (2), 25-33.

Sherwyn, D. (2008). Roundtable Retrospective 2007: Dealing with Sexual Harassment. The Scholarly Commons , 2, 55-55. http://scholarship.sha.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1386&context=articles

Stop Violence Against Women. (2007) Barriers to Effective Enforcement of Sexual Harassment Law. Retrieved from http://www.stopvaw.org/barriers_to_effective_enforcement_of_sexual_harassment_law.html

Stop Violence Against Women. (2011) Prevalence of Sexual Harassmen t. Retrieved from http://www.stopvaw.org/prevalence_of_sexual_harassment

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What it really takes to stop sexual harassment

Psychologists call for a comprehensive approach with real-world impact

By Brendan L. Smith

February 2018, Vol 49, No. 2

Print version: page 36

11 min read

• Sexual Assault and Harassment

As the list of high-profile men accused of sexual harassment or assault grows, a cultural shift demanding increased accountability for workplace sexual harassment may be occurring in the public eye. But behind closed doors, many companies and institutions have done little to address sexual harassment, which has contributed to hostile work environments not only for victims of sexual harassment but also for other employees who are merely bystanders.

Sexual harassment is a pervasive problem with a devastating toll on employee well-being and performance, according to psychologists who study workplace harassment or provide consultation to companies on how to prevent it. There also is a dearth of research identifying which training programs may help reduce sexual harassment, while some ineffective training may even exacerbate the problem. Companies often still have a problematic knee-jerk reaction to sexual harassment complaints, says C. Brady Wilson, PhD, a psychologist in Scottsdale, Arizona, who specializes in sexual harassment and workplace trauma.

"There is a pattern to close ranks, admit nothing and blame the victim," Wilson says. "Some companies hate the EEOC and hate their own human resources department. They just see sexual harassment complaints as something that slows them down and as an unnecessary expense. There is such a reluctance to cooperate and participate."

In the 2015 fiscal year, the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) received approximately 28,000 charges alleging harassment or discrimination from employees working for private employers or state or local governments. Almost half of those complaints were based on gender, exceeding race (34 percent) or disability (19 percent). The EEOC estimates that less than 14 percent of individuals experiencing harassment ever file a formal complaint.

Sixty percent of American women voters said they have experienced sexual harassment, according to a recent Quinnipiac University poll. Almost 70 percent of the women who experienced harassment said it occurred at work, more than any other setting. And the poll found almost 90 percent of both male and female voters believe sexual harassment of women is a serious problem.

The current media spotlight on sexual harassment may motivate more companies to adopt sexual harassment training programs, but some efforts aren't successful in changing attitudes or reducing sexual harassment. Conducting a one-time training for new employees is ineffective and is usually just window dressing by companies seeking protection from lawsuits, says Columbia University psychology professor Elissa Perry, PhD, who has researched sexual harassment training programs.

"It's not just about providing one training and you're done. It's got to be a comprehensive approach," she says. "The tone is set at the top. Are they just checking a box? If they are only doing it for legal reasons, then they don't care if it works."

Decades of research has documented the extensive damage suffered by victims of sexual harassment, including anxiety, depression, eating disorders, drug and alcohol abuse, job turnover and post-traumatic stress.

Quick has researched sexual harassment for more than two decades and co-authored a recent article in APA's Journal of Occupational Health Psychology that examined advances in research and the changing dynamics of sexual harassment. More men now are reporting sexual harassment, and more research is needed in the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender communities. In the Quinnipiac University national poll, one in five male voters reported that he had experienced sexual harassment. Women also can be aggressors against other women or men, although that is less common, Quick says.

The quest for effective training

While there has been little research evaluating the effectiveness of sexual harassment training programs, there are some best practices that have been identified. Employees should learn about company policies and laws relating to sexual harassment, procedures for filing complaints, and expectations of behavior for all employees, says Chris Kilmartin, PhD, a psychologist and emeritus psychology professor at the University of Mary Washington.

Bystander intervention training also may help increase a sense of accountability, where employees are expected to speak up and even file their own complaints when they witness sexual harassment involving another employee. A toxic work environment can lower productivity and increase turnover and absenteeism, with employees less engaged in their work.

"A hostile environment affects the whole organization, not just the people who are harassed," Kilmartin says. "Basically, it poisons the organization."

Kilmartin has served as a sexual harassment training consultant for many organizations and the armed forces, including the U.S. Army, Air Force and Naval Academy. Training can be engaging, with real-life scenarios, rather than forcing employees to watch a dated video with stilted vignettes. Kilmartin used his chops as a stand-up comedian to incorporate humor into a sexual harassment training video he wrote for the Army. In the video, a clueless soldier is dressed down by a sergeant for telling sexist jokes.

Companies should use sexual harassment training programs that include pre-training, training and post-training components at the individual and group levels, Perry says. An anonymous employee survey or audit of the workplace before the training can be useful in identifying the extent of sexual harassment. The training should be interactive, with multiple training methods, including lectures, videos and role-playing. Follow-up after the initial training should include knowledge assessment tests and annual refresher training courses.

A successful training program might result in an increase in sexual harassment complaints in the short term as more employees feel empowered to report misconduct, but an elevated level of complaints for an extended period may indicate the training hasn't helped, Perry says.

Some ineffective training programs may even backfire and increase negative views or stereotypes, according to research. A study of a 30-minute training found that men who completed the program were more likely to say that sexual behavior at work was wrong, but they also were more likely to believe that both parties contribute to inappropriate sexual behavior. They also were less likely to view coercion of a subordinate as sexual harassment than were men or women who didn't take the training.

The role of workplace culture

Some common risk factors for sexual harassment include workplaces with a strict hierarchical power dynamic where men outnumber women and most supervisors are male. Hiring more women in leadership positions and creating a civil, respectful culture for all employees can help curb the problem, Kilmartin says.

The Defense Department has instituted a comprehensive training strategy to reduce sexual assault and harassment, including an anonymous help line, surveys of armed forces members, focus groups and procedures for reducing retaliation against victims.

In both the military and civilian worlds, sexual harassment complaints are sometimes dismissed as a "he said, she said" situation, says Quick, who co-wrote a forthcoming book on campus sexual assault. Companies need to have clear policies that sexual harassment won't be tolerated and that perpetrators will be punished, but the process needs to be fair to all parties. "You can't use a sledgehammer. Some people do some things unintentionally," Quick says. "You have to look at intentions and actions. It's a deliberative process you have to go through."

A harsh zero-tolerance policy toward sexual harassment also can backfire, where alleged perpetrators don't feel the process is fair and victims fear making a complaint because they may not want the perpetrator to be fired, Quick says. "Everyone potentially has a defense, so you have to listen to both sides of the conflict," he says.

More research is needed to identify personality traits that may contribute to sexual harassment. One study published last year in Personality and Individual Differences found a positive association between sexual harassment proclivity and the "dark triad" personality traits (narcissism, psychopathy and Machiavellianism). While some people view sexist jokes as harmless, another study published in 2015 in the International Journal of Humor Research found that telling sexist jokes was associated with self-reported rape proclivity and blaming of victims.

The fate of harassment targets

One worrying trend is the increase in companies buying liability insurance to defend against sexual harassment lawsuits, because companies may treat sexual harassment as a cost of doing business rather than addressing it, Wilson says. "The fact is it's going to cost the company more to do the training and compliance than buying insurance. That's a hard reality," he says.

Wilson has trained EEOC staff about the differing ways that targets may respond to sexual harassment. Some women may try to avoid an aggressor or make weak pleadings for him to stop. They may downplay the misconduct and endure it for a long time before ultimately filing a complaint. Companies then may use those delays as ammunition against victims to question why they didn't file a complaint sooner or allege that the victims didn't really object to the inappropriate behavior, Wilson says. More than 70 percent of EEOC sexual harassment charges filed during the last two fiscal years included charges of retaliation, according to unpublished EEOC data obtained by the Center for American Progress.

Targets who face retaliation usually aren't fired outright, but their lives in the workplace are made so difficult that they eventually quit, says Wilson, a former president of the Arizona Psychological Association. He had one client whose desk was moved into a hallway outside her office and who had her computer and phone taken away after she filed a sexual harassment complaint.

That retaliation doesn't go unnoticed, and fellow workers often distance themselves from the target rather than helping. "Rarely do people stand up for them," Wilson says. "They don't want to get caught in that web or suffer retaliation themselves."

Bystander intervention training can help reverse that trend by training employees to be responsible for maintaining a safe office environment, even if it means getting involved in a situation they would rather avoid, Wilson says.

On another front, some large companies are compelling their suppliers to take action on sexual harassment, which can be a powerful tool because it affects those businesses' bottom line. McDonald's, Walmart, Trader Joe's, Whole Foods, Burger King and other companies have begun buying fruits and vegetables only from growers who abide by a human rights code of conduct to protect farmworkers called the Fair Food Program , which was developed by the Coalition of Immokalee Workers in Florida.

While high-profile men in politics, entertainment and the media are dominating the news coverage over allegations of sexual harassment, industries with large numbers of female low-wage workers have much higher rates of sexual harassment that go unnoticed with little public outcry. From 2005 to 2015, more than 41,000 charges of sexual harassment were filed with the EEOC, with the hotel and food industries recording the most charges (14 percent), followed closely by the retail industry (13 percent). The media and entertainment industries each accounted for less than 3 percent of sexual harassment complaints.

Shifts in cultural attitudes toward sexual harassment may ultimately be the most valuable tool in combating sexual harassment by creating a shared sense of public responsibility and accountability. The #MeToo social media messages that went viral after the Harvey Weinstein sex scandal illustrated in stark detail how many women have experienced sexual harassment. Kilmartin says he had male friends on Facebook who acknowledged they had previously engaged in sexual harassment, but they promised to stop after reading the heartrending accounts that women shared publicly, often for the first time.

