social media causes loneliness essay

Does social media make us more or less lonely? Depends on how you use it

Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Wollongong

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Roger Patulny does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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Humans are more connected to each other than ever , thanks to smartphones, the web and social media. At the same time, loneliness is a huge and growing social problem.

Why is this so? Research shows social media use alone can’t cure loneliness – but it can be a tool to build and strengthen our genuine connections with others, which are important for a happy life.

To understand why this is the case, we need to understand more about loneliness, its harmful impact, and what this has to do with social media.

The scale of loneliness

There is great concern about a loneliness epidemic in Australia. In the 2018 Australian Loneliness Report, more than one-quarter of survey participants reported feeling lonely three or more days a week.

Studies have linked loneliness to early mortality , increased cardio-vascular disease , poor mental health and depression , suicide , and increased social and health care costs .

But how does this relate to social media?

Read more: How to be a healthy user of social media

More and more Australians are becoming physically isolated. My previous research demonstrated that face-to-face contact in Australia is declining, and this is accompanied by a rise in technology-enabled communication .

Enter social media, which for many is serving as a replacement for physical connection. Social media influences nearly all relationships now.

Navigating the physical/digital interface

While there is evidence of more loneliness among heavy social media users, there is also evidence suggesting social media use decreases loneliness among highly social people .

How do we explain such apparent contradictions, wherein both the most and least lonely people are heavy social media users?

Research reveals social media is most effective in tackling loneliness when it is used to enhance existing relationships, or forge new meaningful connections. On the other hand, it is counterproductive if used as a substitute for real-life social interaction.

Thus, it is not social media itself, but the way we integrate it into our existing lives which impacts loneliness.

I wandered lonely in the cloud

While social media’s implications for loneliness can be positive, they can also be contradictory.

Tech-industry enthusiasts highlight social media’s benefits, such as how it offers easy, algorithimically-enhanced connection to anyone, anywhere in the world, at any time. But this argument often ignores the quality of these connections.

Psychologist Robert Weiss makes a distinction between “social loneliness” – a lack of contact with others – and “emotional loneliness” , which can persist regardless of how many “connections” you have, especially if they do not provide support, affirm identity and create feelings of belonging.

Read more: A month at sea with no technology taught me how to steal my life back from my phone

Without close, physical connections, shallow virtual friendships can do little to alleviate emotional loneliness. And there is reason to think many online connections are just that.

Evidence from past literature has associated heavy social media use with increased loneliness . This may be because online spaces are often oriented to performance, status, exaggerating favourable qualities (such as by posting only “happy” content and likes), and frowning on expressions of loneliness.

On the other hand, social media plays a vital role in helping us stay connected with friends over long distances, and organise catch-ups. Video conferencing can facilitate “meetings” when physically meeting is impractical.

Platforms like Facebook and Instagram can be used to engage with new people who may turn into real friends later on. Similarly, sites like Meetup can help us find local groups of people whose interests and activities align with our own.

And while face-to-face contact remains the best way to help reduce loneliness, help can sometimes be found through online support groups.

Why so lonely?

There are several likely reasons for our great physical disconnection and loneliness.

We’ve replaced the 20th century idea of stable, permanent careers spanning decades with flexible employment and gig work. This prompts regular relocation for work, which results in disconnection from family and friends .

The way we build McMansions (large, multi-room houses) and sprawl our suburbs is often antisocial, with little thought given to developing vibrant, walkable social centres .

Read more: Size does matter: Australia's addiction to big houses is blowing the energy budget

Single-person households are expected to increase from about 2.1 million in 2011 to almost 3.4 million in 2036.

All of the above means the way we manage loneliness is changing.

In our book , my co-authors and I argue people manage their feelings differently than in the past. Living far from friends and family, isolated individuals often deal with negative emotions alone, through therapy, or through connecting online with whoever may be available.

Social media use is pervasive, so the least we can do is bend it in a way that facilitates our real-life need to belong.

It is a tool that should work for us, not the other way around. Perhaps, once we achieve this, we can expect to live in a world that is a bit less lonely.

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Social Media Use and Its Connection to Mental Health: A Systematic Review

Fazida karim.

1 Psychology, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

2 Business & Management, University Sultan Zainal Abidin, Terengganu, MYS

Azeezat A Oyewande

3 Family Medicine, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

4 Family Medicine, Lagos State Health Service Commission/Alimosho General Hospital, Lagos, NGA

Lamis F Abdalla

5 Internal Medicine, California Institute of Behavioral Neurosciences and Psychology, Fairfield, USA

Reem Chaudhry Ehsanullah

Safeera khan.

Social media are responsible for aggravating mental health problems. This systematic study summarizes the effects of social network usage on mental health. Fifty papers were shortlisted from google scholar databases, and after the application of various inclusion and exclusion criteria, 16 papers were chosen and all papers were evaluated for quality. Eight papers were cross-sectional studies, three were longitudinal studies, two were qualitative studies, and others were systematic reviews. Findings were classified into two outcomes of mental health: anxiety and depression. Social media activity such as time spent to have a positive effect on the mental health domain. However, due to the cross-sectional design and methodological limitations of sampling, there are considerable differences. The structure of social media influences on mental health needs to be further analyzed through qualitative research and vertical cohort studies.

Introduction and background

Human beings are social creatures that require the companionship of others to make progress in life. Thus, being socially connected with other people can relieve stress, anxiety, and sadness, but lack of social connection can pose serious risks to mental health [ 1 ].

Social media

Social media has recently become part of people's daily activities; many of them spend hours each day on Messenger, Instagram, Facebook, and other popular social media. Thus, many researchers and scholars study the impact of social media and applications on various aspects of people’s lives [ 2 ]. Moreover, the number of social media users worldwide in 2019 is 3.484 billion, up 9% year-on-year [ 3 - 5 ]. A statistic in Figure  1  shows the gender distribution of social media audiences worldwide as of January 2020, sorted by platform. It was found that only 38% of Twitter users were male but 61% were using Snapchat. In contrast, females were more likely to use LinkedIn and Facebook. There is no denying that social media has now become an important part of many people's lives. Social media has many positive and enjoyable benefits, but it can also lead to mental health problems. Previous research found that age did not have an effect but gender did; females were much more likely to experience mental health than males [ 6 , 7 ].

Impact on mental health

Mental health is defined as a state of well-being in which people understand their abilities, solve everyday life problems, work well, and make a significant contribution to the lives of their communities [ 8 ]. There is debated presently going on regarding the benefits and negative impacts of social media on mental health [ 9 , 10 ]. Social networking is a crucial element in protecting our mental health. Both the quantity and quality of social relationships affect mental health, health behavior, physical health, and mortality risk [ 9 ]. The Displaced Behavior Theory may help explain why social media shows a connection with mental health. According to the theory, people who spend more time in sedentary behaviors such as social media use have less time for face-to-face social interaction, both of which have been proven to be protective against mental disorders [ 11 , 12 ]. On the other hand, social theories found how social media use affects mental health by influencing how people view, maintain, and interact with their social network [ 13 ]. A number of studies have been conducted on the impacts of social media, and it has been indicated that the prolonged use of social media platforms such as Facebook may be related to negative signs and symptoms of depression, anxiety, and stress [ 10 - 15 ]. Furthermore, social media can create a lot of pressure to create the stereotype that others want to see and also being as popular as others.

The need for a systematic review

Systematic studies can quantitatively and qualitatively identify, aggregate, and evaluate all accessible data to generate a warm and accurate response to the research questions involved [ 4 ]. In addition, many existing systematic studies related to mental health studies have been conducted worldwide. However, only a limited number of studies are integrated with social media and conducted in the context of social science because the available literature heavily focused on medical science [ 6 ]. Because social media is a relatively new phenomenon, the potential links between their use and mental health have not been widely investigated.

This paper attempt to systematically review all the relevant literature with the aim of filling the gap by examining social media impact on mental health, which is sedentary behavior, which, if in excess, raises the risk of health problems [ 7 , 9 , 12 ]. This study is important because it provides information on the extent of the focus of peer review literature, which can assist the researchers in delivering a prospect with the aim of understanding the future attention related to climate change strategies that require scholarly attention. This study is very useful because it provides information on the extent to which peer review literature can assist researchers in presenting prospects with a view to understanding future concerns related to mental health strategies that require scientific attention. The development of the current systematic review is based on the main research question: how does social media affect mental health?

Research strategy

The research was conducted to identify studies analyzing the role of social media on mental health. Google Scholar was used as our main database to find the relevant articles. Keywords that were used for the search were: (1) “social media”, (2) “mental health”, (3) “social media” AND “mental health”, (4) “social networking” AND “mental health”, and (5) “social networking” OR “social media” AND “mental health” (Table  1 ).

Out of the results in Table  1 , a total of 50 articles relevant to the research question were selected. After applying the inclusion and exclusion criteria, duplicate papers were removed, and, finally, a total of 28 articles were selected for review (Figure  2 ).

PRISMA, Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses

Inclusion and exclusion criteria

Peer-reviewed, full-text research papers from the past five years were included in the review. All selected articles were in English language and any non-peer-reviewed and duplicate papers were excluded from finally selected articles.

Of the 16 selected research papers, there were a research focus on adults, gender, and preadolescents [ 10 - 19 ]. In the design, there were qualitative and quantitative studies [ 15 , 16 ]. There were three systematic reviews and one thematic analysis that explored the better or worse of using social media among adolescents [ 20 - 23 ]. In addition, eight were cross-sectional studies and only three were longitudinal studies [ 24 - 29 ].The meta-analyses included studies published beyond the last five years in this population. Table  2  presents a selection of studies from the review.

IGU, internet gaming disorder; PSMU, problematic social media use

This study has attempted to systematically analyze the existing literature on the effect of social media use on mental health. Although the results of the study were not completely consistent, this review found a general association between social media use and mental health issues. Although there is positive evidence for a link between social media and mental health, the opposite has been reported.

For example, a previous study found no relationship between the amount of time spent on social media and depression or between social media-related activities, such as the number of online friends and the number of “selfies”, and depression [ 29 ]. Similarly, Neira and Barber found that while higher investment in social media (e.g. active social media use) predicted adolescents’ depressive symptoms, no relationship was found between the frequency of social media use and depressed mood [ 28 ].

In the 16 studies, anxiety and depression were the most commonly measured outcome. The prominent risk factors for anxiety and depression emerging from this study comprised time spent, activity, and addiction to social media. In today's world, anxiety is one of the basic mental health problems. People liked and commented on their uploaded photos and videos. In today's age, everyone is immune to the social media context. Some teens experience anxiety from social media related to fear of loss, which causes teens to try to respond and check all their friends' messages and messages on a regular basis.

On the contrary, depression is one of the unintended significances of unnecessary use of social media. In detail, depression is limited not only to Facebooks but also to other social networking sites, which causes psychological problems. A new study found that individuals who are involved in social media, games, texts, mobile phones, etc. are more likely to experience depression.

The previous study found a 70% increase in self-reported depressive symptoms among the group using social media. The other social media influence that causes depression is sexual fun [ 12 ]. The intimacy fun happens when social media promotes putting on a facade that highlights the fun and excitement but does not tell us much about where we are struggling in our daily lives at a deeper level [ 28 ]. Another study revealed that depression and time spent on Facebook by adolescents are positively correlated [ 22 ]. More importantly, symptoms of major depression have been found among the individuals who spent most of their time in online activities and performing image management on social networking sites [ 14 ].

Another study assessed gender differences in associations between social media use and mental health. Females were found to be more addicted to social media as compared with males [ 26 ]. Passive activity in social media use such as reading posts is more strongly associated with depression than doing active use like making posts [ 23 ]. Other important findings of this review suggest that other factors such as interpersonal trust and family functioning may have a greater influence on the symptoms of depression than the frequency of social media use [ 28 , 29 ].

Limitation and suggestion

The limitations and suggestions were identified by the evidence involved in the study and review process. Previously, 7 of the 16 studies were cross-sectional and slightly failed to determine the causal relationship between the variables of interest. Given the evidence from cross-sectional studies, it is not possible to conclude that the use of social networks causes mental health problems. Only three longitudinal studies examined the causal relationship between social media and mental health, which is hard to examine if the mental health problem appeared more pronounced in those who use social media more compared with those who use it less or do not use at all [ 19 , 20 , 24 ]. Next, despite the fact that the proposed relationship between social media and mental health is complex, a few studies investigated mediating factors that may contribute or exacerbate this relationship. Further investigations are required to clarify the underlying factors that help examine why social media has a negative impact on some peoples’ mental health, whereas it has no or positive effect on others’ mental health.

Conclusions

Social media is a new study that is rapidly growing and gaining popularity. Thus, there are many unexplored and unexpected constructive answers associated with it. Lately, studies have found that using social media platforms can have a detrimental effect on the psychological health of its users. However, the extent to which the use of social media impacts the public is yet to be determined. This systematic review has found that social media envy can affect the level of anxiety and depression in individuals. In addition, other potential causes of anxiety and depression have been identified, which require further exploration.