"It was powerful and personalized the issue that it's not just something that happens in an evil Hollywood back room," Kilmartin says. "It helps sensitize men to the stories of people they know so it wasn't just an abstraction."

Greater public awareness of sexual harassment and more proactive involvement by companies and other institutions hopefully will reduce the prevalence of sexual harassment and the devastation it causes, Quick says.

"It's not just a woman's problem. Women continue to be the primary victims of sexual harassment, and they are carrying the burden of suffering," he says. "Until males own their responsibility in the problem, it's going to be really tough to get a big movement in addressing it."

This article originally appeared in Good Company , a newsletter from APA's Center for Organizational Excellence, which works to enhance the functioning of individuals, groups, organizations and communities through the application of psychology to a broad range of workplace issues..

Have we made any progress?

James Campbell Quick, PhD, and M. Ann McFadyen, PhD, seek to answer that question in the July issue of APA's Journal of Occupational Health Psychology (Vol. 22, No. 3, 2017). Their article reviews the literature on sexual harassment and finds that while sexual harassment complaints have decreased by 28 percent since 1998, complaints by males have increased, and merit resolutions and monetary benefits have increased. The authors also point out that one persistent problem related to sexual harassment is a lack of agreement on its definition. dx.doi.org/10.1037/ocp0000054

APA's Center for Organizational Excellence Resources on preventing and addressing workplace sexual harassment, including statistics, reports, trainings, book recommendations and more, can be found at apaexcellence.org/sexual-harassment .

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Sexual Harassment in the Workplace: Consequences and Perceived Self-Efficacy in Women and Men Witnesses and Non-Witnesses

Daniela acquadro maran.

1 Department of Psychology, Università di Torino, 10124 Torino, Italy

Antonella Varetto

2 Clinical Psychology Unit, Città della Scienze e della Salute, Corso Bramante 88, 10126 Torino, Italy

Cristina Civilotti

Associated data.

The datasets generated for this study are available on request to the corresponding author.

Despite the numerous advances made in Italy over the years in the study of sexual harassment in the workplace (SHW), research has focused exclusively on victims, perpetrators, and their relationships, and not on the consequences that the experience of sexual harassment can produce in witnesses. The present study aims to address this gap by examining how the indirect experience of SHW, in conjunction with variables such as gender, age, self-efficacy, and coping strategies, affects the mental health status of witnesses of SHW. A sample of 724 employees completed a questionnaire that included a modified version of the Sexual Experience Questionnaire (SEQ), the Oldenburg Burnout Inventory (OLBI), the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ), the Satisfaction With Life Scale (SWLS), and the Emotional Self-Efficacy Scale (RESE). Of the group, 321 participants reported witnessing sexual harassment in the workplace (28.2% of women and 16.2% of men). Results show that witnesses were younger than participants who described themselves as non-witnesses. Results also show that women and men who were witnesses were more likely to suffer the emotional and psychological consequences of the experience than non-witnesses. In addition, female witnesses expressed more positive emotions than men, which enabled them to manage their anxiety and emotional states when triggered in response to sexual harassment in the workplace. Finally, a significant association was found between perceptions of mental health and age, gender, experience with SHW, and self-efficacy strategies. The findings underscore the importance of sexual harassment intervention in the workplace, women and men who witness sexual harassment suffer vicarious experiences, psychological impact, exhaustion, disengagement, and negative feelings.

1. Introduction

Sexual harassment in the workplace (hereafter SHW) has been officially recognized since the 1970s as a form of violence to be prevented, and several studies have been conducted on it since then (see, e.g., [ 1 , 2 ]). Fitzgerald et al. [ 3 ] define this phenomenon as unsolicited and unwanted sexual behavior that is perceived by the victim as humiliating, offensive, and disabling in terms of their own safety and psychophysical well-being. The International Labor Organization (ILO) describes SHW as a series of repeated, unsolicited, non-reciprocal, and fully imposed harassments by the perpetrator that can have serious undesirable effects on the person [ 4 ]. SHW may include acts such as groping, intrusive looks, comments, and/or jokes about the victim’s body/clothing/uterus, use of sexually explicit language or innuendo about the victim’s private life, comments about sexual orientation, or even sexual/erotic contact and viewing of pornographic audio/video material. Chappell and Di Martino [ 5 ] provide the same definition in their study and also point out that perpetrators often hold more prestigious positions or have more power in the workplace than victims. For this reason, victims may be afraid to fight back or file formal complaints.

Direct experiences of SHW can be very disabling for both the individual and the organization. Research has shown that bullying can threaten physical, psychological, and occupational well-being [ 6 ]. In a summary of studies conducted by the European Commission in Northern European countries, it was found that in 7 of the 75 studies reviewed, more than half of the respondents suffered from negative consequences on general health and well-being [ 7 ]. The effects reported by victims included psychosomatic symptoms such as muscle pain and problems of a physical and psychological nature. The most recurrent emotions are anxiety, anger, stress, humiliation, loss of confidence, personal and professional dissatisfaction, and, above all, a deterioration in interpersonal relationships, especially with colleagues. As far as physical symptoms are concerned, those affected mainly report gastrointestinal problems, headaches, insomnia, nausea, loss of appetite, and weight loss [ 8 ]. As for mental health, the most serious problems are depressive disorders and post-traumatic stress disorder [ 9 ]. The suffering of people in relation to work also leads to deterioration from an organizational point of view. Phenomena such as absenteeism, turnover intentions, and job dissatisfaction can affect organizational performance [ 10 ]. Individuals also often experience deterioration in their work performance [ 11 ]. Organizational culture also suffers, SHW creates a stressful environment in which victims experience important effects such as loss of trust, confidence, and sense of justice toward the organization and its leadership, a reality in which workers ultimately conclude that they count for nothing to the organization [ 12 ].

1.1. Consequences of SHW in Witnesses

SHW has been discussed for decades in the scientific literature and in sociopolitical organizations, and there are numerous studies addressing this aspect to guide experimental research, dissemination, and prevention campaigns in the face of increasing and broader awareness by organizations and stakeholders. Unfortunately, the impact of SHW affects not only the direct victims, but also the witnesses of SHW who live in a climate characterized by these dysfunctional behaviors. As early as the late 1990s, Fitzgerald and her colleagues analyzed the potential consequences of SHW, emphasizing that perceptions of such phenomena can lead to deterioration in the physical health of both direct and indirect victims [ 2 , 13 , 14 ]. These studies suggest that perceptions of gender discrimination, sexual harassment, and other forms of organizational mistreatment can affect women’s and men’s well-being, even if they are not directly affected by SHW.

Some gender differences have been identified in research. Kobrynowicz and Brans-combe [ 15 ] indicated that men’s perceptions of SHW are associated with high levels of assertiveness and low self-esteem. Richman et al. [ 16 ] found that men’s and women’s perceptions of SHW resulted in diametrically opposite psychological states. In men, SHW was associated with worsening mental health. Schmitt et al. [ 17 ] examined the possible consequences of this perception and found that it was both physically and psychologically harmful for women, whereas it had no significant effects for men. One possible explanation suggested by the authors is that women are more likely to be victims of SHW than in other areas. This would lead to more attention being paid to this phenomenon. The study by Harnois and Bastos [ 18 ] investigated the phenomenon of SHW and its consequences in men and women. The results showed that the perception of SHW in women was associated with negative effects on the psycho-physical health of the participants. This supports the concept that the perception of SHW can be theorized as a social stressor [ 19 ]. Perceptions of the presence of SHW were positively associated with negative effects on physical and emotional well-being in both genders. In line with Siuta and Bergman [ 20 ] and Hansen, Garde, and Persson [ 21 ], it seems appropriate to refer to experiences of sexual harassment as stressors, also in light of the definition of Kahn and Byosiere [ 22 ], who define work stressors as stimuli generated at work that have negative physical or psychological consequences for a significant proportion of individuals exposed to them [ 23 ]. These stimuli may characterize a work environment that can be understood as discretionary, in which the stimuli are transmitted differently from individual to individual, or they may permeate the entire work group and thus be potentially available to all members of the group. According to the authors, this also applies to the phenomenon of SHW, which can act either directly at the individual level on the victim—as a discretionary stimulus—or indirectly at the group level on the members—as an environmental stimulus—which would have similar negative effects. Also, in the study presented by Bowling and Beehr [ 24 ], workplace bullying is clearly negatively associated with victim well-being, supporting the hypothesis that bullying is a workplace stressor that has effects similar to other workplace stressors such as SHW. Takaki, Taniguchi, and Hirokawa [ 25 ] examined the association between SHW and physical consequences, many of which were found to be significant. The authors analyzed data from questionnaires sent to employees (N = 1642) of 35 health care facilities in Japan. The results suggest that stress responses due to SHW could affect health through direct biological effects, prolonged physiological activation, and lack of repair or by affecting lifestyle and health-related behaviors. As suggested by Mathews et al. [ 26 ], exposure to these types of stressors could lead to burnout. In their study, 38% of 129 participants reported experiencing at least one SHW episode in their careers.