The importance of such findings is to facilitate further research on social media and mental health. In addition, the information obtained from this study can be helpful not only to medical professionals but also to social science research. The findings of this study suggest that potential causal factors from social media can be considered when cooperating with patients who have been diagnosed with anxiety or depression. Also, if the results from this study were used to explore more relationships with another construct, this could potentially enhance the findings to reduce anxiety and depression rates and prevent suicide rates from occurring.

The content published in Cureus is the result of clinical experience and/or research by independent individuals or organizations. Cureus is not responsible for the scientific accuracy or reliability of data or conclusions published herein. All content published within Cureus is intended only for educational, research and reference purposes. Additionally, articles published within Cureus should not be deemed a suitable substitute for the advice of a qualified health care professional. Do not disregard or avoid professional medical advice due to content published within Cureus.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Is Social Media Making You Lonely?

Part two in a series dedicated to loneliness and well-being..

Posted October 5, 2018 | Reviewed by Gary Drevitch

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Please see part one in this series.

We are plagued by a loneliness epidemic . In the last 50 years, regardless of geographic location, gender, race, or ethnicity , rates of loneliness have doubled in the United States. This increase has been associated with several growing concerns related to mental and physical well-being. T Yet, in a time in which it seems that we are more connected than ever before, how could this be possible? Could it be that our technological advances developed to foster connectivity are also affecting our loneliness?

In a survey exploring social media patterns, it was found that individuals who spent more time on social media every day felt lonelier than those who spent less time engaged in social media. Additionally, those who spent more time on social media in a given week felt more isolated than those who checked their social media less. An increase in social media use has been associated with increased distractibility and sleep disturbances . Researchers at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam and Radboud University Nijmegen have highlighted that we experience a pleasure response to social media sites such as Facebook. Similarly, Erik Peper, Associate Professor of Health Education at San Francisco State University , emphasizes that smartphone use can form neurological connections similar to connections that are seen in individuals with an opioid addiction . Further, in a study of 135 individuals, Peper and his colleagues found that people who utilize their phones more often were more likely to report feeling anxious , depressed, isolated, and lonely.

Is there a relationship between social media and loneliness?

In order to better understand how social media may be connected to loneliness, we must first recognize that it is not a simple equation. Just as there are a variety of reasons in which one may use social media, there are different ways in which social media could be fostering loneliness. The ease of accessibility may be causing us to connect more in the digital realm, but disconnect from the world around us. Researchers at the University of British Columbia found that even seemingly mild distractions from a buzzing phone could cause individuals to experience a decrease of present enjoyment. For example, if you’re at a social gathering and impulsively grab your phone as you feel the notification vibration, even if you do not continue to open the app, this brief moment could cause a feeling of disconnection with others present at the gathering.

The Center for Humane Technology highlights that we may experience a fear of missing out that causes us to compulsively check for updates. The persistent need to log-in can inhibit users’ ability to relax and replenish . Lack of adequate rest could cause individuals to become susceptible to mental health risks. Individuals may become glued to their devices to avoid feeling unaware of current events and feel disconnected from others . It is also possible to encounter unwanted updates that prompt feelings of isolation. For example, if someone finds a picture of their loved ones gathered for an event to which he or she did not receive an invitation, seeing this update could trigger the individual to feel excluded.

Exposure to idealized images on social media can also elicit envy . Falling prey to social comparison, individuals who were otherwise content could develop a sense of dissatisfaction by labeling themselves as less successful, happy, or adventurous. In a study of individuals who utilize Twitter and Facebook , participants who admitted to going out of their way to seek validation (e.g., likes) and to portray a perfect profile were more likely to suffer from low self-esteem and be less trusting of others. If an individual is focused on minimizing their flaws and concerns, they may lack the ability to relate to others about actual life experiences. Also, their own knowledge of their altered reality could cause someone to feel fraudulent and disconnected. Finally, their obviously skewed profile could cause others to feel a lack of connection as well.

Cyberbullying, including threatening messages, sharing private or humiliating information, or social exclusion, is a common cause for developing loneliness. However, due to the aggression occurring online rather than in-person, we may tend to underestimate the negative influence of cyberbullying. In a study of teens utilizing social media , spending more than two hours a day on social media made participants more likely to report cyberbullying. Similarly, in a nationally representative sample of 5,600 youth between the ages of 12 and 17 , 34 percent admitted to being cyberbullied, and 17 percent clarified that it had occurred within the last month. Of those who had been bullied, 64 percent shared that it affected their ability to learn and feel safe at school. 12 percent of the students admitted to cyberbullying another person. Finally, cyberbullying is not always interpersonal. Digital self-harm , or self-trolling, in which an individual shares mean things anonymously about themselves online, is gaining attention . While the research is still new in this area, it is worthwhile to consider that some individuals who engage in this self-inflicted digital pain may use it as a desperate attempt to connect with others who will join in on the bullying process.

So, is it all negative?

There are certainly benefits to social media. For one, it does succeed in promoting the ease and accessibility of shared information. Social networking has been shown to assist introverted adolescents in developing socialization skills . Also, in a study of over 30,000 youth across the globe , it was found that students who utilize social media to communicate about school tend to earn higher grades. Social media allows for increased availability of resources for individuals who otherwise may not have had access. For example, social media connectivity can help an individual suffering from depression find resources and support to promote healing. Further, connection with the screen as a barrier can help individuals feel safer. For example, an individual may find it easier to get to know a potential partner through social media profiles rather than giving their phone number, address, or even meeting in person. Social media proves us with a new way to engaged, bond, and interact. Such platforms may provide the potential to fulfill our needs for connection and belonging .

Unlike other studies discussed earlier, according to the Cigna Loneliness Index , social media use was not found to be a predictor of loneliness. Additionally, Researchers at the University of Missouri and the University of Kansas found that social media use has no significant negative effect on social interactions or social well-being. Therefore, it may be important to consider quality versus quantity. Social media may be less about how often it is utilized, and more about the ways in which it is used.

A Flemish longitudinal study of adolescents using Instagram found that using the platform was related to feeling close and appreciated. After six months, Instagram use was related to reduced symptoms of depression. In a similar study conducted by Mai-Ly Steers at the University of Houston , Facebook was highlighted as an effective tool for connecting with friends and creating new friendships. However, over time, individuals begin to compare themselves to others, and this comparison was related to symptoms of depression. While the difference between these studies beyond the sample could be the applications themselves, in regards to loneliness, it could also be related to the user’s perception of connection versus comparison. Further, while some individuals’ comparisons may cause envy and depression others are able to utilize their self-awareness and self-assurance to transcend comparisons, maintain connections, and combat risks of loneliness.

Individuals who are lonely may turn to the digital realm to quell their feelings of isolation. Hence, this longing could cause someone who is lonely to be more likely to develop a need to be more connected to his or her device . On the other hand, it is possible that individuals who are not experiencing loneliness may develop a sense of isolation due to the quantity and quality of their social media experiences. A relationship does not always highlight a cause. When relationships between social media and loneliness are noted in the literature, we may jump to label social media as the culprit. However, it is important to recognize that for many, social media can be a powerful catalyst in combating loneliness. For those who may experience loneliness due to social media, other factors such as self-esteem, trust, and sadness may be important underlying factors that warrant consideration.

In Part 3 of this series, I will share methods to combat loneliness and foster our well-being.

Shainna Ali, Ph.D. , is a practitioner, educator, and advocate who is passionate about highlighting the essentiality of mental health in fostering happiness and fulfillment.

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Social media use increases depression and loneliness

In the first experimental study of facebook, snapchat, and instagram use, psychologist melissa g. hunt showed a causal link between time spent on the platforms and decreased well-being..

The link between the social-media use, depression, and loneliness has been talked about for years, but a causal connection had never been proven. For the first time, Penn research based on experimental data connects Facebook, Snapchat, and Instagram use to decreased well-being. Psychologist Melissa G. Hunt published her findings in the December Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology . 

Few prior studies have attempted to show that social media use harms users’ well-being, and those that have either put participants in unrealistic situations or were limited in scope, asking them to completely forego Facebook and relying on self-report data, for example, or conducting the work in a lab in as little time as an hour. 

“We set out to do a much more comprehensive, rigorous study that was also more ecologically valid,” says Hunt, associate director of clinical training in Penn’s Psychology Department .  

To that end, the research team, which included recent alumni Rachel Marx and Courtney Lipson and Penn senior Jordyn Young, designed their experiment to include the three platforms most popular with a cohort of undergraduates and then collected objective usage data automatically tracked by iPhones for active apps, not those running the background.

Each of 143 participants completed a survey to determine mood and well-being at the study’s start, plus shared shots of their iPhone battery screens to offer a week’s worth of baseline social-media data. Participants were then randomly assigned to a control group, which had users maintain their typical social-media behavior, or an experimental group that limited time on Facebook, Snapchat, and Instagram to 10 minutes per platform per day. 

For the next three weeks, participants shared iPhone battery screenshots to give the researchers weekly tallies for each individual. With those data in hand, Hunt then looked at seven outcome measures including fear of missing out, anxiety, depression, and loneliness. 

“Here’s the bottom line,” she says. “Using less social media than you normally would leads to significant decreases in both depression and loneliness. These effects are particularly pronounced for folks who were more depressed when they came into the study.” 

Hunt stresses that the findings do not suggest that 18- to 22-year-olds should stop using social media altogether. In fact, she built the study as she did to stay away from what she considers an unrealistic goal. The work does, however, speak to the idea of limiting screen time on these apps. 

“It is a little ironic that reducing your use of social media actually makes you feel less lonely,” she says. But when she digs a little deeper, the findings make sense. “Some of the existing literature on social media suggests there’s an enormous amount of social comparison that happens. When you look at other people’s lives, particularly on Instagram, it’s easy to conclude that everyone else’s life is cooler or better than yours.” 

Because this particular work only looked at Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat, it’s not clear whether it applies broadly to other social media platforms. Hunt also hesitates to say that these findings would replicate for other age groups or in different settings. Those are questions she still hopes to answer, including in an upcoming study about the use of dating apps by college students. 

Despite those caveats, and although the study didn’t determine the optimal time users should spend on these platforms or the best way to use them, Hunt says the findings do offer two related conclusions it couldn’t hurt any social-media user to follow. 

For one, reduce opportunities for social comparison, she says. “When you’re not busy getting sucked into clickbait social media, you’re actually spending more time on things that are more likely to make you feel better about your life.” Secondly, she adds, because these tools are here to stay, it’s incumbent on society to figure out how to use them in a way that limits damaging effects. “In general, I would say, put your phone down and be with the people in your life.” 

Melissa G. Hunt is the associate director of clinical training in the Department of Psychology in the School of Arts and Sciences at Penn. 

Rachel Marx and Courtney Lipson graduated from Penn in 2018. 

Jordyn Young is a member of the Class of 2019 at Penn.

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Loneliness and Isolation Due to Social Media

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It can be used to raise awareness for an important cause, but it can also be used to spread hate, especially between teenagers. Being a teenager, I can be the first to say that social media is how most teens run their life, but [...]

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Does social media make us more or less lonely? Depends on how you use it

January 22, 2020

Humans are more connected to each other than ever, thanks to smartphones, the web and social media. At the same time, loneliness is a huge and growing social problem.

Why is this so? Research shows social media use alone can’t cure loneliness – but it can be a tool to build and strengthen our genuine connections with others, which are important for a happy life.

To understand why this is the case, we need to understand more about loneliness, its harmful impact, and what this has to do with social media.

The scale of loneliness

There is great concern about a loneliness epidemic in Australia. In the 2018 Australian Loneliness Report, more than one-quarter of survey participants reported feeling lonely three or more days a week.

Studies have linked loneliness to early mortality , increased cardio-vascular disease , poor mental health and depression , suicide , and increased social and health care costs .

But how does this relate to social media?

Read more: How to be a healthy user of social media

More and more Australians are becoming physically isolated. My previous research demonstrated that face-to-face contact in Australia is declining, and this is accompanied by a rise in technology-enabled communication .

Enter social media, which for many is serving as a replacement for physical connection. Social media influences nearly all relationships now.

Navigating the physical/digital interface

While there is evidence of more loneliness among heavy social media users, there is also evidence suggesting social media use decreases loneliness among highly social people .

How do we explain such apparent contradictions, wherein both the most and least lonely people are heavy social media users?

Research reveals social media is most effective in tackling loneliness when it is used to enhance existing relationships, or forge new meaningful connections. On the other hand, it is counterproductive if used as a substitute for real-life social interaction.

Thus, it is not social media itself, but the way we integrate it into our existing lives which impacts loneliness.

I wandered lonely in The Cloud

While social media’s implications for loneliness can be positive, they can also be contradictory.

Tech-industry enthusiasts highlight social media’s benefits, such as how it offers easy, algorithimically-enhanced connection to anyone, anywhere in the world, at any time. But this argument often ignores the quality of these connections.

Psychologist Robert Weiss makes a distinction between “social loneliness” – a lack of contact with others – and “emotional loneliness” , which can persist regardless of how many “connections” you have, especially if they do not provide support, affirm identity and create feelings of belonging.

Read more: A month at sea with no technology taught me how to steal my life back from my phone

Without close, physical connections, shallow virtual friendships can do little to alleviate emotional loneliness. And there is reason to think many online connections are just that.

Evidence from past literature has associated heavy social media use with increased loneliness . This may be because online spaces are often oriented to performance, status, exaggerating favourable qualities (such as by posting only “happy” content and likes), and frowning on expressions of loneliness.

On the other hand, social media plays a vital role in helping us stay connected with friends over long distances, and organise catch-ups. Video conferencing can facilitate “meetings” when physically meeting is impractical.

Platforms like Facebook and Instagram can be used to engage with new people who may turn into real friends later on. Similarly, sites like Meetup can help us find local groups of people whose interests and activities align with our own.

And while face-to-face contact remains the best way to help reduce loneliness, help can sometimes be found through online support groups.

Why so lonely?

There are several likely reasons for our great physical disconnection and loneliness.

We’ve replaced the 20th century idea of stable, permanent careers spanning decades with flexible employment and gig work. This prompts regular relocation for work, which results in disconnection from family and friends .

The way we build McMansions (large, multi-room houses) and sprawl our suburbs is often antisocial, with little thought given to developing vibrant, walkable social centres .

Read more: Size does matter: Australia's addiction to big houses is blowing the energy budget

Single-person households are expected to increase from about 2.1 million in 2011 to almost 3.4 million in 2036.

All of the above means the way we manage loneliness is changing.

In our book , my co-authors and I argue people manage their feelings differently than in the past. Living far from friends and family, isolated individuals often deal with negative emotions alone, through therapy, or through connecting online with whoever may be available.

Social media use is pervasive, so the least we can do is bend it in a way that facilitates our real-life need to belong.

Roger Patulny , Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Wollongong

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article .

UOW academics exercise academic freedom by providing expert commentary, opinion and analysis on a range of ongoing social issues and current affairs. This expert commentary reflects the views of those individual academics and does not necessarily reflect the views or policy positions of the University of Wollongong.

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Feeling Lonely? Too Much Time On Social Media May Be Why

Katherine Hobson

Young adults who spend more than two hours a day on social media are more apt to feel isolated. James Whitaker/Getty Images hide caption

For young adults, social media may not be so social after all.

Among people in that age group, heavy use of platforms such as Facebook, Snapchat and Instagram was associated with feelings of social isolation, a study finds.

The results surprised study co-author Brian Primack . "It's social media, so aren't people going to be socially connected?" he says. He's director of the Center for Research on Media, Technology and Health at the University of Pittsburgh. And while his team's previous research connecting social media use and depression in young adults wasn't terribly surprising, these new results seemed counterintuitive.

While face-to-face social connectedness is strongly associated with well-being, it's not clear what happens when those interactions happen virtually. To investigate, Primack and his colleagues surveyed 1,787 U.S. adults ages 19 to 32 and asked them about their usage of 11 social media platforms outside of work. The survey also gauged social isolation by asking participants questions such as how often they felt left out. (As will happen in this type of survey, people may have lowballed their estimates of media use.)

It turns out that the people who reported spending the most time on social media — more than two hours a day — had twice the odds of perceived social isolation than those who said they spent a half hour per day or less on those sites. And people who visited social media platforms most frequently, 58 visits per week or more, had more than three times the odds of perceived social isolation than those who visited fewer than nine times per week. The study appeared Monday in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine .

This study can't nail down causation. It could be that when people feel socially isolated, they go online a lot in an attempt to feel less lonely, says Primack. Or it might be that spending a lot of time on social media makes people feel isolated.

Shots - Health News

Facebook and mortality: why your incessant joy gives me the blues.

"You might watch all these interactions where it seems like everyone else is connecting," he says. That could lead to feeling excluded. The images of other people's seemingly perfect vacations, homes and lives, even though those are not likely to represent reality, can make you feel like you're missing out.

It could be that influence goes both ways — isolation drives social media use and vice versa. Or there might be some unknown factor that is leading to both social isolation and social media use. (The researchers controlled for the major potential influencers including age, gender, relationship status, household income and education.)

Primack says the results shouldn't be interpreted to mean that we should ditch our social media accounts, but there's a lot to dig into to see how best to use them. For example, future research could focus on whether outcomes vary if people are using social media actively or passively, for heated political disagreements or to click "like" on puppy pictures, and to extend their in-person social network or as an end in itself.

"What we know at this point is that we have evidence that replacing your real-world relationships with social media use is detrimental to your well-being," says Holly Shakya , an assistant professor in the division of global public health at the University of California, San Diego, who wasn't involved in the study. "But we need further research to tease out the mechanisms and replicate the findings," she says. This study, she says, is another piece of the puzzle.

Shakya was an author of a study published in January that tracked Facebook use and well-being over time and found the use of the social network was negatively associated with factors including physical health, mental health and life satisfaction. Offline interactions, meantime, had positive effects.

Instagramming In Black And White? Could Be You're Depressed

"Where we want to be cautious ... is when the sound of a voice or a cup of coffee with a friend is replaced with 'likes' on a post," she says.

Primack notes that his study was conducted in a specific age group, and shouldn't be generalized to older or younger people. Both social isolation and social media use are very different across the age spectrum; for example, young adults generally have a lot of different opportunities for in-person experiences and so social media use may represent a retreat from that, while older adults are more likely to feel socially isolated and might benefit from having opportunities to connect online.

Katherine Hobson is a freelance health and science writer based in Brooklyn, N.Y. She's on Twitter: @katherinehobson .

• social media
• social isolation
• young adults

• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 01 June 2020

Social media use disorder and loneliness: any association between the two? Results of a cross-sectional study among Lebanese adults

• Lara Youssef 1 ,
• Rabih Hallit 2 ,
• Nelly Kheir 3 ,
• Sahar Obeid 4 , 5 , 6   na1 &
• Souheil Hallit   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6918-5689 2 , 6   na1  

BMC Psychology volume  8 , Article number:  56 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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A Correction to this article was published on 08 July 2020

This article has been updated

In Lebanon, it is already established that mental disorders are prevalent among the population. Lebanese people are active users of social media platforms. To date, no study has previously explored the relationship between mental health and social media use disorder in Lebanon. The present study aims to learn more about the link between social media use disorder and loneliness among Lebanese people.

This cross-sectional study was carried out between January and December 2018. It enrolled 456 residents of the community randomly selected from Lebanon’s governorates in a proportionate rate.

The results showed that 107 (23.7%) participants were classified as having social media use disorder. The results of a stepwise linear regression, taking the loneliness score as the dependent variable, showed that female gender compared to males (Beta = 0.42), having a secondary level of education compared to illiteracy (Beta = 0.65), higher social media use disorder (Beta = 0.03) and higher insomnia (Beta = 0.02) and alexithymia (Beta = 0.02) were significantly associated with higher loneliness.

The present study was able to contribute to the literature and showed the association between social media use disorder and loneliness. These findings can benefit psychologists and public health practitioners in their future prevention and intervention plans.

Peer Review reports

Social media use is defined as electronically interacting with others through specific platforms, such as Instagram, Facebook and Twitter [ 1 ]. These platforms have become incredibly popular among youth and younger adults and have played a huge role in their developmental process and shaping their identity [ 2 , 3 ]. Online social media platforms allow users to interact with other users through eliciting conversations, commenting on posts, uploading pictures, updating statuses and sharing geographical locations. Through these types of communication, users are able to share their thoughts, their daily activities and express their feelings [ 4 ]. However, with the current rapid growth of social media and its quick popularity, users are significantly prone to developing addictive behaviors, which in turn may have negative effects on their mental wellbeing [ 5 ].

To date, there are inconsistencies regarding the definition of “social media use disorder” [ 1 ]. “Internet use disorder” is known to be a mental health disorder with a debate on the scientific term [ 6 ]; in 2012, the American Psychiatric Association recommended that “Internet Use Disorder” should be added to the third section of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) [ 7 ]. DSM-5 identifies Internet gaming disorder as a tentative disorder [ 8 ], however, social media addiction has not been classified in the DSM-5 yet [ 9 ]. The available assessment tools are specifically based on several different diagnostic suggestions like “Internet Addiction Test” and “Internet Gaming Disorder”. Moreover, some assessment tools are focusing on one specific social media platform and disregarding others. This in turn is resulting in the lack of availability of reliable and unified information on social media use disorder [ 6 ].

Feeling lonely or “loneliness” is an emotional state that is characterized by being in an unpleasant state, where there is inconsistency in one’s desired and perceived levels of social connectedness [ 10 ]. To date, there have been two contradicting theories regarding social media use disorder and loneliness. One has advocated that time spent online replaces time spent offline (which is time spent with friends), and thus the quality of friendships is reduced [ 11 ]. This so called “displacement hypothesis” concludes that social media use increases the feeling of loneliness. On another hand, other studies have advocated that spending more time online enhances the quality of friendships, and thus the so called “stimulation hypothesis” concludes that social media use decreases loneliness [ 12 ].

Studies continued to explore social media disorder and “Problematic Internet Use” and concluded that they are associated with several psychological factors like depression, social isolation, alexithymia (defined as the inability of cognitive processing of emotions, which is accompanied by the diminished capacity to recognize and express emotions [ 13 ]) and loneliness [ 14 , 15 , 16 ]. The term “Problematic Internet Use” was introduced by several authors to describe internet or computer addiction or pathological use of the internet [ 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 ]. It is basically defined by the person’s inability to control their use of the internet [ 23 ]. However, the concept of “Problematic Internet Use” has changed over the past 20 years. During the early forms of Internet use, users merely browsed static pages to read information and/or send messages. Now, with the presence of social media platforms, the Internet became a thread that textures the fabric of our lives. It is now used to connect people from all over the world, and users spend as much time online as they do offline [ 7 ]. Davis et al. provides a cognitive behavioral model to focus on the maladaptive cognitions associated with Problematic Internet Use. In his framework, he explains how Problematic Internet Use made users more vulnerable to psychosocial problems and psychopathological disorders like depression, social anxiety, substance dependence and loneliness [ 16 ].

Based on Caplan’s model, individuals who have self-perceived social incompetence, tend to experience negative mood states like loneliness [ 24 ]. These individuals prefer communicating via online routes and engage in online social communication as an escape from their negative mood, and consequently further reinforce Internet use [ 24 ]. Studies have reported that people who excessively use the Internet, spend less time interacting face to face, which in turn results in depression and loneliness [ 25 ]. Similarly, people who experience high levels of loneliness use the Internet for emotional support [ 26 ].

Loneliness is not only associated with social media disorder, rather with other mental health problems. It has been indicated that loneliness produces stress, which in turn creates the illusion of social rejection [ 27 ]. Moreover, depression and loneliness have been intimately connected, where loneliness acted as a risk factor for developing depressive symptoms [ 28 ]. Similarly, loneliness also predicted anxiety. Studies have shown that there was a strong association between loneliness states and anxious symptoms [ 29 ].

Moving further, loneliness is also related to different sociodemographic factors. For example, studies showed that women had higher level of loneliness than men [ 29 ]. Also, being single, having lower education level and having a lower income were reported to be associated with loneliness [ 30 ].

In Lebanon, it is already established that mental disorders are prevalent among the population [ 31 ]. Also, like any other population, Lebanese people are active users of social media platforms. However, to date, no study has previously explored the relationship between mental health and social media use disorder in Lebanon. Therefore, the present study aims to learn more about the link between social media use disorder and loneliness among Lebanese adults.

Study design and participants

This cross-sectional study was carried out between January and December 2018. It enrolled 456 residents of the community randomly selected from Lebanon’s governorates in a proportionate rate. The governorates are divided into Caza (stratum), divided into villages. From a list provided by the Central Agency of Statistics in Lebanon, we chose two villages per Caza where the questionnaire was distributed randomly to the households, based on a random sampling technique to select the included house [ 19 ]. Those who agreed to take part in the study were invited to complete the questionnaire via a face-to-face interview. All individuals over the age of 18 were eligible to participate. Excluded were those with dementia (according to one of the family members), and those who refused to complete the questionnaire. Data collection was performed by study-independent clinical psychologists. The methodology used in this study is similar to the one used in prior publications [ 32 ].