1.2. SHW and Perceived Self-Efficacy

Self-efficacy is a construct introduced by Bandura [ 27 ] that represents one of the core mechanisms of personal agency. Self-efficacy is a person’s belief that he or she is capable of organizing and performing the actions necessary to cope with future situations. It is an expression of a person’s self-regulatory abilities and influences the way he or she regulates his or her behavior, thoughts, and affect, as well as the decisions he or she makes and the efforts and persistence he or she undertakes [ 28 , 29 , 30 ]. According to Bandura, people can successfully achieve their goals in difficult situations if they believe they can perform the required actions [ 29 ]. Overall, self-efficacy has been shown to protect against negative psychological factors such as stress and burnout [ 31 ]. In general, higher levels of self-efficacy have been shown to positively impact various workplace outcomes by influencing the way individuals interpret their environment. Self-efficacy has been associated with more effective coping with workplace stressors, leading to greater job satisfaction and lower intention to quit [ 32 ]. According to Bandura [ 29 ], individuals with high self-efficacy are more able to cope with workplace stressors and therefore less likely to avoid frustrating situations by quitting. Self-efficacy appears to have five main effects on behavior. It influences the choices an individual makes based on belief in success or failure; it mobilizes the individual to try harder to succeed; it provides perseverance in the face of obstacles and negative outcomes; it facilitates thought patterns that tell the individual he or she can accomplish the task; and it reduces stress and depression associated with fear of future failure [ 33 ]. Self-efficacy appears to play a central role in SHW; research has found that witnesses with high levels of self-efficacy were more likely to actively help or defend their peers, whereas witnesses with lower levels of self-efficacy were more likely to be passive [ 34 , 35 ]. In the study by Hellemans et al. [ 36 ], witnesses with low self-efficacy had a greater fear of intervening. This finding is important because it shows the influence of a witness’s personal resources on his or her (non)intervention in the context of SHW.

1.3. Current Study

In Italy, the National Institute of Statistics [ 37 ] estimates that 8,816,000 women (43.6% of the population) between the ages of 14 and 65 have been sexually harassed in some way during their lifetime, and that 3,118,000 women (15.4%) have been victims of sexual harassment in the last three years. Looking only at the types of sexual harassment also found in the 2008–2009 survey, the estimate of women sexually harassed in the three years prior to the survey increased from 3,778,000 (18.7%) in 2008–2009 to 2,578,000 (12.8%) in 2015–2016. For the first time, sexual harassment was also found among men; an estimated 3,754,000 men were harassed in their lifetime (18.8%), 1,274,000 in the last three years (6.4%). The severity of the harassment suffered varies greatly by gender, with 76.4% of women considering it very or fairly bad, compared to 47.2% of men. In addition, an estimated 1,404,000 (8.9%) women were victims of SHW; 425,000 (2.7%) in the last three years. The vast majority of victims (69.6%) consider the incident to be very or fairly serious. However, in 80.9% of cases, victims did not talk about it with anyone at work. Failure to report victimization experiences to colleagues and supervisors is due to the fear of being perceived as incompetent, inefficient, or inadequately prepared to deal with behaviors that may be considered part of the work environment [ 38 ].

In this context, it is important to note that, in 2021, the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE), an autonomous agency at the European level, published a gender equality index for the 28 countries of the European Union, based on six areas (work, money, knowledge, time, power, and health). The report shows that Italy has improved significantly in terms of gender equality, but is still below the European average [ 39 ]. Apart from this consideration, and despite the numerous advances made in Italy over the years in the study of the phenomenon of sexual harassment, to our knowledge, research has mainly focused on the victims, the perpetrators, and their relationships (e.g., [ 40 , 41 , 42 ]), and not on the consequences that the experience of sexual harassment can cause in the witnesses. The present study aims to fill this gap in the Italian scientific landscape. The aim of this study was to analyze the consequences of SHW episodes in self-defined witnesses and the perceived self-efficacy that could influence the intention to intervene [ 34 , 35 , 36 ]. To better understand the experience of being a witness and the role of gender, a comparison was made between male and female witnesses and non-witnesses.

The literature suggests that the consequences are the result of a specific stressor. Therefore, perceived mental health, life satisfaction, and burnout were analyzed, as has been done in other studies around the world with primary victims of SHW (e.g., [ 43 , 44 , 45 ]). In addition, to assess attitudes toward the intervention, self-efficacy was assessed in terms of the ability to express negative and positive feelings related to SHW episodes. In this context, behaviors characteristic of the experience of SHW were assessed to measure consequences and attitudes toward the intervention.

The overall goal of the study was to examine how the experience of SHW, in conjunction with variables such as gender, age, and coping strategies, affects witnesses’ mental health. To better describe the phenomenon, the following hypotheses were also formulated based on the literature review described below, such as gender differences.

• (1) Women who witnessed SHW were more likely to suffer the emotional and psychological consequences of the experience than men and female non-witnesses.
• (2) Women who witnessed SHW had more difficulty managing their stress than men and female non-witnesses.
• (3) Women who witnessed SHW were more inclined to express negative emotions and less inclined to express positive emotions than men and female non-witnesses.

2. Materials and Methods

Participants were asked to anonymously complete a self-administered questionnaire. The first part described the purpose of the questionnaire and included instructions for answering it (including the contact details of the authors of this paper for any doubts or problems), as well as the informed consent form and the declaration of anonymity and privacy. In addition, following the study of Fitzgerald et al. [ 46 ], the following description of SHW was given, “Sexual harassment was defined as any unwelcome sexual conduct or other form of discrimination based on sex that violates the dignity of men and women in the learning and working environment, including physical, verbal, or nonverbal conduct. Examples of sexual harassment include (a) implicit or explicit solicitation of offensive or unwanted sexual services; (b) display of pornographic material in the workplace, including in electronic form; (c) use of sexist criteria in any type of interpersonal relationship; (d) implicit or explicit promises of facilities and privileges or professional advancement in return for sexual services; (e) threats or retaliation for refusing sexual services; (f) unwanted and inappropriate physical contact; (g) verbal comments about the body or comments about sexuality or sexual orientation that are perceived as offensive”. The second part of the questionnaire included a request to indicate whether participants had ever witnessed SHW (response = yes/no). The third part of the questionnaire included scales on emotional and psychological consequences, perception of the phenomenon, and coping with the suffering. The last part of the questionnaire included sociodemographic data (e.g., gender, age).

To assess the experiences of witnesses of SHW, the Sexual Experience Questionnaire was used (SEQ, [ 3 ]). SEQ is the most widely used and validated measure of sexual harassment [ 47 , 48 ] and asks participants to indicate, on a scale of 1 (never) to 5 (often), how often they have been the target of sexually harassing behavior within the past year. Examples used in this survey include “During the past 12 months, have you been in a situation where any of your supervisors or coworkers … Made sexist remarks to you”. Higher scores indicate more SH victimization. For the purposes of this study, the third-person questions were reformulated in third person: “During the past 12 months, have you been in a situation where any of your supervisors or co-workers … Made sexist remarks to your colleague or other employee or client…”. This scale was only considered for participants who answered “yes” to the question of whether they witnessed SHW. In this study, items from SEQ were aggregated (see [ 23 , 48 ]) (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.94).

The Oldenburg Burnout Inventory (OLBI; [ 49 ]) is an instrument for assessing burnout and work engagement. It contains both positively (e.g., “I find my work a positive challenge” or “After work, I have enough energy for my leisure activities”) and negatively (e.g., “During my work, I often feel emotionally drained” or “Over time, one can become disconnected from this type of work”) worded items. This allows the two main dimensions of burnout to be measured; exhaustion, as the result of excessive physical, emotional, and cognitive effort associated with the long-term consequences of the particular demands of a given job, and disengagement (from work, understood as turning away from it in general, from the object of the work, and from its content). These aspects concern the relationship between workers and their work, especially identification with the job and willingness to stay in the same job. The instrument consists of 16 items with a Likert scale ranging from “strongly disagree” to “strongly agree.” (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.85).

The General Health Questionnaire, 12-item version (GHQ-12; [ 50 ]; Italian version by Picardi et al. [ 51 ]), as described by Shevlin and Adamson [ 52 ], belongs to a family of questionnaires for respondents’ self-assessment of psychiatric disorders in community and clinical contexts, as well as for the assessment of disorders of normal functioning and the presence of stress symptoms. The original version consists of 60 items, whereas the version presented in the present study is a follow-up version consisting of exactly 12 items. The items are asked in the form of questions (e.g., “In the past two weeks, have you felt able to concentrate on what you are doing?”) and include a response scale with three response options (from as usual to much less than usual) (Cronbach alpha = 0.81).

The Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS; [ 53 ]) was used to assess satisfaction with one’s life in general in relation to a general cognitive process. The instrument consists of five statements about specific general aspects of life (e.g., “The conditions of my life are excellent”), which were rated on a Likert scale from 1 = strongly disagree to 7 = strongly agree. (Cronbach’s alpha = 0.87).

The Regulatory Emotional Self-Efficacy Scale (RESE; [ 54 ]) is an instrument designed to assess perceived self-efficacy in coping with negative affect and expressing positive affect. The theoretical basis of this instrument lies in the concept that self-efficacy beliefs are dynamic rather than static factors that can be enhanced by coping experiences as a result of the individual’s ability to self-reflect and learn from experiences [ 29 ]. In terms of self-efficacy in dealing with positive and negative emotions, the authors refer to the belief that one is able to cope with stress and emotional states (e.g., joy, anger) when they are triggered in response to adverse events. This self-assessment scale includes 12 items (e.g., “Express joy when something good things happen to you?” or “Avoid getting upset when others give you a hard time?”), which are assessed in two subscales: POS (4 items) and NEG (8 items). The NEG subscale also consists of the anger–irritation (ANG 4, items) and dejection–stress (DES, 4 items) subscales (Cronbach alpha = 0.86).

For the scales for which no Italian version was available, they were translated from British English and then back-translated [ 55 ]. The translation was done by the authors and two research assistants to agree on a final version.