Minimal sample size calculation

The G-power program was used to calculate the minimum sample size needed for our study, with an acceptable 5% margin of error, a power of 90% and an expected medium effect size (r = 0.3) of social media use on loneliness in the absence of previous Lebanese studies, the results indicated that we need 109 participants to participate in the study.

Questionnaire

The questionnaire used during the interview was in Arabic, the native language of Lebanon. The first part assessed the sociodemographic characteristics of the participants (age, number of kids, gender, education level, socioeconomic level and marital status). The second part of the questionnaire consisted of measures used in this study as follows:

Social media disorder scale (SMD)

The SMD is a 27-item scale that measure the degree of addiction to social media [ 9 ]. Higher scores indicated higher social media use disorder. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.847.

Toronto alexithymia scale (TAS-20)

The twenty-item TAS-20 [ 33 ] scale was used to assess alexithymia, with responses graded based on a five-point Likert scale (1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree). Higher scores indicated higher alexithymia. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.862.

Hamilton depression rating scale (HDRS)

The validated Arabic version of the HDRS was used in this study [ 34 ]. The first 17 items of the HDRS are scored and measure the severity of depressive symptoms [ 35 ]. The total depression score was calculated by summing the answers of these seventeen items. Higher scores indicated higher depression. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.873.

Hamilton anxiety scale (HAM-A)

The HAM-A [ 36 ], validated in Lebanon [ 37 ], was used scale to measure anxiety in medical and research sites. It consists of 14 items, rated according to a four-point Likert scale (0 = symptoms not present to 4 = very severe symptoms). Higher scores indicated higher anxiety. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.914.

Perceived stress scale (PSS)

It is a 10-item classic stress assessment instrument [ 38 ]. The questions in this scale ask about your feelings and thoughts during the last month, with the answers measured on a 5-point Likert scale: 0 (never) up to 4 (very often). Higher scores indicated higher perceived stress. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.743.

Lebanese insomnia scale (LIS-18)

This 18-item scale is used for the diagnosis of insomnia on the basis of several validated/universally applicable scales. Answers are graded on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = Never to 5 = Always), with higher scores indicating higher insomnia. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.815.

Jong-Gierveld loneliness scale

Subjective loneliness was assessed by the modified version of the Jong-Gierveld Loneliness Scale, composed of 5 items [ 39 ]. One point was given for a yes answer and zero was given for a no answer [ 39 ]. Higher scores would indicate more loneliness. The Cronbach’s alpha value for this scale in this study was α = 0.621.

Statistical analysis

SPSS software version 25 was used to conduct data analysis. Cronbach’s alpha values were recorded for reliability analysis for all the scales. A descriptive analysis was done using the counts and percentages for categorical variables and mean and standard deviation for continuous measures. The Student t-test was used to compare continuous variables in two groups. Pearson correlation was used for linear correlation between continuous variables. The Student t-test was used to compare the means of 2 groups. A stepwise linear regression was conducted, taking the loneliness score as the dependent variable. All variables that showed a p  < 0.05 in the bivariate analysis were considered as important variables to be entered in the model in order to eliminate potentially confounding factors as much as possible. A p -value less than 0.05 was considered significant.

The sociodemographic characteristics of the participants are summarized in Table  1 . The results showed that the mean age of the participants was 27.29 ± 11.46 years and the mean number of hours spent on social media was 6.22 ± 4.92. The majority of the participants where females (61.8%), had a university level of education (66.7%), single (68.1%), with a low monthly income (61.4%). Almost all participants use their cellular as the mostly used device on social media (92.9%) and 19.4% were smokers. The mean social media use disorder scale score was 8.15 ± 5.71.

Bivariate analysis

Higher mean loneliness scores were significantly found in females (vs males), in those with a secondary education level of education (vs all other education levels) and those with a low monthly income (vs all other categories). Higher alexithymia (r = 0.221), higher depression (r = 0.247), higher perceived stress (r = 0.237), higher anxiety (r = 0.163), higher social media use disorder scale score (r = 0.170) and higher insomnia (r = 0.192) were significantly associated with higher loneliness score (Tables  2 and 3 ).

Multivariable analysis

The results of a stepwise linear regression, taking the loneliness score as the dependent variable, showed that female gender compared to males (Beta = 0.42), having a secondary level of education compared to illiteracy (Beta = 0.65), higher social media use disorder (Beta = 0.03) and higher insomnia (Beta = 0.02) and alexithymia (Beta = 0.02) were significantly associated with higher loneliness (Table  4 ). DISCUSSION.

Whether or not social media use disorder is a direct cause of loneliness remains controversial, however, our study was able to show a strong association between the two, in addition to other mental health illnesses. Our results have shown that in addition to some sociodemographic factors (being a female and having secondary level education), higher insomnia, alexithymia and social media use disorder were associated with higher levels of loneliness.

Although our study did not measure the same components included in Caplan’s cognitive behavioral model, our findings support the model’s theory. This is specifically relating to negative mood states, such as stress and depression, leading people to the irregular use of online platforms in the aim of mood regulation [ 24 ].

Moreover, the association between insomnia and loneliness obtained in this study can be explained by the fact that people who spend long hours awake, experience the feeling of isolation. This in turn demotivates them to engage with others and build social connections, and thus the feeling of loneliness is amplified [ 40 ]. On the other hand, several studies have reported that loneliness itself leads to sleep fragmentation and poor sleep quality [ 41 , 42 ].

Furthermore, similar to results reported in the literature, alexithymia was found to be correlated with loneliness [ 43 ]. People with alexithymia have difficulty in expressing their emotions and thus they have fewer close relationships, poor social support networks and often feel disconnected from others. All these factors amplify the feeling of loneliness [ 44 ]. To the best of our knowledge, only one study in the literature measured the direct effect of alexithymia on loneliness and found out that this strong association was a result of lack of trust in others [ 45 ].

While our findings come in line with many results from other studies, the present evidence in the literature is quite wide and contradicting. Based on Robert Weiss’ theory of loneliness, individuals who spend more time online have higher chances of emotional loneliness but lower chances of social loneliness [ 46 ]. Our results were able to show the emotional loneliness side, where individuals use social media as the primary route of communication, and thus it sabotages face to face social activities and eliminates “strong ties” [ 47 ]. We were also able to challenge the assumption that social media communication can effectively provide people with their social needs satisfied by face to face communication [ 7 ]. There is a vivid relationship between social media use and loneliness, where higher usage of social media showed higher level of loneliness among users [ 48 ]. Our results indicated this to be true even after adjusting for other interfering factors associated with loneliness (i.e. stress, anxiety and depression).

Although we were able to highlight the effect between social media use disorder and loneliness, some limitations need to be highlighted. There is a need to further explore the type of applications used, the time spent online and the reasons these social media platforms are being used for [ 49 ]. In some studies, using social media platforms to communicate with relatives was associated with lower levels of social loneliness, therefore, the nature of this use needs to be closely examined [ 50 ]. Other factors to be taken into consideration may be the place of residence (at home or in a dorm), which could have an influence on the social media use and addiction [ 51 ]. Similarly, whether you are using it to gamble, meet new people or simply do research has a huge effect. In other studies, people who were using the internet to meet other people had higher levels of loneliness than those who used it for research and homework [ 52 , 53 ]. Also, the age of starting to use social media platforms, and the ease of access should not be neglected when studying association with loneliness [ 51 , 54 ]. Despite showing good reliability values in this study, the scales used in the study, except the HDRS, HAM-A and LIS-18, are not validated in Lebanon. Finally, one should not omit to mention the strengths of this study. Knowing the complex psychological conditions of studying depression and loneliness, we did not overlook the influence of other factors such as age, gender and education [ 7 ]. Finally, it is important to stress that future research questions should focus on investigating different types of social media platforms and their effect on users’ habits maintenance and how moderators (like number of friends on Facebook, number of followers on Instagram, number of picture likes, etc.) are associated with this addiction [ 55 ].

The present study was able to contribute to the literature and showed the association between social media use disorder and loneliness. These findings can benefit psychologists and public health practitioners in their future prevention and intervention plans. People who negatively use social media platforms can then be offered with appropriate counselling and coping mechanisms. Future research should further focus on the specific uses of social media, predispositions and its effect on loneliness. Future longitudinal studies should also try to reveal the temporality issue to show whether young people start using social media because they feel lonely and depressed or whether they become more lonely and depressed with increasing use of social media.

Availability of data and materials

The authors do not have the right to share any data information as per their institutions policies.

Change history

08 july 2020.

An amendment to this paper has been published and can be accessed via the original article.

Abbreviations

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth edition

• Social media disorder

Toronto Alexithymia Scale

Hamilton depression rating scale

Hamilton anxiety scale

Perceived Stress Scale

Lebanese Insomnia Scale

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Acknowledgments

All the participants who helped us during this project. The authors would like to thank Dr. Sam Barbar, Dr. Dina Dagher and Dr. Marwan Akel for their help in the data collection and entry.

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Authors and Affiliations

Department of Nursing and Health Sciences, Notre Dame University, Notre Dame, Lebanon

Lara Youssef

Faculty of Medicine and Medical Sciences, Holy Spirit University of Kaslik (USEK), Jounieh, Lebanon

Rabih Hallit & Souheil Hallit

Faculty of Pedagogy, Holy Family University, Batroun, 5534, Lebanon

Nelly Kheir

Departments of Research and Psychology, Psychiatric Hospital of the Cross, Jal Eddib, Lebanon

Sahar Obeid

Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Holy Spirit University of Kaslik (USEK), Jounieh, Lebanon

INSPECT-LB: Institut National de Santé Publique, Epidemiologie Clinique et Toxicologie, Beirut, Lebanon

Sahar Obeid & Souheil Hallit

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SO and SH conceived and designed the survey. SH was involved in the statistical analysis and data interpretation. LY wrote the manuscript. RH and NK helped in the writing part. All authors read the manuscript, critically revised it for intellectual content, and approved the final version.

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Correspondence to Souheil Hallit .

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Youssef, L., Hallit, R., Kheir, N. et al. Social media use disorder and loneliness: any association between the two? Results of a cross-sectional study among Lebanese adults. BMC Psychol 8 , 56 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-020-00421-5

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The risks of social isolation

Psychologists are studying how to combat loneliness in those most at risk, such as older adults

By Amy Novotney

May 2019, Vol 50, No. 5

Print version: page 32

12 min read

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According to a 2018 national survey by Cigna , loneliness levels have reached an all-time high, with nearly half of 20,000 U.S. adults reporting they sometimes or always feel alone. Forty percent of survey participants also reported they sometimes or always feel that their relationships are not meaningful and that they feel isolated.

Such numbers are alarming because of the health and mental health risks associated with loneliness. According to a meta-analysis co-authored by Julianne Holt-Lunstad, PhD, a professor of psychology and neuroscience at Brigham Young University, lack of social connection heightens health risks as much as smoking 15 cigarettes a day or having alcohol use disorder. She’s also found that loneliness and social isolation are twice as harmful to physical and mental health as obesity ( Perspectives on Psychological Science , Vol. 10, No. 2, 2015 ).

"There is robust evidence that social isolation and loneliness significantly increase risk for premature mortality, and the magnitude of the risk exceeds that of many leading health indicators," Holt-­Lunstad says.

In an effort to stem such health risks, campaigns and coalitions to reduce social isolation and loneliness—an individual’s perceived level of social isolation—have been launched in Australia, ­Denmark and the United Kingdom. These national programs bring together research experts, nonprofit and government agencies, community groups and skilled volunteers to raise awareness of loneliness and address social isolation through evidence-based interventions and advocacy.

But is loneliness really increasing, or is it a condition that humans have always experienced at various times of life? In other words, are we becoming lonelier or just more inclined to recognize and talk about the problem?

These are tough questions to answer because historical data about loneliness are scant. Still, some research suggests that social isolation is increasing, so loneliness may be, too, says Holt-Lunstad. The most recent U.S. census data, for example, show that more than a quarter of the population lives alone—the highest rate ever recorded. In addition, more than half of the population is unmarried, and marriage rates and the number of children per household have declined since the previous census. Rates of volunteerism have also decreased, according to research by the University of Maryland’s Do Good Institute, and an increasing percentage of Americans report no religious affiliation —suggesting declines in the kinds of religious and other institutional connections that can provide community.

"Regardless of whether loneliness is increasing or remaining stable, we have lots of evidence that a significant portion of the population is affected by it," says Holt-­Lunstad. "Being connected to others socially is widely considered a fundamental human need—crucial to both well-being and survival."

As experts in behavior change, psychologists are well-positioned to help the nation combat loneliness. Through their research and public policy work, many psychologists have been providing data and detailed recommendations for advancing social connection as a U.S. public health priority on both the societal and individual levels.

"With an increasing aging population, the effects of loneliness on public health are only anticipated to increase," Holt-Lunstad says. "The challenge we face now is figuring out what can be done about it."

Who is most likely?