2.1. Procedure

The research project was approved by the Ethics Committee of the University of Turin (Prot. N. 456048/2018). The organizations were contacted with a request for a questionnaire about SHW. The criterion for inclusion was that they were public and private labor organizations in Northern Italy. The exclusion criterion was whether they were voluntary associations or non-profit foundations. A letter of invitation was sent to the heads of the organizations with which we were in contact based on previous work. We asked them to provide us names of people they had already been in contact with. A month after the contacts began, we sent out about thirty letters of invitation. Seven organizations responded positively to the invitation. The other organizations declined or did not respond for various reasons (e.g., lack of time for the project or organizational changes). The organizations that expressed interest received a detailed explanation of the research project. Along with the questionnaires, several ballot boxes were delivered to all sites where employees could have kept their completed questionnaires—given the heterogeneous distribution of employees, the ballot boxes were placed primarily at the organizations’ headquarters, two for each floor and a single ballot box for the other sites. The employees were informed about the research topic, the modalities of voluntary and anonymous participation, and the corresponding deadlines for placing the questionnaires in the corresponding ballot boxes. All participants were informed that their participation was voluntary, that they could leave the interview at any time, and that their responses would remain anonymous. In addition, participants were informed that they could avoid answering if the question worried them, and that if they had negative feelings, they could contact free services offering psychological support. The study was conducted in accordance with Italian privacy regulations. Two weeks were initially allocated for the completion of the questionnaires, which were then extended by a further ten days until the final collection of the questionnaires (information about the schedule and the research topic was also clearly highlighted on the ballots themselves to avoid any ambiguity).

2.2. Participants

The questionnaire was distributed in seven different organizations, five of which were private (four companies involved in the production and/or management of goods and services for users and one from the social care sector) and two public (one from the administrative sector and the second from the public health sector). It should be noted that some of the participating organizations were easily identified by the participants of the research due to the number of employees and the type of activity. Therefore, to ensure the anonymity of the participants and the participating organizations, the activities of the organizations were categorized as public/private without providing further information. The estimated total number of potential participants in the study is approximately 1500 individuals, of which 733 employees completed the questionnaires and 724 were considered valid (nine participants did not answer the gender question).

The majority of participants worked in a company with more than 200 employees (37.4%), 21.7% had between 16 and 50 employees, 20.2% between 1 and 15, 12.6% between 51 and 100, and 6.4% in a company with 101 to 200 employees. The majority of participants were employed in a private organization (58.2%), with the remainder employed in a public organization. Overall, 58.4% of the sample were women, 59.1% were single, 36.3% were married, and 4.3% were separated/divorced. Two participants were widowed. Participants were on average 38.75 years old (range 19–65, SD = 13.13). They had work experience ranging from a few months to 44 years (M = 17.41, SD = 12.83), 58.1% had a permanent employment contract, and 44.7% had a college degree.

2.3. Statistical Analysis

The data were processed with SPSS version 28 (IBM Corp., Armonk, NY, USA). To assess the significance of differences between witnesses and non-witnesses, χ 2 tests were used. The Cramer’s V value was calculated to estimate the effect size. As a post hoc test, standardized Pearson residuals (SPRs) were calculated for each cell to determine which cell differences contributed to the results of the χ 2 test. SPRs whose absolute values were greater than 1.96 indicated that the number of cases in that cell was significantly greater than expected (in terms of over-representation) if the null hypothesis was true, with a significance level of 0.05 [ 56 ]. The data were also analyzed using t-test to examine the experience of SHW in witnesses. ANOVA to measure differences between women and men witnesses and non-witnesses. Eta squared was calculated to estimate the effect size. Differences were considered statistically significant when p < 0.05. Finally, a multiple regression analysis was used to understand whether perceived mental health can be predicted based on gender, age, SHW, and self-efficacy.

A total of 321 participants reported being witnesses to SHW (28.2% women and 16.2% men). Among non-witnesses, 30.2% were women and 25.4% were men (see Table 1 ). On average, female witnesses to SHW were 37.17 years old (range 19–65, SD = 13.21), male witnesses were 36.78 years old (range 20–62, SD = 11.70), while women non-witnesses of SHW were 41.42 years old (range 19–65, SD = 13.34) and men non-witnesses were 38.57 years old (range 21–65, SD = 13.22) (F = 6.87, p = 0.002, η2 = 0.092). Regarding years of work experience, female witnesses of SHW had 16.90 years of work experience (range 1–40, SD = 12.63), male witnesses had 17.10 years (range 1–43, SD = 12.39), while female non-witnesses of SHW were 19.14 years old (range 0–41, SD = 12.54) and male non-witnesses were 16.07 years old (range 0–44, SD = 13.50) (F = 1.21, p = 0.170, η2 = 0.089). Regarding SHW experience, women reported more dysfunctional behaviors than men (M = 26.33, SD = 9.47 and M = 24.47, SD = 11.00, respectively; t = 2.27, p = 0.024, Cohen’s d = 0.176).

Characteristic of the participants (N = 724). Values expressed in column percentage.

Note. χ 2 = Chi-square value; p = p value; V = Cramer’s V value; * = Cells with overrepresentation of subjects.

As shown in Table 1 , single men and married/cohabiting woman are the two categories that report significantly fewer SHW experiences. Women working in the public sector and in organizations with 51 to 100 and 101 to 200 employees, respectively, are more likely to witness SHW, while men in the public sector and in organizations with more than 200 employees report more dysfunctional behaviors.

In Table 2 , there is the distribution of response in women and men witnesses and non-witnesses of SHW. Findings indicated that men witnesses were more prone than others to express disengagement, negative feelings such as anger, and dejection–stress. Women witnesses were more prone than others to express positive feelings.

Perceived mental health, life satisfaction, burnout, and self-efficacy; comparison between witnesses and non-witnesses of SHW (one-way ANOVA) (N = 724).

Note. F = Fischer’s value; p = p value; η2 = Eta squared.

Correlation analysis showed that when participants (women and men) witnessed SHW, life satisfaction decreased (r = −0.12, p = 0.029). Finally, multiple regression was performed to predict perceived mental health based on gender, age, SHW, and self-efficacy. Linearity was assessed using partial regression plots and a plot of student residuals against predicted values. Independence of the residuals was assessed with a Durbin–Watson value of 1.922. Homoscedasticity was assessed by visual inspection of a plot of student-specific residuals against the non-standardized predicted values, and there was no evidence of multilinearity assessed by tolerance values greater than 0.1. The normality assumption was met, as determined from a Q–Q plot. The multiple regression model statistically significantly predicted perceived mental health, F(6, 690) = 5.266, p < 0.001, adj. R 2 = 0.13, albeit with a modest effect size. All six variables contributed statistically significantly to prediction, p < 0.05. Regression coefficients and standard errors are found in Table 3 .

Multiple regression results for perceived mental health.

Note. Model = “Enter” method in SPSS statistics; B = unstandardized regression coefficient; CI = confidence interval; LL = lower limit; UL = upper limit; SE B = standard error of the coefficient; β = standardized coefficients; R 2 = coefficient of determination; Δ R 2 = adjusted R 2 . ** p < 0.01. The gender variable is calculated as female vs. male.

4. Discussion

Overall, the results of this study show that perceptions of mental health were significantly predicted by the variables of age, sex, exposure to SHW, and self-efficacy strategies. The effect size was modest because some of the complexity of the phenomenon-which includes psychological, group, organizational, and social aspects was likely not fully accounted for in the modeling. Nonetheless, this is a very important finding because it shows how the phenomenon of SHW affects not only the direct victim but also those who experience it indirectly. This finding is consistent with previous recent studies that, albeit using different methodologies, show that SHW is one of the risk factors at all levels of investigation, from the psychological impact on the individual to the consequences for organizational climate and the welfare parameters of society as a whole [ 57 , 58 , 59 ].

Witnesses to SHW were younger than participants who identified as non-witnesses. While Powell [ 60 ] found that age did not affect how women perceived sexual harassment, Reilly, Lott, and Gallogly [ 61 ] found that younger individuals were more likely to tolerate sexual harassment than older individuals. Ford and Donis [ 62 ] found that younger women were least likely to tolerate sexual harassment, while younger men were most likely to tolerate sexual harassment. The authors found that tolerance of sexual harassment increases with age in women up to age 50, but decreases thereafter. For men, however, they found the opposite age effect, i.e., tolerance of sexual harassment decreased up to age 50, but acceptance increased thereafter. Foulis and McCabe [ 63 ] also found that age did not correlate with Australian workers’ perceptions of sexual harassment. In our study, the results confirmed Padavic and Orcutt’s [ 64 ] study that younger workers take the phenomenon of sexual harassment more seriously than older workers (see also [ 65 ]).