Loneliness is an experience that has been around since the beginning of time—and we all deal with it, according to Ami Rokach, PhD, an instructor at York University in Canada and a clinical psychologist. "It’s something every single one of us deals with from time to time," he explains, and can occur during life transitions such as the death of a loved one, a divorce or a move to a new place. This kind of loneliness is referred to by researchers as reactive loneliness.

Problems can arise, however, when an experience of loneliness becomes chronic, Rokach notes. "If reactive loneliness is painful, chronic loneliness is torturous," he says. Chronic loneliness is most likely to set in when individuals either don’t have the emotional, mental or financial resources to get out and satisfy their social needs or they lack a social circle that can provide these benefits, says psychologist Louise Hawkley, PhD, a senior research scientist at the research organization NORC at the University of Chicago.

"That’s when things can become very problematic, and when many of the major negative health consequences of loneliness can set in," she says.

Last year, a Pew Research Center survey of more than 6,000 U.S. adults linked frequent loneliness to dissatisfaction with one’s family, social and community life. About 28 percent of those dissatisfied with their family life feel lonely all or most of the time, compared with just 7 percent of those satisfied with their family life. Satisfaction with one’s social life follows a similar pattern: 26 percent of those dissatisfied with their social lives are frequently lonely, compared with just 5 percent of those who are satisfied with their social lives. One in five Americans who say they are not satisfied with the quality of life in their local communities feel frequent loneliness, roughly triple the 7 percent of Americans who are satisfied with the quality of life in their communities.

And, of course, loneliness can occur when people are surrounded by others—on the subway, in a classroom, or even with their spouses and children, according to Rokach, who adds that loneliness is not synonymous with chosen isolation or solitude. Rather, loneliness is defined by people’s levels of satisfaction with their connectedness, or their perceived social isolation.

Effects of loneliness and isolation

As demonstrated by a review of the effects of perceived social isolation across the life span, co-authored by Hawkley, loneliness can wreak havoc on an individual’s physical, mental and cognitive health ( Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B , Vol. 370, No. 1669, 2015 ). Hawkley points to evidence linking perceived social isolation with adverse health consequences including depression, poor sleep quality, impaired executive function, accelerated cognitive decline, poor cardiovascular function and impaired immunity at every stage of life. In addition, a 2019 study led by Kassandra Alcaraz, PhD, MPH, a public health researcher with the American Cancer Society, analyzed data from more than 580,000 adults and found that social isolation increases the risk of premature death from every cause for every race ( American Journal of Epidemiology , Vol. 188, No. 1, 2019 ). According to Alcaraz, among black participants, social isolation doubled the risk of early death, while it increased the risk among white participants by 60 to 84 percent.

"Our research really shows that the magnitude of risk presented by social isolation is very similar in magnitude to that of obesity, smoking, lack of access to care and physical inactivity," she says. In the study, investigators weighted several standard measures of social isolation, including marital status, frequency of religious service attendance, club meetings/group activities and number of close friends or relatives. They found that overall, race seemed to be a stronger predictor of social isolation than sex; white men and women were more likely to be in the least isolated category than were black men and women.

The American Cancer Society study is the largest to date on all races and genders, but previous research has provided glimpses into the harmful effects of social isolation and loneliness. A 2016 study led by Newcastle University epidemiologist Nicole Valtorta, PhD, for example, linked loneliness to a 30 percent increase in risk of stroke or the development of coronary heart disease ( Heart , Vol. 102, No. 13 ). Valtorta notes that a lonely individual’s higher risk of ill health likely stems from several combined factors: behavioral, biological and psychological.

"Lacking encouragement from family or friends, those who are lonely may slide into unhealthy habits," Valtorta says. "In addition, loneliness has been found to raise levels of stress, impede sleep and, in turn, harm the body. Loneliness can also augment depression or anxiety."

Last year, researchers at the Florida State University College of Medicine also found that loneliness is associated with a 40 percent increase in a person’s risk of dementia ( The Journals of Gerontology: Series B , online 2018). Led by Angelina Sutin, PhD, the study examined data on more than 12,000 U.S. adults ages 50 years and older. Participants rated their levels of loneliness and social isolation and completed a cognitive battery every two years for up to 10 years.

Among older adults in particular, loneliness is more likely to set in when an individual is dealing with functional limitations and has low family support, Hawkley says. Better self-rated health, more social interaction and less family strain reduce older adults’ feelings of loneliness, according to a study, led by Hawkley, examining data from more than 2,200 older adults ( Research on Aging , Vol. 40, No. 4, 2018 ). "Even among those who started out lonely, those who were in better health and socialized with others more often had much better odds of subsequently recovering from their loneliness," she says.

A 2015 study led by Steven Cole, MD, a professor of medicine at the University of California, Los Angeles, provides additional clues as to why loneliness can harm overall health ( PNAS , Vol. 112, No. 49, 2015). He and his colleagues examined gene expressions in leukocytes, white blood cells that play key roles in the immune system’s response to infection. They found that the leukocytes of lonely participants—both humans and rhesus macaques—showed an increased expression of genes involved in inflammation and a decreased expression of genes involved in antiviral responses.

Loneliness, it seems, can lead to long-term "fight-or-flight" stress signaling, which negatively affects immune system functioning. Simply put, people who feel lonely have less immunity and more inflammation than people who don’t.

Combating loneliness

While the harmful effects of loneliness are well established in the research literature, finding solutions to curb chronic loneliness has proven more challenging, says Holt-Lunstad.

Developing effective interventions is not a simple task because there’s no single underlying cause of loneliness, she says. "Different people may be lonely for different reasons, and so a one-size-fits-all kind of intervention is not likely to work because you need something that is going to address the underlying cause." Rokach notes that efforts to minimize loneliness can start at home, with teaching children that aloneness does not mean loneliness. Also, he says, schools can help foster environments in which children look for, identify and intervene when a peer seems lonely or disconnected from others.

In terms of additional ways to address social isolation and feelings of loneliness, research led by Christopher Masi, MD, and a team of researchers at the University of Chicago suggests that interventions that focus inward and address the negative thoughts underlying loneliness in the first place seem to help combat loneliness more than those designed to improve social skills, enhance social support or increase opportunities for social interaction ( Personality and Social Psychology Review , Vol. 15, No. 3, 2011). The meta-analysis reviewed 20 randomized trials of interventions to decrease loneliness in children, adolescents and adults and showed that addressing what the researchers termed maladaptive social cognition through cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) worked best because it empowered patients to recognize and deal with their negative thoughts about self-worth and how others perceive them, says Hawkley, one of the study’s co-authors.

Still, some research has found that engaging older adults in community and social groups can lead to positive mental health effects and reduce feelings of loneliness. Last year, Julene Johnson, PhD, a University of California, San Francisco researcher on aging, examined how joining a choir might combat feelings of loneliness among older adults ( The Journals of Gerontology: Series B , online 2018 ). Half of the study’s 12 senior centers were randomly selected for the choir program, which involved weekly 90-minute choir sessions, including informal public performances. The other half of the centers did not participate in choir sessions. After six months, the researchers found no significant differences between the two groups on tests of cognitive function, lower body strength and overall psychosocial health. But they did find significant improvements in two components of the psychosocial evaluation among choir participants: This group reported feeling less lonely and indicated they had more interest in life. Seniors in the non-choir group saw no change in their loneliness, and their interest in life declined slightly.

Researchers at the University of Queensland in Australia have also found that older adults who take part in social groups such as book clubs or church groups have a lower risk of death ( BMJ Open , Vol. 6, No. 2, 2016 ). Led by psychologist Niklas Steffens, PhD, the team tracked the health of 424 people for six years after they had retired and found that social group membership had a compounding effect on quality of life and risk of death. Compared with those still working, every group membership lost after retirement was associated with around a 10 percent drop in quality of life six years later. In addition, if participants belonged to two groups before retirement and kept these up over the following six years, their risk of death was 2 percent, rising to 5 percent if they gave up membership in one group and to 12 percent if they gave up membership in both.

"In this regard, practical interventions need to focus on helping retirees to maintain their sense of purpose and belonging by assisting them to connect to groups and communities that are meaningful to them," the authors say.

To that end, cohousing appears to be growing in popularity among young and old around the world as a way to improve social connections and decrease loneliness, among other benefits. Cohousing communities and mixed-age residences are intentionally built to bring older and younger generations together, either in whole neighborhoods within single-family homes or in larger apartment buildings, where they share dining, laundry and recreational spaces. Neighbors gather for parties, games, movies or other events, and the co­housing piece makes it easy to form clubs, organize child and elder care, and carpool. Hawkley and other psychologists argue that these living situations may also provide an antidote to loneliness, particularly among older adults. Although formal evaluations of their effectiveness in reducing loneliness remain scarce, cohousing communities in the United States now number 165 nationwide, according to the Cohousing Association , with another 140 in the planning stages.

"Older adults have become so marginalized and made to feel as though they are no longer productive members of society, which is lonely-making in and of itself," Hawkley says. "For society to be healthy, we have to find ways to include all segments of the population, and many of these intergenerational housing programs seem to be doing a lot in terms of dispelling myths about old age and helping older individuals feel like they are important and valued members of society again." 

Additional reading

Life-saving Relationships Weir, K. Monitor , 2018

Advancing Social Connection as a Public Health Priority in the United States Holt-Lunstad, J., et al. American Psychologist, 2017

The Potential Public Health Relevance of Social Isolation and Loneliness: Prevalence, Epidemiology, and Risk Factors Holt-Lunstad, J. Public Policy & Aging Report , 2017

Related Articles

• The link between loneliness and technology

Recommended Reading

• Social isolation and chronic loneliness place individuals at much greater risk for a variety of diseases, as well as for premature mortality.
• Loneliness is defined by a person’s perceived level of social isolation and is not synonymous with chosen solitude.
• CBT therapy focused on addressing negative self-worth and interventions that bring people together through community groups appear to be effective at combating loneliness among older adults.

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How Does Social Media Play a Role in Depression?

Verywell / Catherine Song

What to Know About Clinical Depression

Causation or correlation.

• Less Social Media, Less FOMO

Why Young People Are at Risk

• Bad News and ‘Doomscrolling’

Safely Using Social Media

By some estimates, roughly 4 billion people across the world use networking websites such as Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. This usage has prompted mental health experts to investigate whether the enormous popularity of social media plays a role in depression.

Research suggests that people who limit their time on social media tend to be happier than those who don’t. Studies also indicate that social media may trigger an array of negative emotions in users that contribute to or worsen their depression symptoms.

U.S. Surgeon General Warning

In May 2023, U.S. Surgeon General Dr. Vivek Murthy released an advisory to call attention to the effects of social media on youth mental health. He notes that at crucial periods of adolescent brain development, social media use is predictive of decreases in life satisfaction, as well as additional concerns around body image, sleep issues, and much more.

Given that essentially all adolescents are now using social media in some form, he stresses the importance of further research.

Clinical depression or major depressive disorder is a mood disorder characterized by ongoing feelings of sadness and loss of interest in activities that an individual once enjoyed.

Depression can be mild or severe and make it difficult for those with the condition to concentrate, sleep or eat well, make decisions, or complete their normal routines.

People with depression may contemplate death or suicide, feel worthless, develop anxiety or have physical symptoms such as fatigue or headaches. Psychotherapy and medication are some of the treatments for depression. Limiting time on social media and prioritizing real-world connections can be beneficial to mental health.

The Facts on Social Media and Depression

• Social media has never been more popular, with more than half of the world's population active on these networking sites that roll out nonstop news, much of it negative.
• A Lancet study publbished in 2018 found that people who check Facebook late at night were more likely to feel depressed and unhappy.
• Another 2018 study found that the less time people spend on social media, the less symptoms of depression and loneliness they felt.
• A 2015 study found that Facebook users who felt envy while on the networking site were more likely to develop symptoms of depression.

Some studies about social media and mental health reveal that there’s a correlation between networking sites and depression. Other research goes a step further, finding that social media may very well cause depression. A landmark study—“No More FOMO: Limiting Social Media Decreases Loneliness and Depression”—was published in the Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology in 2018.

The study found that the less people used social media, the less depressed and lonely they felt.

This indicates a relationship between lower social media use and emotional wellbeing. According to the researchers, the study marked the first time scientific research established a causal link between these variables.

“Prior to this, all we could say was that there is an association between using social media and having poor outcomes with wellbeing,” said study coauthor Jordyn Young in a statement.

To establish the link between social media and depression, the researchers assigned 143 University of Pennsylvania students to two groups: one could use social media with no restrictions, while the second group had their social media access limited to just 30 minutes on Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat combined over a three-week period.

Each study participant used iPhones to access social media and the researchers monitored their phone data to ensure compliance. The group with restricted social media access reported lower severity of depression and loneliness than they had at the beginning of the study.