Our results also confirm the Hypothesis 1: women and men who witnessed sexual harassment were more likely to suffer the emotional and psychological consequences of the experience than non-witnesses, confirming the Hypothesis 1 of this study. However, male witnesses suffered more than women by distancing themselves and expressing negative emotions such as anger and dejection–stress. These results did not confirm Hypothesis 2 (which stated that women who witnessed SHW had more difficulty managing their stress than men and female non-witnesses) and are consistent with Richman–Hirsch and Glomb [ 66 ]. Nevertheless, this result is very interesting. Traditionally, studies have focused on female victims of SHW, sociodemographic characteristics, organizational and male-dominance culture, consequences, etc. [ 5 ] Fewer studies have been conducted with men, focusing on analysis of their experiences and consequences as witnesses of SHW. The results of the Fourth European Working Conditions Survey, based on 30,000 face-to-face interviews with workers in 31 European countries, show that 2% of all workers are exposed to sexual harassment at work [ 67 ]. This means that colleagues, supervisors, and others have contributed to the misconduct. According to Hansen, Garde, and Persson [ 21 ], while SH can be understood as a unique discretionary stimulus when experienced directly by a target, it can also manifest as an environmental stimulus that permeates the work context and becomes something that everyone is exposed to in their environment. As mentioned earlier, SHW can lead to a generally stressful work environment that affects employees other than those directly affected by the misconduct [ 23 ]. Raver and Gelfand [ 68 ] also showed that the effects of SHW extend to group-level outcomes by demonstrating the detrimental effects on team conflict and cohesion. In addition, Berdahl, Magley, and Waldo [ 69 ] found that while both genders believe that sexual coercion, unwanted sexual attention, and lewd comments are a form of SHW, men also clearly indicate that punishment for deviating from the masculine gender role (i.e., being harassed as “not masculine enough” [ 70 ]) is sexually harassing [ 38 ]. Studies show that the men most at risk are those who do not appear sufficiently masculine [ 14 ]. Thus, even when men feel anger when they perceive that a member of their own group (and thus potentially themselves) is being harassed, they do not intervene (e.g., [ 6 ]). This non-intervention seems to be related to the need to maintain a sense of identification with the gender group; the cost to self might be perceived as a risk [ 71 ]. Otherwise, the result could be a sense of powerlessness, driven by the need to intervene to protect the members of the group and their identification with the group. Over time, these feelings can cause suffering, with consequences such as psychological discomfort, exhaustion, and burnout [ 72 ].

In addition, women who witnessed SHW expressed more positive emotions than men, which enabled them to manage their anxiety and emotional states when triggered in response to SHW events. Thus, Hypothesis 3, which stated that women who witnessed SHW were more inclined to express negative emotions and less inclined to express positive emotions than men and female non-witnesses, could not be confirmed. This result may be related to the findings of the study by Veletsianos et al. [ 73 ]. The authors found that women use different coping strategies to deal with harassment. One of these is resistance, a term we have used to describe women’s refusal to accept harassment or to remain silent or passive. Resistance is a reactive coping strategy, and strategies in this domain included persistent attempts to talk, persistence in general, asserting one’s voice and authority, turning to the community, and using self-protective measures. As Hashmi et al. [ 74 ] point out, thanks to the #MeToo campaign, SHW problems and their coping strategies are increasingly seen as structural problems and not just individual-level problems. The witnesses in our study may have been exposed to the “New Deal” for SHW, which influenced how they dealt with the phenomenon [ 75 ]. In 2016, prior to the #MeToo momentum, Johnson et al. [ 76 ] surveyed 250 professional women in the US about the prevalence of SHW and the impact on their work; they also interviewed 31 women in the US about their individual experiences. After #MeToo, they conducted a second survey of 263 women in September 2018 and reconnected with some of the previously surveyed women to find out if they had noticed any changes or changed their views. The results show the benefits of #MeToo in reducing sexual harassment over two years; women said the movement helped them realize they were not alone in their experiences.

4.1. Implications and Application Scenarios of the Study

The results of this study demonstrate the importance of intervening in SHW episodes. Women and men who witness suffer from their vicarious experiences, negative mental health, exhaustion, alienation, and negative feelings. Preventive measures and interventions are needed in the organization. Changing the organizational climate and context that fosters SHW is critical to reducing the phenomenon. Establishing clear zero-tolerance policies and procedures is part of changing the normative environment that fosters SHW. Organizations that proactively develop, disseminate, and enforce policies and procedures on violence against women have the lowest incident rates [ 77 ]. In addition, programs that promote witness intervention are important for reducing SHW [ 78 ]. Witnesses can potentially confront and stop harassers, report incidents, and support victims [ 79 , 80 ]. Many victims respond passively because they perceive the risk of reporting the incident to be too high; they may rely on others to act on their behalf [ 81 ]. By communicating norms that address harassment, witnesses could play a role in changing the group, organizational, and cultural context that supports SHW [ 82 ]. Identifying PWD is not enough to motivate intervention; witnesses must take responsibility for their actions [ 79 ]. However, multiple witnesses may lead witnesses to assume that their help is not needed and make them feel less responsible (diffusion of responsibility [ 83 ]). Witnesses may also attribute responsibility for their intervention to the victim’s colleagues or other members of the group [ 84 ]. It might be useful to promote values characteristic of both genders to activate responsibility for intervening. For men, this responsibility could be consistent with masculine roles such as honor and protection [ 85 ]. For women, it might be consistent with self-protection and resistance as individual and collective strategies for coping with an environment that might tolerate SHW. Companies could help witnesses stop workplace misconduct. For example, training could be provided to address lack of confidence in one’s own abilities by focusing on specific behaviors that witnesses can use to effectively intervene. Bowes-Sperry and O’Leary-Kelley [ 79 ] offered a typology of behaviors that might be useful for such training. The typology classifies possible witness actions along two dimensions, immediacy (immediate action vs. subsequent action) and involvement (direct involvement vs. indirect involvement). For example, episodes with high immediacy and involvement require the witness to take an active and recognizable action, such as asking the harasser to stop. In contrast, behaviors with low immediacy and involvement occur when bystanders later support the victim, for example, by privately encouraging the victim to report the incident. Training could take into account the phenomenon of audience inhibition, which is the concern witnesses have about what others will think of them if they act [ 83 ]. Male witnesses, for example, might believe that their intervention (to protect the victim or prevent the perpetrator) will result in a loss of social status if norms of loyalty to members of their own group stand in the way of intervention. Increasing empathy and the importance of personal norms that support intervention may override perceived social norms that contribute to audience inhibition. When an intervention requires that an aggressive member of one’s group be stopped, witnesses may be persuaded to intervene by portraying the actions of aggressors in one’s group as violating group norms and damaging the group’s reputation [ 84 , 85 , 86 , 87 ]. Finally, as suggested by Lee et al. [ 72 ], it is also important to include in a training program the opportunity to break down stereotypes and myths about SHW to increase the likelihood that witnesses will intervene in high-risk situations. Further research could examine the effectiveness of including witness training in SHW prevention programs. Studies could compare the effectiveness of training for witnesses and non-witnesses with SHW. This could contribute to a better understanding of readiness to intervene and what types of programs increase that readiness.

4.2. Limitations of the Study and Future Research Directions

As far as we know, this is the first study conducted in Italy on the phenomenon of SHW in relation to witnesses and non-witnesses. The strength of the project lies in its innovative character, but it is important to consider some limitations that hopefully can be overcome in future studies. First, this was a cross-sectional study. An adequate, but non-random, sample was used for this study. We recognize that the participants in this study may not represent the general population of Italian workers. Willingness to participate in a survey about SHW may be influenced by organizational policies regarding the phenomenon, organizational climate, and previously adopted prevention and intervention strategies. For organizations, the decision to promote or not to promote this survey could imply a particular sensitivity to the phenomenon. A further study could analyze the relationship between the organization’s prevention strategy and the perception of the phenomenon by the organization’s employees. In addition, there could be a bias in participation. Participants might tend to answer a questionnaire in a way that conveys a positive image of themselves or of the organization they belong to (socially desirable responding; [ 88 ]). This could mean that participants did not identify themselves as victims and perpetrators; they could describe the phenomenon as witnesses but with greater involvement. Further research could consider the combined use of questionnaires and interviews to better understand the phenomenon and its meaning in an organizational context. Another limitation is that we included participants from different organizations. Therefore, it was not possible to identify specific patterns or episodes of SHW. It might be useful to examine an episode in a particular context using a different method. For example, the mixed method could be useful to describe SHW from different perspectives [ 89 ]. In addition, we did not consider the possible relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, their gender, and their sexual orientation. Therefore, further research needs to consider factors such as the perceived severity of the experience, the impact of multiple minority statuses and intersectional oppression on SHW [ 20 ], and the organizational values and norms that promote workplace misconduct. Because the nature of the relationship and gender are important predictors of intervention intent [ 90 ], it may be interesting to analyze perceptions of the phenomenon in relation to gender in the victim–offender dyad. Future research could use the vignette method to analyze how gender and the nature of the victim–offender relationship influences the intention to intervene in SHW. Finally, it is important to anchor this study in the specific Italian sociocultural context, which may differ from that of other countries [ 39 ]. Therefore, this study may not be transferable to other sociocultural contexts.

5. Conclusions

In summary, this study has shown that in addressing the serious problem of sexual harassment in the workplace, attention must be focused not only on the direct victims, but also on those who witness it, because they themselves may develop forms of discomfort and because sexual harassment contributes to creating a negative climate for the individual and for the organization itself. Although this is a cross-sectional study without randomization, it clearly shows the need for timely and appropriate intervention in the sociocultural context in which the organization is anchored. In the Italian context, for example, phenomena such as sexism, gender stereotypes, and a tolerance of sexual harassment that is not accepted in other countries still seem to be present [ 39 ]. If nothing is done in this regard, either preventively or to curb the phenomenon, there is a risk that harassment will continue in a self-reinforcing cycle. In terms of change and active transformation, it seems crucial to sensitize the widest possible audience of men and women and to promote knowledge and awareness of the problems of hostile and benevolent sexism, homophobia, patriarchal views, and gender stereotypes that still exist in our society. Therefore, it is important and essential that the principles of gender equality and respect for others are taught in all workplaces through appropriate and timely training, prevention, and monitoring.

Acknowledgments

The authors wish to thank all the participants in this investigation.

Funding Statement

This research received no external funding.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, D.A.M. and A.V.; formal analysis, D.A.M. and C.C.; writing—original draft preparation, D.A.M.; writing—review and editing, D.A.M., C.C. and A.V.; supervision, D.A.M. and A.V.; project administration, D.A.M. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Ethics Committee of the University of Turin (prot. N. 456048/2018).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Conflicts of interest.