Both groups reported a drop in anxiety and fear of missing out (FOMO), apparently because joining the study made even the group with unrestricted access to social media more cognizant of how much time they were spending on it.

Less Social Media, Less FOMO 

It’s not certain why participants who only spent 30 minutes daily on social media experienced less depression, but researchers suggest that these young people were spared from looking at content—such as a friend’s beach vacation, grad school acceptance letter, or happy family—that might make them feel bad about themselves.

Taking in the photos or posts of people with seemingly “perfect” lives can make social media users feel like they just don’t measure up. A 2015 University of Missouri study found that regular Facebook users were more likely to develop depression if they felt feelings of envy on the networking site.

Social media can also give users a case of FOMO, for example, if they were invited on their friend’s beach vacation but couldn’t go for some reason. Or if the friend didn’t ask them on the trip at all, users might feel hurt and left out to see that others in their social circle were. It can lead them to question their friendships or their own self-worth.

Social media users who visit an ex’s social media page and see pictures of their former partner wining and dining a new love interest can also experience FOMO. They might wonder why their ex never took them to such fancy restaurants or lavished them with gifts.

Ultimately, limiting one’s time on social media can mean less time spent comparing oneself to others. This can extend to not thinking badly of oneself and developing the symptoms that contribute to depression.

Prior to social media and the internet, children only had to worry about bullying on school grounds, for the most part. But social media has given bullies a new way to torment their victims.

With just one click, bullies can circulate a video of their target being ridiculed, beaten up, or otherwise humiliated. People can swarm a peer’s social media page, leaving negative comments or spreading misinformation. In some cases, victims of bullying have committed suicide.

While many schools have anti-bullying policies and rules about online student conduct, it can still be difficult for educators and parents to monitor abusive behavior on social media.

Worsening matters is that the victims of bullies often fear that the bullying will increase if they speak to a parent, teacher, or administrator about their mistreatment. This can make a child feel even more isolated and go without the emotional support they need to handle a toxic and potentially volatile situation. 

If you or someone you care about is having suicidal thoughts, contact the  National Suicide Prevention Lifeline  at  988  for support and assistance from a trained counselor. If you or a loved one are in immediate danger, call 911.

For more mental health resources, see our  National Helpline Database .

Bad News and ‘Doomscrolling’ 

One in five Americans now get their news from social media—a larger proportion than those who get their news from traditional print media.

For heavy social media users, people who log in for multiple hours at a time or multiple times a day, this means frequent exposure news, including bad news. Headlines related to natural disasters, terrorist attacks, political strife, and celebrity deaths frequently top lists of social media trends.

Before the advent of social media and the internet generally, one’s exposure to bad news was limited. The public got news from broadcasts that aired at certain times of the day or from newspapers.

The habit of binging bad news on social media sites or elsewhere online is known as “doomscrolling,” and it can adversely affect one’s mental health, leading to development or heightening of anxiety or depression symptoms. 

A 2018 Lancet Psychiatry study of 91,005 people found that those who logged onto Facebook before bedtime were 6% likelier to have major depressive disorder and rated their happiness level 9% lower than those with better sleep hygiene did.

Psychologist Amelia Aldao told NPR that doomscrolling locks the public into a “vicious cycle of negativity.” The cycle continues because “our minds are wired to look out for threats,” she said. “The more time we spend scrolling, the more we find those dangers, the more we get sucked into them, the more anxious we get.” Before long, the world appears to be an altogether gloomy place, making doomscrollers feel increasingly hopeless.

Press Play for Advice On Limiting Social Media Use

This episode of The Verywell Mind Podcast shares effective ways to reduce your screen time. Click below to listen now.

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Using social media comes with mental health risks, but that doesn’t mean it should be completely avoided. Experts recommend using these networking websites in moderation.

Set a timer when you’re on social media or install an app on your phone or computer that tracks how long you’ve spent on a networking site.

Without these timers or apps, it’s easy to spend hours on social media before you know it. To limit your time on social media, you can also plan real-world activities that help you focus on your immediate surroundings and circumstances. Read a book, watch a movie, go for a stroll, play a game, bake some bread, or have a phone conversation with a friend. Make the time to enjoy life offline.  

Kemp S. More than half of the people on Earth now use social media .

" Social Media and Youth Mental Healt h," The US Surgeon General's Advisory, May 2023.

Lyall LM, Wyse CA, Graham N, et al. Association of disrupted circadian rhythmicity with mood disorders, subjective wellbeing, and cognitive function: A cross-sectional study of 91 105 participants from the UK Biobank . Lancet Psychiatry.  2018;5(6):507-514. doi:10.1016/S2215-0366(18)30139-1

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By Nadra Nittle Nadra Nittle is a Los Angeles-based journalist and author. She has covered a wide range of topics, including health, education, race, consumerism, food, and public policy, throughout her career.  

ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Effects of social media use on employment anxiety among chinese youth: the roles of upward social comparison, online social support and self-esteem.

• School of Communication, Soochow University, Suzhou, China

Based on the continuous development of new media and mobile communication technologies, social media has significantly influenced people’s daily thoughts and behaviors. For young people, social media is a platform for social interaction, and studies have found that social media helps Chinese graduates find employment. This study examined how social media use and its related factors affect employment anxiety. The data was collected from 1,204 Chinese youth through an online survey. The results showed that: (1) the intensity of social media use had a positive predictive effect on employment anxiety; (2) upward social comparison and online social support individually separately mediate the positive relationship between the intensity of social media use and employment anxiety; and (3) self-esteem negatively moderates the effect of upward social comparison and effect of online social support on employment anxiety. The study underscores the importance of reasonable social media usage strategies, positive social perception, and healthy self-perception for fostering a positive employment mindset among youth.

1 Introduction

Driven by new media and mobile communication technology, social media significantly influences people’s daily thoughts and behaviors. Global social media users increased by nearly 30%, adding over 1 billion in three years since COVID-19 started. Daily use rose by 2%, reaching 2 h and 31 min, peaking in 2022 ( DataReportal, 2023 ). For Chinese youth, social media serves as a virtual space shaping their cognition and emotions, as well as a platform for social interaction, including employment. Social media use has been found to contribute to the employability outcomes of Chinese graduates ( He et al., 2017 ).

However, China is confronted with a serious issue of youth unemployment. The estimated number of graduates from higher education institutions nationwide in 2023 is expected to reach 11.58 million, representing an increase of 820,000 compared to 2022 ( Chinese Ministry of Education, 2022 ). At the same time, China’s youth unemployment rate has remained at a relatively high level, reaching 21.3% in June 2023, marking a new high since 2018 ( National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2023 ). A change that may indicate worsening situations is that the Statistics Bureau announced the suspension of publishing youth unemployment rates ( National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2023 ) after a strict investigation into the falsification of graduate employment data demanded ( Chinese Ministry of Education, 2023 ). In such an employment environment filled with uncertainties and intense competition, it is inevitable for the youth to experience employment anxiety. A survey conducted among Chinese university students found that 40.46% of college students have a strong sense of job crisis, and 73.32% of them believe that the employment situation under COVID-19 is unpromising or average ( Zheng et al., 2022 ). Employment anxiety has become a serious problem that urgently needs to be addressed.

In previous research, researchers have confirmed that social media is related to anxiety. Most studies have investigated the relationship between problematic social media use and anxiety ( Lee-Won et al., 2015 ; Lopes et al., 2022 ), as well as specific types of anxiety such as social anxiety ( Al-Ali et al., 2011 ; Stanculescu and Griffiths, 2022 ), and personal traits related to anxiety such as anxious attachment style ( Blackwell et al., 2017 ; Stanculescu and Griffiths, 2022 ). Besides, while research has explored the factors influencing employment anxiety ( Shin, 2019 ; Belle et al., 2022 ), few studies examined the association between social media use and employment anxiety, indicating a gap in this field that need to be filled. To investigate how social media use affects employment anxiety, this study introduces upward social comparison and online social support as mediating variables, and self-esteem as a moderating variable in the relationship between social media use and employment anxiety.

This paper examines the following questions: (1) How does social media use influence employment anxiety among Chinese youth? (2) What roles do related variables play in this effect? The results will help us understand the relationship between social media use and employment anxiety including the influencing mechanisms, and expand the empirical applications of social comparison theory and social support theory. The results can also provide suggestions for youth groups to reduce employment anxiety and enhance job outcomes.

2 Literature reviews and hypotheses development

2.1 social media use and employment anxiety.

As an online media based on Web 2.0 technologies, social media provides a virtual space for users to share content and build relationships ( Mayfield, 2008 ; Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010 ; Peng, 2013 ). Users’ engagement with social media platform features is defined as social media use (SMU), and the intensity of social media use (ISMU) serves as the fundamental framework when researchers describe behavior patterns and emotional experiences of social media use, indicated by factors such as time spending on social media, frequency of usage, number of online friends, and online emotional bond strength ( Hart et al., 2015 ).

Anxiety is a negative emotional state, a mixture of feelings such as fear, tension and worry, arising from nonspecific threats or vague perceptions of future risks ( Smith and Lazarus, 1990 ; Lang et al., 2005 ). Employment anxiety (EA) is a specific type of anxiety, triggered by employment situations with uncertainty.

The research exploring the relationship between intensity of social media use and anxiety indicates that intensity of social media use can have effects on various types of anxiety as a trigger or elevator, directly or indirectly. A typical manifestation is the increase in anxiety caused by social media overload during the pandemic ( Wang et al., 2023 ). Sufficient research can demonstrate the enhancing effect of social media use on FOMO (Fear of Missing Out) ( Zhang et al., 2021 ). Simultaneously, the intensity of social media use can indirectly elevate anxiety through certain factors like risk perception, for example, women exposed to more social media content tend to be more sensitive in perceiving reproductive risks, leading to increased fertility-related anxiety ( Liu and Song, 2022 ). Studies also suggest that daily social media use adversely impacts subjective well-being over time ( Wirtz et al., 2021 ). Besides, a survey conducted during the COVID-19 period found that there is a significant negative correlation between social media usage and subjective happiness ( Khodabakhsh and Ahmadi, 2020 ).

In sum, existing studies can confirm that the intensity of social media use can evoke negative emotions like fear of missing out and loneliness, as well as specific types of anxiety such as fertility-related anxiety and social anxiety, especially in uncertain environments. It can also be harmful to subjective well-being and happiness. Therefore, the first hypothesis is proposed as follows:

H1: The intensity of social media use positively affected Chinese youth’s employment anxiety.

2.2 The mediating role of upward social comparison

Upward social comparison (USC) is a concept within Social Comparison Theory. The theory posits that individuals, driven by the need for self-evaluation, tend to compare themselves to others in terms of opinions and abilities ( Lemaine and Schachter, 1960 ). Upward social comparison is a type of social comparison where individuals compare themselves to others who are more advantaged than themselves ( Suls and Wheeler, 2012 ). Upward social comparison can lead to two distinct effects: the assimilation effect causes individuals to psychologically align themselves with the comparator, while the contrast effect directs individuals to focus on the differences ( Xing and Yu, 2006 ).

Social media fosters an environment conducive to upward social comparison due to its encouragement of positive self-presentation content ( Seidman, 2013 ), leading researchers to closely associate upward social comparison with social media use. With the examined effect on positive emotions and the stimulating effect on negative emotions, upward social comparison is often identified as a mediating variable in studies exploring the impact of social media use on negative emotions. A study confirmed that with Upward social comparison and self-esteem as mediations, intensity of social media use shows a negative impact on subjective well-being ( Wang et al., 2019 ). Furthermore, an investigation found that the intensity of social media use can not only increase anxiety through upward social comparison but also impact anxiety through sequential mediation involving upward social comparison and psychological capital ( Qiu et al., 2017 ).

In conclusion, the examined studies highlight the mediating role of upward social comparison in the relationship between social media use and emotional outcomes, revealing its beneficial effects on negative emotions and specific types of anxiety. Therefore, the second hypothesis is proposed as follows:

H2: Upward social comparison mediates the relationship between intensity of social media use and Chinese youth’s employment anxiety, that is, intensity of social media use first enhances upward social comparison and then increases employment anxiety.

2.3 The mediating role of online social support

Online social support (OSS) is a concept within Social Support Theory. Social Support Theory posits that individuals can receive emotional and material support from social networks in communities, organizations, and society, helping them access resources and assistance to cope with challenges ( Cullen, 1994 ). The main effect model from the theory suggests that social support systems bring positive emotional experiences to individuals ( Wang, 2004 ), while the buffering effect model proposes that social support alleviates individuals’ perception of stress and negative emotional experiences under pressure ( Kawachi and Berkman, 2001 ). Online social support is a form of social support, known as a sense of identity and belonging that individuals experience when understood and respected during emotional, informational, and material exchanges in virtual spaces ( Liang and Wei, 2008 ).

Social media creates an online community for users, where they can also form social relationships and gain support. Online self-disclosure can positively impact the well-being of lonely individuals through online social support ( Lee et al., 2013 ). For college students, the number of Facebook friends is associated with a stronger perception of social support, which in turn is correlated with reduced stress, decreased physical illness, and enhanced well-being ( Nabi et al., 2013 ). Similarly, a survey of undergraduate students indicates a significant mediating role of social support and self-esteem in the relationship between active use of social networking sites and feelings of loneliness, including the direct mediating effect of social support and the sequential mediating effects of social support followed by self-esteem ( Lin et al., 2022 ). Additionally, a study on the relationship between social support, occupational stress, and anxiety has demonstrated that social support can directly reduce anxiety ( Beehr and McGrath, 1992 ).

In sum, existing studies suggest that the intensity of social media use can contribute to online social support, leading to enhanced happiness and reduced feelings of loneliness, stress, and anxiety. Therefore, the third hypothesis is proposed as follows:

H3: Online social support mediates the relationship between the intensity of social media use and Chinese youth’s employment anxiety, that is, the intensity of social media use first enhances upward social comparison and then reduces employment anxiety.

2.4 The moderating role of self-esteem

Self-esteem (SE) is the perception of an individual’s value, reflecting the difference between the individual’s perception of the self and the ideal self, representing the perception of one’s value ( James, 1924 ; Rosenberg, 1962 ). As a personal trait, self-esteem often serves as a moderating variable in psychological or behavioral research.

Existing research on self-esteem has shown its buffering effects protecting individuals from emotional challenges, as well as its relationship with social comparison and social support. According to the anxiety buffer hypothesis, self-esteem hampers anxiety and depressive symptoms by acting as a shield against fear and loneliness ( Greenberg et al., 1992 ). Individuals with low self-esteem experience higher levels of negative emotions when faced with negative social stimuli ( Richter and Ridout, 2011 ). For young adults, self-esteem moderated the association between body-related guilt and the frequency of depressive symptoms, suggesting self-esteem is beneficial in alleviating depressive symptoms caused by body-related guilt ( Brunet et al., 2019 ). Furthermore, self-esteem significantly moderated the impact of social comparison on body esteem among female college students: the low self-esteem group exhibited a contrast effect, while the high self-esteem group demonstrated an assimilation effect ( Jones and Buckingham, 2005 ). Additionally, adolescents with higher self-esteem perceive social support better, thereby promoting their psychological well-being ( Poudel et al., 2020 ). Among international students in China, compared with students with low self-esteem, the predictive effect of social support on attachment closeness was enhanced in those with high self-esteem ( Li et al., 2021 ).

In sum, self-esteem acts like a shield, protecting individuals by buffering the impact of negative emotions. It also functions like an amplifier, magnifying the beneficial effects of social support. Additionally, self-esteem moderates the impact of social comparison. Therefore, the fourth hypothesis is proposed as follows:

H4: Self-esteem moderates the effect of upward social comparison on employment anxiety (H4a), and the effect of online social support on employment anxiety (H4b).

The conceptual model of this study is proposed in Figure 1 .

Figure 1 . Conceptual model.

3.1 Participants

This study was conducted through an online questionnaire based on Wenjuanxing (WJX), the largest Chinese online survey platform, in March 2023. A pre-test was conducted before the official test ( n  = 55, 48.2% male, 51.8% female).

We selected the overlapping range of youth definition (age 14–44) from the World Health Organization and working population definition (age 18–65) in China, defining youth in this study as 18–44 years old, with the number of about 511 million ( National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2020 ). We use the minimum sample size formula to calculate the minimum sample, which is 1,068.

We collected 1,442 questionnaires from January to March 2023. After data cleaning, there were 1,204 effective samples with 48.6% male and 51.4% female. Sample sources include 31 provinces or municipalities in China. To avoid duplication, users with the same IP address or the same computer/mobile phone device can only access the questionnaire once. There was a disclaimer in the debriefing reminding the respondents that the study was a piece of academic research. Upon completing the questionnaire, each participant receives a reward of 2 yuan (approximately 0.3 USD).

3.2 Measure

The questionnaire consisted of 94 questions. We investigated demographic characteristics at first, including major, grade of school, graduation or expected graduation time, employment experience, and employment intention as demographic characteristics. The measurement instruments used in this study were derived from established scales, and all passed the reliability and supported testing in pre-tests (Cronbach’s α > 0.8, KMO > 0.7). The scales were all scored on a 5-point Likert scale, with 1 to 5 representing the sequential increase in personal attitudes.

The intensity of social media use scale was adapted from the 8-item Facebook Intensity of Use Scale, developed by Ellison et al. (2007) . Considering that Facebook is not widely used among Chinese youth, we replaced “Facebook” in all items with “social media,” for example, “Social media has become part of my daily routine,” “I feel out of touch when I have not logged onto social media for a while.” We noted in the prompts that social media in this scale is defined as the sum of common social media platforms in China including Little Red Book, WeChat, QQ, Weibo, Twitter, and Facebook.

The upward social comparison scale directly adopted the 6-item upward social comparison subscale of the Iowa-Netherlands Comparison Orientation Measure (INCOM) developed by Gibbons and Buunk (1999) . Example items include, “If I want to find out how well I have done something, I compare what I have done with how others have done,” “I often compare how I am doing socially (e.g., social skills, popularity) with other people.”

The online social support scale utilized the 11-item online social support subscale from the Online-Offline Support Scale compiled by Wang and Wang (2013) . This subscale was adapted from the Social Support Scale developed by Leung (2003) . Example items include, “Some members in the online community you can turn to for suggestions on how to deal with a personal problem,” “Some members in the online community you can get together with for relaxation.”

The self-esteem scale directly adopted the 10-item Self-Esteem Scale (SES), originally developed by Rosenberg (1962) and revised by Chinese scholars Yang and Wang (2007) . Items 5, 8, 9, and 10 are reverse-scored. Example items include, “I consider myself a valuable person, at least good as others,” “I think I have many good qualities.”

The employment anxiety scale was adapted from the Career Choice Anxiety Questionnaire for College Graduates developed by Zhang and Chen (2006) . Since the study samples participants aged 18–44 among Chinese youth, we replace “college students” with “youths” in item 4, “Whenever I see the news media report on the youth employment situation, I get anxious.” Other example items include, “A failed job interview makes me feel disheartened,” “I worry that my abilities may not meet the employer’s expectations.”

The study confirmed data reliability and validity through common method bias, reliability, and supported tests. Harman one-way test indicated acceptable common method bias (26.189%) ( Tang and Wen, 2020 ). Reliability (Cronbach’s α > 0.7) and validity (KMO > 0.7, Bartlett’s sig < 0.01) tests supported scale consistency and applicability, reinforcing data credibility. The value of Cronbach’s α for each scale is shown in Table 1 .

Table 1 . Descriptive statistics and correlation test.

4.1 Descriptive statistics and correlation test

The SPSS statistics version 26.0 was used in the analysis. Before hypothesis testing, we conducted descriptive statistics and a test of correlation. The significant correlations among the variables are evident, and collinearity is acceptable, indicating that hypothesis testing can be conducted. The results are shown in Table 1 .

4.2 The direct effect of social media use on employment anxiety (H1)

We assumed that the intensity of social media use positively affected Chinese youth’s employment anxiety (H1). To test H1, we used intensity of social media use as the independent variable and employment anxiety as the dependent variable to conduct a simple linear regression analysis. We included age, gender, major, education, graduation time, employment experience, and employment intention as control variables to exclude their interference with the relationship between the independent variable and the dependent variables. Control variables are included as dummy variables. The result confirmed that the i ntensity of social media use increased employment anxiety ( β = 0.26, p < 0.01) after including control variables (Δ R 2 = 0.07). The results supported H1.

Then we conducted path analysis to examine the relationships between variables. The model was specified with intensity of social media use as the predictor of employment anxiety, and included upward social comparison and online social support as mediators, as well as control variables such as age, gender, major, education, graduation time, employment experience, and employment intention, included as dummy variables as what we presented in Table 2 . The path analysis results revealed that, the path from intensity of social media use to employment anxiety was significant ( β = 0.07, SE = 0.04, R 2 = 0.27, p = 0.04 < 0.05), the path from intensity of social media use to upward social comparison was significant ( β = 0.33, SE = 0.03, R 2 = 0.15, p = 0.00), the path from upward social comparison to employment anxiety was significant ( β = 0.42,SE = 0.03, R 2 = 0.27, p = 0.00), the path from intensity of social media use to online social support was significant ( β = 0.70, SE = 0.02, R 2 = 0.54, p = 0.00), and the path from online social support to employment anxiety was significant ( β = 0.08, SE = 0.04, R 2 = 0.27, p = 0.03). The results showed that each direct path among the independent variables, mediator variables and dependent variables was significant ( p < 0.05), indicating that mediation tests can be further conducted. The path analysis results are shown in Figure 2 .

Table 2 . Regression analysis of the intensity of social media use on employment anxiety.

Figure 2 . Statistical model.

4.3 The mediation role of upward social comparison (H2)

We further assumed that the intensity of social media use would be indirectly associated with employment anxiety via upward social comparison (H2). The results of mediation analysis showed a total effect size of 0.30 ( p < 0.05, 95%CI = [0.24, 0.37]), a direct effect of 0.13 ( p < 0.05, 95%CI = [0.06, 0.19]), and a mediating effect of 0.18 ( p < 0.05, 95%CI = [0.13, 0.22]), with the mediating effect accounting for 58.33% of the total effect. It can be seen that the intensity of social media use predicts employment anxiety via upward social comparison, that is the more frequent the use of social media, the stronger the upward social comparison young people perceive, and the higher their employment anxiety. Thus, H2 is supported. The results are shown in Table 3 .

Table 3 . Mediating effect of upward social comparison between intensity of social media use and employment anxiety.

4.4 The mediation role of online social support (H3)

We also assumed that online social support mediates the relationship between the intensity of social media and employment anxiety (H3). The results of mediation analysis showed a total effect size of 0.30 ( p < 0.05, 95%CI = [0.24, 0.37]), a direct effect of 0.11 ( p < 0.01, 95%CI = [0.02, 0.20]), and a mediating effect of 0.20 ( p < 0.05, 95%CI = [0.12, 0.27]), with the mediating effect accounting for 64.72% of the total effect. It can be seen that the intensity of social media use predicts employment anxiety via online social support, that is the more frequent the use of social media, the stronger the online social support young people perceive, and the higher their employment anxiety. Thus, H3 is partly supported. The results are shown in Table 4 .

Table 4 . Mediating effect of online social support between intensity of social media use and employment anxiety.

4.5 The moderation roles of self-esteem (H4)

Considering the effects of individual psychological conditioning, we introduced self-esteem as a moderating variable into the model. We assumed that self-esteem moderates the effect of upward social comparison on employment anxiety (H4a), and the effect of online social support on employment anxiety (H4b).

We first tested the moderating effect of self-esteem between upward social comparison and employment anxiety. The results indicate a significant increase in model fit (∆ R 2 = 0.01, p < 0.05) with the inclusion of the interaction term (upward social comparison × self-esteem). Self-esteem negatively moderates the effects of upward social comparison on employment anxiety (B = −0.23, p < 0.05). That is, compared to individuals with low self-esteem, the positive prediction of upward social comparison on employment anxiety of individuals with high self-esteem weakens. Thus, H4a is supported ( Table 5 ). The slope graph is shown in Figure 3 .

Table 5 . Moderating effect of self-esteem between upward social comparison and employment anxiety.

Figure 3 . Moderating effect of self-esteem between upward social comparison and employment anxiety.

Then we tested the moderating effect of self-esteem between online social support and employment anxiety. The results indicate a significant increase in model fit (∆ R 2 = 0.02, p < 0.05) with the inclusion of the interaction term (online social support × self-esteem). Self-esteem negatively moderates the effects of online social support on employment anxiety (B = −0.25, p < 0.05). That is, compared to individuals with low self-esteem, the positive prediction of online social support on employment anxiety of individuals with high self-esteem weakens. Thus, H4b is supported ( Table 6 ). The slope graph is shown in Figure 4 .

Table 6 . Moderating effect of self-esteem between online social support and employment anxiety.

Figure 4 . Moderating effect of self-esteem between online social support and employment anxiety.

In sum, H1, H2, and H4 are all supported, while H3 is partly supported. The statistical model is shown in Figure 2 .

5 Discussion and conclusion

In this study, the regression test for H1 indicates that the intensity of social media use positively affects Chinese youth’s employment anxiety. The mediation test about upward social comparison for H2 shows that the intensity of social media use positively affects employment anxiety via upward social comparison, supporting H2. The mediation test about online social support for H3 reveals that the intensity of social media use positively affects employment anxiety via the mediation of online social support, contrary to the proposed negative mediation effect of online social support, and H3 is partly supported. The moderation test about self-esteem indicates that self-esteem weakens the significant effect of upward social comparison on employment anxiety, supporting H4a. It also shows that self-esteem weakens the significant effect of online social support on employment anxiety, supporting H4b.