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

SEXUAL HARASSMENT AT WORKPLACE: A STUDY ON THE POLICIES AND PREVENTIVE MEASURES

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Home — Essay Samples — Law, Crime & Punishment — Sexual Harassment — Workplace Sexual Harassment: Challenges and Solutions

Workplace Sexual Harassment: Challenges and Solutions

• Categories: Organizational Culture Sexual Harassment

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Published: Jun 6, 2024

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Introduction, nature and impact of sexual harassment in the workplace, legal frameworks and organizational policies, practical measures to foster a harassment-free work environment.

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Essay on Sexual Harassment

500 words essay on sexual harassment.

Sexual harassment refers to any form of unwelcome sexual behaviour which is offensive, humiliating and intimidating. Further, it is against the law to sexually harass anyone. Over the years, sexual harassment has taken a lot of time to be recognized as a real issue. Nonetheless, it is a start that can protect people from this harassment. The essay on sexual harassment will take you through the details.

Sexual Harassment and Its Impacts

Sexual harassment comes in many forms and not just a single one. It includes when someone tries to touch, grab or make other physical contacts with you without your consent. Further, it also includes passing comments which have a sexual meaning.

After that, it is also when someone asks you for sexual favours. Leering and staring continuously also counts as one. You are being sexually harassed when the perpetrator displays rude and offensive material so that others can see it.

Another form is making sexual gestures towards you and cracking sexual jokes or comments towards you. It is also not acceptable for someone to question you about your sexual life or insult you with sexual comments.

Further, making an obscene phone call or indecently exposing oneself also counts as sexual harassment. Sexual harassment can impact a person severely. It may stress out the victim and they may suffer from anxiety or depression.

Moreover, it can also cause them to withdraw from social situations. After that, the victim also starts to lose confidence and self-esteem. There may also be physical symptoms like headaches, sleep problems and being not able to concentrate or be productive.

What Can We Do

No one in this world deserves to go through sexual harassment, whether man or woman. We all have the right to live freely without being harassed, bullied or discriminated against. It is the reason why sexual harassment is illegal.

To begin with, the person may try talking to the offender and convey their message regarding their unwanted behaviour. Further, it is also essential to stay informed about this issue. Make sure to learn about the policies and procedures regarding sexual harassment in your workplace, school or university.

Further, try to document everything to help you remember the name of the offenders and the incidents. Similarly, make sure to save any evidence you get which will help with your complaint. For instance, keeping the text messages, emails, photos or more.

Most importantly, always try to get external information and advice from people who will help you if you decide to file a lawsuit. Likewise, never deal with it on your own and share it with someone you trust to lighten your load.

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Conclusion of the Essay on Sexual Harassment

To conclude, sexual harassment is a very real issue that went unnoticed for a long period of time, but not anymore. It is essential for all of us to take measures to prevent it from happening as it damages the life of the victim severely. Thus, make sure you help out those who are suffering from sexual harassment and make the perpetrator accountable.

FAQ of Essay on Sexual Harassment

Question 1: What are the effects of sexual harassment?

Answer 1: Sexual harassment has major effects on the victim like suffering from significant psychological effects which include anxiety, depression , headaches, sleep disorders, lowered self-esteem, sexual dysfunction and more.

Question 2: How do you tell if someone is sexually harassing you?

Answer 2: It is essential to notice the signs if you feel someone is sexually harassing you. The most important sign is if you feel uncomfortable and experience any unwanted physical contact. If your ‘no’ does not have an impact and you’re being subjected to sexual jokes, you are being sexually harassed.

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Sexual Harassment in the Workplace

How it works

Sexual harassment in the workplace has been a significant issue that many organizations around the world are grappling with. There have been numerous court cases regarding such issues. Notably, the issue is considered the newest form of gender discrimination in the workplace. In fact, many companies have had to pay substantial amounts of money to victims of sexual assault. Veterans Affairs Clinic (VA) is also one of such organizations, and the organization has revealed several issues about sexual harassment (Stockwell, 2017). In one of these cases, a female employee reported sexual harassment, which is regarded as an aspect of a hostile work environment.

Th e following section shows a study of general causes for sexual harassment, and the results of the interview in Veterans Affairs Clinic, and a possible solution. Research for general causes of sexual harassment in workplace Although all organizations are required to have a diverse workforce, and the claims for any discrimination are increasing globally (United Nations Human Rights Office Of The High Commissioner, n.d), it is still far from equality for men and women.

The cause of sexual harassment in the workplace has two aspects. One is the character of male and female, and the other one is related to the work environment. Although people’s characters are different and unique, gender in general, could influence their personality. Gender, gender perceptions, gender identity, and stereotypical gender roles all could play a part in personality and social interactions. Therefore, gender stereotypes can play a role in the organization. What an organization requires could depend on gender role perceptions and stereotypes, and as a result, certain situations could cause sexual harassment, and it would continue unaddressed, and unresolved by management in the workplace. According to Niederle and Vesterlund (2007), men tend to be more competitive than women, and they are willing to show that they are strong. This character trait possibly causes sexual harassment to women in the workplace. According to Connley (2017), sexual harassment tends to happen when a man is willing to be dominant in a workplace. Female workers are currently increasing, and the competition can be intense. Male workers try to protect their status, and that can lead to possible abuse and sexual harassment for female workers. On the other hand, women tend to avoid competitive situation (Niederle & Vesterlund, 2007). Also, even if they suffer from sexual harassment in the workplace, they tend to be hesitant to report the issue (Johnson, Kirk, & Keplinger, 2016). They can be afraid that there is a possibility that they might cause a hostile work environment by reporting the issue (Johnson, Kirk, & Keplinger, 2016). In this way, each gender character would make sexual harassment easier in a work environment, and difficult to open the issue. Another aspect that can cause sexual harassment in a work environment is corporate culture and employee’s behavior. Last year, sexual harassment at Uber was revealed by former employee, Susan Fowler. She explained the situation in her blog, and showed the causes of sexual harassment in the workplace.

The corporate culture made employees behave unethically. Fowler (2017) explained the corporate environment in Uber was obviously an excessively performance-based system. Employees who achieved high performance could do whatever they wanted, and the other employees accepted that behavior even though it was unethical. Moreover, Fowler (2017) pointed out that the Human Resources department did not work appropriately. The department should have investigated the issue when she reported it. The department explained to her that the issue was the first time her superior had committed sexual harassment. The Human Resources department tried to encourage Fowler to put up with the issue. However, her superior actually had worked on sexual harassment several times before the issue happened. In other words, he was a habitual offender. Also, there were many women employees who suffered from sexual harassment in the company, and most of them did not report their issues. This is because they had already known that sexual harassment was not going to stop in the workplace even if they reported it to the Human Resources department. The information by the interview in VA The interview was conducted in the VA to ask two employees about their work environment. One was a man, the other one was a woman. The questionnaires were based on the primary research involving the character for gender, work environment, individual behavior, and the Human Resources department.

The first question was about the opinion of the work environment. Both the man and the woman answered that they hope to work there until retirement because the VA is a large, federal organization. Therefore, they think their future is secure. Although they feel high job satisfaction for their workplace, the opinion for work environment was different for them. The woman answered the work environment that most women workers prioritize is job satisfaction more than promotion and salary. On the other hand, the man answered that most men workers strive for promotion, and he feels his work environment is intense and competitive. Therefore, he thinks there are some men employees, who are willing to dominate their own territory. The second question was about sexual harassment and gender discrimination. Although the man did not see and hear his co-workers who experienced sexual harassment in the work place, the woman had heard from a female co-worker, who felt as if she suffered from gender discrimination by her male superior. However, they have never reported and complained about their workplace. Because, they are afraid the situation might become a hostile work environment if they reported. Also, the male employee answered that even if he heard about a sexual harassment issue, he would hesitate to report the issue because he has a similar. The third question was about relationship with the Human Resources department. Both the man and woman answered that they usually do not get involved with the department, and they do not know about how the department works. They answered even if sexual harassment happens in the VA, the Human Resources department would not work to resolve the issue. In other words, both employees do not have confidence in the department.

The solution There are few common elements in both the primary research and interview about sexual harassment in the workplace. Some workers in the VA tend to be hesitant to get involved with any issues, and feel fear for reporting. They are just willing to focus on their work. The situation is shown that the employees tend to be selfish. The key point to resolve the situation is the Human Resources department. The department should be there to work for employees and it should improve the environment so that all employee can feel high job satisfaction. Therefore, the Human Resources department should form positive relationships with all departments in the work place. There are three ways that the department can form positive relationships with employees. First, the Human Resources department should have training and seminars to all departments for stopping sexual harassment and gender discrimination. It will show employees that the department is working to resolve the issue. Also, the department should make the time to interview with employees. If it does not have enough time to see all employees, it should make the time to see managers in each department at least. Moreover, the department can take a survey anonymously. This encourages employees to tell the truth about how they think about the workplace. Through the ways, the organization should know deeply about each work environment within it. 

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Strengthening workplace protections: upcoming changes in sexual harassment legislation

ARTICLE 13 August 2024

The #MeToo movement prompted a societal shift in the approach to issues of sexual harassment in the modern workplace. In particular, it highlighted several shortcomings in the protection afforded to workers against sexual harassment.

As a result, in 2021 the former Conservative Government committed to strengthening the protection for workers against sexual harassment by introducing additional mandatory obligations on employers.

These changes will come into force from the 26 th  October 2024 under the  The Worker Protection (Amendment of Equality Act 2010) Act 2023 .

This article explores the existing law, the upcoming changes to the legislation and some practical tips for employers to prepare for the new duties imposed on them.

Understanding current protections under The Equality Act 2010

As defined under  The Equality Act 2010 , sexual harassment includes any unwanted conduct of a sexual nature where such conduct has the purpose or effect of either violating the victim’s dignity, or creating an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment.

Employers can currently use the defence that they had taken all reasonable steps to prevent harassment in the workplace. In practice however, few employers succeed with this defence given the threshold required to satisfy it.

Key changes in employer obligations which come into effect in October 2024

The following changes will come into effect from 26 th  October 2024 under the new legislation:

• An obligation on employers to take reasonable steps to prevent and address reports of sexual harassment of their employees (i.e. meaning there will be  a positive duty  on employers to take reasonable steps to prevent sexual harassment in the workplace); and
• In sexual harassment claims, where an employer is found to have breached this new duty the Employment Tribunal will also have the power to  uplift compensation by up to 25% . Given that there is no cap on the amount of compensation that may be awarded in discrimination claims this could be a substantial additional liability.

Claims for a breach of this duty can be made in the Employment Tribunal, however they must be attached to a claim for sexual harassment. The EHRC also has powers to take enforcement actions against employers who are in breach.

This duty does not extend to other harassment claims (i.e. linked to other protected characteristics), it only applies to sexual harassment.

Reasonable steps employers must take to prevent sexual harassment

The  ‘reasonable steps’  employers are required to take must be proactive (i.e. creating or controlling the workplace to prevent sexual harassment, rather than just responding to complaints or being passive) and they will likely be proportionate to the size of the employer and its resources.

The former Government intended to produce a statutory code of practice on sexual harassment at work, setting out the steps employers should take to prevent and respond to such claims, alongside these legislative changes.

They were collaborating with the ECHR to update and codify the existing ECHR code, and it was expected that this would be published around a month before the new legislation comes into effect.

However, given the change in Government, it is now unclear as to whether this will now be delayed. In the meantime, we have set out some practical tips below that employers should consider prior to the changes coming into effect.

Practical tips for employers to prepare for the new legislation

There are several ways in which employers can review and prepare for the upcoming changes as follows:

• Reviewing (and, where relevant, updating) policies and handbooks to ensure they are clear on the company’s approach to issues and complaints of sexual harassment by ensuring they clearly outline relevant reporting systems and how complaints will be dealt with;
• Ensuring workplace culture is inclusive and there is a zero-tolerance approach to harassment;
• Workers should be encouraged to report sexual harassment and inappropriate behaviour;
• Training should be provided to staff to ensure they understand where ‘workplace banter’ crosses the line into harassment;
• Dealing with any potential complaints seriously and promptly; and
• Monitoring any potential issue areas and identifying risks in the workplace;

Potential future changes and implications under Labour Government

The legislation which is coming into force in October 2024 is significantly watered down from the Bill as it was originally drafted.

Two key amendments included the removal of the obligation for employers to take ‘ALL reasonable steps’ (which would have imposed a higher standard of obligations on employers) to prevent sexual harassment and the proposed re-introduction of employer liability for harassment by third parties.

Previously, the Labour party indicated that it would support and be willing to re-instate these provisions, in particular the employer liability protection against harassment by third parties, and so these obligations may well change again in the future.

How can Morr & Co help?

If you require further assistance and advice on upcoming changes to the sexual harassment legislation or have any questions about this article, please call our  Employment  team on 01737 854500 or email  [email protected]  and a member of our expert team will get back to you.

Sexual Harassment at the Workplace Opinion Essay

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Skaine (1996) defines sexual harassment as “unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature…when submission or rejection of this conduct explicitly affects an individual’s employment, unreasonably interferes with an individual’s work performance or creates an intimidating, hostile or offensive work environment ” (p. 11). The two types of sexual harassment identified by the law are quid pro quo and hostile environment.

Quid pro quo refers to a condition where an employee is forced to provide sexual favors to an individual at a higher job rank in exchange of benefits at the workplace. On the other hand, hostile environment refers to a state where employees are harassed by offensive sexual behavior or any other act or state that intimidates a person sexually at the workplace (Geffner & Braverman, 2005).

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act protects employees against discrimination of any nature at the workplace. The Act protects employees from discrimination by their employees either in terms of gender, ethnicity, racial background, religion or any other form (Repa, 2010).

The scenario being experienced at the workplace provides that members of staff are offended by the personal photos and calendars hung in the back of the kitchen that are sexual in nature. Some of these items have been given to the staff from suppliers. The objects hung do not belong to just one individual and are making the other staff members uncomfortable. The other staff members asked for the items to be taken down and have even taken them down themselves, but that has caused more items to be hung up in their place.

From this scenario it is evident that the employees are offended by the pictures and this is a case of a hostile work environment. The rights of the employees have been violated yet they have the right to be protected from sexual harassment. In this scenario, sexual harassment is experienced by the employees and the kitchen manager should take action to protect the rights of the employees.

As the kitchen manager I would ensure that all the complaints are dealt with immediately and appropriately. All pictures identified to cause sexual harassment should be removed and no more pictures of a similar kind should be displayed in future. It is good to discuss the issue with the employees and assure them that it is regrettable that such an offensive act has been happening and that a similar occurrence would not be experienced in future.

A comfortable work environment is a right to all employees and it would be my duty to ensure that all employees are comfortable at the workplace. Moreover, injunction should be placed against suppliers providing materials which are offensive. To add on that, personal photos bearing offensive photos should be banned at the workplace.

It is therefore conclusive that employees have a right to be protected against sexual harassment. Sexual harassment consists of all environmental conditions at the workplace which are sexual in nature and are offensive.

It is the responsibility of the management of the organization to ensure that all the employees are comfortable at the workplace. To avoid a similar occurrence in future, employees of the organization should have the freedom to express their grievances and to discuss matters that may affect them at the workplace.

Geffner, R. and Braverman, M. (2005). Aggression in organizations: violence, abuse, and harassment at work and in schools. Routledge. ISBN 0789028425, 9780789028426

Repa, B. K. (2010). Your Rights in the Workpla ce. Nolo. ISBN 1413312101, 9781413312102.

Skaine, R. (1996). Power and gender: issues in sexual dominance and harassment. McFarland. ISBN 0786402083, 9780786402083.

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IvyPanda. (2018, May 16). Sexual Harassment at the Workplace. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexual-harassment-at-the-workplace/

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White men who have been mistreated at work are more likely to notice and report harassment − new research

Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan

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White men who have personally experienced mistreatment at work, such as bullying, are more likely to realize that their organization does not always operate fairly. And that makes them more likely to recognize and report race and gender bias against their co-workers, I found in a recent study.

As a sociologist who researches workplace inequality , I wondered whether the way white men in the U.S. are treated at work might be related to whether they recognize sexist and racist incidents that harm their colleagues.

To find out, I analyzed data from over 11,000 federal employees , including 5,011 white men employed by 28 government agencies, collected for a survey that measures the government’s progress toward eliminating personnel policy violations.

I found that although white men are mistreated less often than women and people of color, about 1 in 3 of them experienced some instance of bullying, intimidation or other form of harassment in the two years prior to the study. In comparison, 44% of white women, 49% of women of color and 35% of men of color experienced some form of harassment.

It turned out that white men who were targets of harassment were 70% more likely than other white men in their workplaces to recognize gender bias among their colleagues. They were 58% more likely to recognize bias against their racial or ethnic minority colleagues. They were also nearly twice as likely to have reported race and gender bias to their supervisors and colleagues when they witnessed it.

Why were white men who had been harassed more sensitive to bias in their workplace?

I found that they tended to be more skeptical that their organization worked fairly. For example, only one-third of white men who experienced harassment agreed with this statement: “Recognition and rewards are based on performance in my organization.” In contrast, two-thirds of white men who had not experienced harassment agreed with it. The skepticism among those who had experienced mistreatment increased their tendency to recognize and report bias against their colleagues.

Importantly, these patterns existed whether white men thought they were the target of harassment because of a social characteristic – such as their age, religion or sexual identity – or because of more idiosyncratic personality conflicts.

Why it matters

Many white men believe that their workplace operates according to merit : that people who are better at their jobs get promoted, while those who aren’t get demoted or fired. Yet race and gender bias are startlingly common in U.S. workplaces: More than 4 in 10 women have experienced gender discrimination, and 41% of Black workers have experienced racial discrimination at some point in their careers.

Rooting out gender and racial bias from the workplace requires the support of white men . Yet white men tend to stand up or speak out only to the extent they recognize the existence of bias in their workplaces and are willing to do something about it.

In recent years, there have been many efforts to identify the best strategies for reducing prejudice in the workplace. My findings suggest that encouraging white men to reflect on their own negative experiences at work may make them more open to acknowledging the mistreatment of colleagues.

What still isn’t known

I believe that it’s important for scholars to look into why white men who experience harassment become better allies when their colleagues who are women or people of color are mistreated on the job. It’s also worthwhile for researchers to explore whether patterns like the one I identified exist for other groups and in other contexts – including in other countries.

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FDIC Special Review Committee Releases Independent Report on Workplace Misconduct and Culture

The Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) today released the report from the independent third-party review of allegations of sexual harassment and other interpersonal misconduct at the FDIC and management’s response to that harassment and misconduct, and the independent third-party assessment of the FDIC’s workplace culture. The independent third-party review was conducted by Cleary Gottlieb and overseen by the Special Committee of the FDIC Board of Directors. 1

As detailed in the report, the independent review found that, for far too many employees and for far too long, the FDIC has failed to provide a workplace safe from sexual harassment, discrimination, and other interpersonal misconduct.  It further found that management’s responses to allegations of misconduct, as well as the culture and conditions that gave rise to them, have been insufficient and ineffective.

“Today’s report establishes the urgent imperative of a culture transformation at the FDIC led by those with the leadership capacity to effectuate that change,” said Special Committee co-chair Jonathan McKernan. “The report marks an important first step towards healing, repair, and sustainable change at the FDIC. Fostering an environment that promotes a safe, respectful, and inclusive workplace is fundamental to achieving the agency’s mission.”

Over 500 FDIC current and former employees shared their stories with Cleary Gottlieb as part of the independent review. The Special Committee deeply appreciates these employees’ exceptional bravery, as well as the open-mindedness and willingness to engage with the review shown by FDIC employees.

In its role overseeing the independent review, the Special Committee prioritized the credibility, effectiveness, and independence of the review process. “The review was thorough, balanced, focused, and nonpartisan,” said Special Committee co-chair Michael J. Hsu. “It put the people of the FDIC first and focused on identifying root causes. The Cleary Gottlieb team brought professionalism and expertise to the review process, and that is reflected in the report they produced.”

To promote a diversity of views, the Special Committee appointed three non-voting members to join the committee. The three non-voting members brought a wealth of banking, regulatory, executive, and leadership experience that greatly assisted the committee. The Special Committee extends its thanks to Elizabeth McCaul, Linda Miller, and Valerie Mosley for having agreed to assist the Special Committee and the FDIC on this important work.

Cleary Gottlieb was asked to conduct a review of allegations of sexual harassment and other interpersonal misconduct at the FDIC and management’s response to such harassment and misconduct, as well as the FDIC’s workplace culture.  Cleary Gottlieb was not asked, nor did it assess, whether particular individuals within the FDIC, such as the Chairman, should be removed or otherwise disciplined for alleged misconduct.  Any decisions on that subject can only be by those who have the requisite authority and following the appropriate process.

Last Updated: May 7, 2024

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US Coast Guard Academy works to change its culture following sexual abuse and harassment scandal

Swabs march under the eye of second class cadets known as cadre at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Swabs read the “Running Light” guidebook during Swab Summer indoctrination at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. The training program designed to transform civilian students into military members with guidance from the team of second class cadets known as cadre. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Swabs climb a rope in an obstacle course during Swab Summer indoctrination at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

A second class cadet known as cadre holds a clipboard while watching Swabs in a training exercise at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

The U.S. Coast Guard Academy is seen in early evening, Monday, July 15, 2024 in New London, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Second Class Cadet cadres read and respond to journal entries written by Swabs during an evening debriefing at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. Swabs write about their feelings and experiences about their day. Cadres reply with notes to the Swabs and also use the journals to help them be on the lookout for a swab who might be having problems. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Second Class Cadet Cadre Gabriella Kraus-Rivera, right, listens as she leads an Shield training session with Swabs at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. The training is an opportunity for Swabs to learn about the core values of honor, respect, devotion and duty on an intimate level with guidance from the team of second class cadets known as cadre. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

A Second Class Cadet cadre leads an Shield training session with Swabs at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. The training is an opportunity for Swabs to learn about the core values of honor, respect, devotion and duty on an intimate level with guidance from the team of second class cadets known as cadre. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Swabs Rafael Davila or Puerto Rico, left, and Cadre Conner Dobie of Louisiana, center, listen to instructions from Second Class Cadet Cadre Jackson Triepke of Montana, right, while training to sail during Swab Summer indoctrination at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy in New London, Conn. The training program designed to transform civilian students into military members with guidance from the team of second class cadets known as cadre. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Swabs Chloe Middleton, left, and Isabelle Fontana, high-five each other after completing a task in their boat during Swab Summer indoctrination at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy. Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. Swab summer is designed to transform civilian students into military members with guidance from the team of second class cadets known as cadre. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Rear Admiral Michael J. Johnston sits for an interview with The Associated Press at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024, in New London, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

Cadets line up during evening colors at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, Monday, July 15, 2024 in New London, Conn. (AP Photo/Jessica Hill)

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NEW LONDON, Conn. (AP) — The grueling basic training for fledgling cadets at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy, known as swab summer, has been revamped this year in light of a sexual abuse scandal that has rocked the prestigious service academy.

Gone is the shock-and-awe on Day 1 of the seven-week boot camp when rising juniors, known as cadre, shout in the faces of the roughly 300 incoming freshmen students when they first arrive at the New London, Connecticut, campus for future U.S. Coast Guard officers. This year, the cadre read forcefully from a prepared script, avoiding improvisation and yelling.

The goal is to drain the adrenaline of the cadre and make the boot camp more about mentorship and respect than browbeating and bullying, hopefully creating a positive ripple effect throughout the Coast Guard.

“When you don’t have a script, you end up just resorting to volume,” said retired Cmdr. John Heller, the deputy commandant of cadets for strategy and leadership, who has worked at the academy in various roles for about 25 years and helped to oversee the latest changes mirrored after the U.S. Military Academy’s cadet training. “What ends up happening is, we had been onboarding our cadets for decades, unintentionally perhaps, in a climate of fear and intimidation.”

Changing the climate of swab summer is one of seven actions the academy was instructed to take following revelations the Coast Guard kept secret a probe called Operation Fouled Anchor. The investigation found that dozens of sexual assault and harassment cases involving cadets from 1990 to 2006 had been mishandled by the school , including the prevention of some perpetrators from being prosecuted.

The revelation, first reported by CNN , sparked calls for major reforms and long-awaited accountability for the offenders and those who protected them. There are multiple government and congressional investigations underway looking into the mishandling of serious misbehavior at the school and beyond.

A damning majority staff report released Wednesday by the Senate’s Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations found “systemic failures” that “continue to this day” at the academy and in the wider Coast Guard. At a field hearing the committee held Thursday in New London, past and present enlisted personnel spoke of abuse and harassment they experienced and how a “culture of coverup” ultimately protected their perpetrators.

Shannon Norenberg, a former sexual assault response coordinator at the academy who resigned in June and turned whistleblower, said 20-year-old cadets training and having power over swabs a couple years younger, with minimal supervision, was an issue she raised during last year’s review that the commandant ordered following the revelations of Operation Fouled Anchor.

“Sometimes the cadets just are not mature enough to handle that role of being in charge and they go too far” and get personal, such as making comments about a swab’s intelligence or appearance, said Norenberg, who has since rescinded her resignation and is trying to return to her campus position. “Instead of correcting swabs’ behavior, they would insult their character or attack their worthiness to be there.”

Months later, the swabs have learned that the cadre, whom they still call sir and ma’am, can tell them what to do and get them in trouble.

“You can imagine the misuse of power that has been taken advantage of over and over,” said Norenberg, who noted that during her 11 years at the academy, she dealt with more than 150 reported sexual assault cases, including many that involved the abuse of power.

As ordered by the commandant, there’s more oversight of the cadre this summer. Drill instructors from Training Center Cape May in New Jersey, where enlisted personnel are trained, have been tasked with mentoring the cadre. Outside experts have been invited to campus to talk about issues such as power dynamics.

That’s in addition to professional victim advocates who were first hired at the school in 2021 and who have been training the swabs and cadre about sexual harassment, assault and rape.

A new program called shield training was implemented this year to emphasize the Coast Guard’s core values of honor, respect and devotion to duty. Every night after tired swabs have showered — some in individual stalls that were recently built to provide privacy — they break into groups with a cadre member to go over a lesson and discuss what happened that day with their squad.

Swabs are allowed to note personal issues they might be having in daily diaries that cadre review. They can also make a special hand gesture to signal they need to speak in private with cadre.

Oliva Spada, a swab from Long Island, New York, said she had some trepidation before coming to the academy due the reports of sexual abuse and harassment. But a few weeks into her new life as a cadet, she felt completely safe.

“Like, never, ever would I feel like anything like that would happen,” she said. “I feel completely safe around my cadre, around my shipmates.”

But the changes have been met with skepticism by some past and present Coasties, the nickname for Coast Guard members.

“It’s theater. They have not internalized any wrongdoing,” said retired Cmdr. Kimberly McLear, a former whistleblower who taught at the academy and later founded the Right the Ship Coalition, which seeks to help those “wronged by the culture of cruelty and cover-up” in the Coast Guard.

“They are taking calculated measures to shift attention to cadets’ performance to distract from the culture of the staff, faculty, and leaders up to the commandant.”

Academy staff are well aware of the skepticism about the changes being made and whether they get to the heart of the problem.

“We’ve got a lot of trust that we’ve got to earn back,” said Cmdr. Krystyn Pecora, who attended the academy 20 years ago. “And so I can appreciate that skepticism.”

Pecora said she disagrees with criticism from some old-guard Coasties, who believe the school is now going too easy on the new cadets.

“There’s nothing easy about respect,” she said. “In fact, it’s easier for me to just go down there and scream and intimidate. It’s not more effective. So putting this focus on building respectful leadership, that’s challenging and it’s not easier for anyone.”

The Coast Guard as a whole has been tasked with taking 33 actions in light of Operation Fouled Anchor, including seven assigned to the academy.

Besides changes to swab summer, the cadets’ conduct system is being updated and security in the dormitory is being strengthened, including plans to upgrade locks on cadets’ rooms and install more security cameras. There’s a new policy that allows cadets who have been assaulted to continue their studies at another service academy.

Cadet 2nd Class Gabriella Kraus-Rivera said Operation Fouled Anchor is common knowledge among the cadets and “there’s no kid here that doesn’t understand what happened” and that cultural changes are needed.

“I think that’s part of having honor, is living with that integrity and being able to be honest about the things that happened at this academy,” she said. “The only way you’re going to change it is if you acknowledge it first.”