These findings deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media use and employment anxiety as well as related variables. They can contribute to explaining the role of social media use in increasing negative emotions or specific types of anxiety ( Zhang et al., 2021 ; Liu and Song, 2022 ; Wang et al., 2023 ), the bridging function of upward social comparison between social media use and anxiety or other negative emotions ( Qiu et al., 2017 ; Wang et al., 2019 ), and the buffering effects of self-esteem when individuals encounter negative emotional stimuli ( Greenberg et al., 1992 ; Richter and Ridout, 2011 ; Brunet et al., 2019 ). The results also provide an unexpected perspective on the negative role of online social support. The results of this study provide insights for Chinese youth on how to reduce employment anxiety by adjusting social media use strategies and mindsets. It also indicated what kind of characteristics are more susceptible to employment anxiety, that is youths with lower self-esteem find it more difficult to resist the increase in employment anxiety.

5.1 Impact of social media use on employment anxiety

One of the aims of this study was to discover the relationship between social media use and employment anxiety. We found that the intensity of social media use positively predicts employment anxiety both directly and indirectly through the mediating roles of upward social comparison and online social support, respectively. This is consistent with previous research focusing on the relationship between social media use and anxiety. For example, Wang et al. (2023) reported social media overload increased anxiety during COVID-19; Zhang et al. (2021) found that individuals with higher levels of social media use had higher levels of FOMO. Further, this study identified a significant relationship between social media use and employment anxiety among Chinese youth. This finding illustrates the importance of appropriate social media use strategies, such as reducing the frequency, duration, life integration, and psychological dependence on social media.

5.2 Upward social comparison in linking social media use with employment anxiety

Another purpose of this study was to discover the roles of related variables in the social media use-employment anxiety relationship. We found that both upward social comparison and online social support acted as mediating variables, acting as bridges to assist social media use in accomplishing the growth of employment anxiety. In this study, the mediating role of upward social comparison validates Social Comparison Theory: individuals’ perceived gap between themselves and their comparators in upward social comparison may cause envy and anxiety ( Xing and Yu, 2006 ). It also aligns with prior research, for example, Qiu et al. (2017) reported that social media use increased college students’ anxiety through sequential mediation of upward social comparisons and psychological capital. This finding suggests that reducing upward social comparisons can reduce the employment anxiety experience associated with social media use.

5.3 Online social support in linking social media use with employment anxiety

However, the results of the mediating effect test of online social support were unexpected. Although the positive association between the extensity of social media use and online social support the Social Support Theory, which is that social media users receive online social support by engaging in virtual community interactions ( White and Dorman, 2001 ), the positive association between online social support and employment anxiety was contrary to the findings of most researchers who reported the benefits of social support for individuals with negative emotions ( Kawachi and Berkman, 2001 ; Beehr et al., 2010 ; Wang et al., 2019 ). Some studies suggest that in the context of social media, online social support may paradoxically contribute to increased levels of social media addiction, explaining the malfunction of social support. A survey among college students in Taiwan found a positive correlation between online social support and Facebook addiction ( Tang et al., 2016 ). A study exploring the relationship between online and offline social support and internet addiction found that online social support is positively correlated with internet addiction, while offline social support is negatively correlated with internet addiction ( Wang and Wang, 2013 ). Furthermore, not all forms of supportive social interactions have positive effects. A study found that interactions draw individuals’ attention to workplace stress, assistance that makes the recipient feel inadequate or incompetent, and unwanted help may be associated with deterioration in both psychological and physical health ( Beehr et al., 2010 ). This may explain the failure of the anxiety-relieving effects of online social support in this study. The findings suggest that youth should be aware of the “dark side” of online social support, and be wary of the potential risk of addiction or stress while seeking online employment support.

5.4 Self-esteem in adjusting the relationships among upward social comparison, online social support and employment anxiety

In addition, we confirmed the negative moderating role of self-esteem in the positive effects of upward social comparison and online social support on employment anxiety, respectively, validating the buffering role of self-esteem according to the anxiety-buffer hypothesis ( Greenberg et al., 1992 ), and also in line with plenty research findings ( Leary and Baumeister, 2000 ; Jones and Buckingham, 2005 ; Richter and Ridout, 2011 ; Brunet et al., 2019 ). For example, Richter and Ridout (2011) reported individuals with low self-esteem experience higher levels of negative emotions when faced with negative social stimuli. The finding indicates that people with low levels of self-esteem are more likely to struggle with employment anxiety.

Based on the continuous evolution of new media and mobile technologies, this study contributes to understanding the nuanced impact of social media on youth employment anxiety in China. The findings highlight several theoretical contributions: firstly, demonstrating that increased social media use intensifies employment anxiety underscores the need for balanced digital engagement strategies. Secondly, identifying upward social comparison and online social support as mediators elucidates how social media influences perceptions of employment prospects. Thirdly, by revealing self-esteem as a moderator, the study underscores its role in mitigating the negative effects of social media use on anxiety levels. These insights underscore the significance of promoting healthy digital behaviors and positive self-perception to cultivate a resilient employment mindset among young adults in contemporary society.

This study, while revealing insightful findings on the impact of social media on employment anxiety among Chinese youth, has several limitations worth noting. Firstly, the cross-sectional nature of the data limits causal inferences, as it is challenging to determine if increased social media use causes heightened employment anxiety or if anxious individuals are more prone to heavy social media engagement. Secondly, the reliance on self-reported survey data may introduce response bias, where individuals might over- or under-report their social media use or anxiety levels. Thirdly, the study focuses on a specific demographic (Chinese youth) and may not fully generalize to other cultural contexts, where the influence of social media on employment anxiety might differ. Lastly, the study explores a limited set of factors related to social media use; future research could investigate additional variables, such as social media content type, privacy concerns, and the role of influencers, in shaping employment anxiety.

Data availability statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics statement

Ethical review and approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent from the patients/participants or patients/participants' legal guardian/next of kin was not required to participate in this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements.

Author contributions

TJ: Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft, Visualization, Validation, Software, Resources, Methodology, Investigation, Formal analysis, Data curation, Conceptualization. YC: Writing – review & editing, Visualization. KZ: Writing – review & editing, Writing – original draft, Supervision, Project administration, Funding acquisition, Conceptualization.

The author(s) declare financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. This study was funded by the Interdisciplinary Research Team Project of Young Scholars in Humanities and Social Sciences of Soochow University (Project No.: 5033720423) and “Qinglan Project” of Universities in Jiangsu Province.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Keywords: social media use, upward social comparison, online social support, self-esteem, employment anxiety

Citation: Jin T, Chen Y and Zhang K (2024) Effects of social media use on employment anxiety among Chinese youth: the roles of upward social comparison, online social support and self-esteem. Front. Psychol . 15:1398801. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1398801

Received: 12 March 2024; Accepted: 31 July 2024; Published: 16 August 2024.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2024 Jin, Chen and Zhang. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Ke Zhang, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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Project 2025: A wish list for a Trump presidency, explained

It is billed as a policy "wish list" for the next Republican president that would vastly expand presidential powers and impose an ultra-conservative social vision on the US.

Donald Trump has disavowed the Heritage Foundation's Project 2025 document, though many of its authors worked for his previous administration.

Links between the Trump campaign and Project 2025 have been highlighted by the former president's critics, and this attack line will likely continue at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago this month.

Here's your guide to what the document contains.

Who wrote Project 2025?

It is common for Washington think tanks of all political stripes to propose policy wish lists for potential governments-in-waiting.

The conservative Heritage Foundation first produced policy plans for future Republican administrations in 1981, when Ronald Reagan was about to take office.

It has produced similar documents in connection with subsequent presidential elections, including in 2016, when Trump won the presidency.

A year into his term, the think tank boasted that the Trump White House had adopted nearly two-thirds of its proposals.

The Project 2025 report was unveiled in April 2023, but liberal opposition to the document has ramped up now that Trump has extended his polling lead.

The Republican nominee himself has distanced himself from the proposal.

"I know nothing about Project 2025," he posted on his social media website, Truth Social. "I have no idea who is behind it.

"I disagree with some of the things they're saying and some of the things they’re saying are absolutely ridiculous and abysmal."

But the team that created the project is chock-full of former Trump advisers, including director Paul Dans, who was chief of staff at the Office of Personnel Management while Trump was president.

Mr Dans left the project in late July, clearing the way for Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts to take over. He said he was leaving during the presidential election season in order to "direct all my efforts to winning, bigly".

Russell Vought, another former Trump administration official, wrote a key chapter in the document and also serves as the Republican National Committee’s 2024 platform policy director.

More than 100 conservative organisations contributed to the document, Heritage says, including many that would be hugely influential in Washington if Republicans took back the White House.

The Project 2025 document sets out four main policy aims: restore the family as the centrepiece of American life; dismantle the administrative state; defend the nation's sovereignty and borders; and secure God-given individual rights to live freely.

Here's an outline of several of its key proposals.

Project 2025 proposes that the entire federal bureaucracy, including independent agencies such as the Department of Justice, be placed under direct presidential control - a controversial idea known as "unitary executive theory".

In practice, that would streamline decision-making, allowing the president to directly implement policies in a number of areas.

The proposals also call for eliminating job protections for thousands of government employees, who could then be replaced by political appointees.

The document labels the FBI a "bloated, arrogant, increasingly lawless organization". It calls for drastic overhauls of this and several other federal agencies, as well as the complete elimination of the Department of Education.

What does the Republican party platform say?

The party platform includes a proposal to "declassify government records, root out wrongdoers, and fire corrupt employees", pledges to slash regulation and government spending. But it stops short of proposing a sweeping overhaul of federal agencies as outlined in Project 2025.

Immigration

Increased funding for a wall on the US-Mexico border - one of Trump's signature proposals in 2016 - is proposed in the document.

Project 2025 also proposes dismantling the Department of Homeland Security and combining it with other immigration enforcement units in other agencies, creating a much larger and more powerful border policing operation.

Other proposals include eliminating visa categories for crime and human trafficking victims, increasing fees on immigrants and allowing fast-tracked applications for migrants who pay a premium.

Not all of those details are repeated in the party platform, but the overall headlines are similar - the party is promising to implement the "largest deportation programme in American history".

What a Trump second term would look like

Climate and economy.

The document proposes slashing federal money for research and investment in renewable energy, and calls for the next president to "stop the war on oil and natural gas".

Carbon-reduction goals would be replaced by efforts to increase energy production and energy security.

The paper sets out two competing visions on tariffs, and is divided on whether the next president should try to boost free trade or raise barriers to imports.

But the economic advisers suggest that a second Trump administration should slash corporate and income taxes, abolish the Federal Reserve and even consider a return to gold-backed currency.

The party platform does not go as far as Project 2025 in these policy areas. The platform instead talks of bringing down inflation and drilling for oil to reduce energy costs, but is thin on specific policy proposals.

Abortion and family

Project 2025 does not call outright for a nationwide abortion ban.

However, it proposes withdrawing the abortion pill mifepristone from the market, and using existing but little-enforced laws to stop the drug being sent through the post.

The document suggests that the department of Health and Human Services should "maintain a biblically based, social science-reinforced definition of marriage and family".

On this issue at least, the document differs fairly substantially from the Republican platform, which only mentions the word "abortion" once. The platform says abortion laws should be left to individual states and that late-term abortions (which it does not define) should be banned.

It adds that that access to prenatal care, birth control and in-vitro fertilisation should be protected. The party platform makes no mention of cracking down on the distribution of mifepristone.

Tech and education

Under the proposals, pornography would be banned, and tech and telecoms companies that allow access would be shut down.

The document calls for school choice and parental control over schools, and takes aim at what it calls "woke propaganda".

It proposes to eliminate a long list of terms from all laws and federal regulations, including "sexual orientation", "gender equality", "abortion" and "reproductive rights".

Project 2025 aims to end diversity, equity and inclusion programs in schools and government departments as part of what it describes as a wider crackdown on "woke" ideology.

Project 2025's proposals in this policy area are broadly reflected in the Republican platform, which in addition to calling for the abolishing the Department of Education, aims to boost school choice and parental control over education and criticises what the party calls the "inappropriate political indoctrination of our children".

Social Security

Although Heritage has long supported reforming the country's public pension plan, Project 2025 barely touches this third rail of American politics.

The platform says Social Security is a "lifeline" for millions of retired Americans and Republicans will "restore Economic Stability to ensure the long-term sustainability" of the programme.

The plan's future

Project 2025 is backed by a $22m (£17m) budget and includes strategies for implementing policies immediately after the presidential inauguration in January 2025.

Heritage is also creating a database of conservative loyalists to fill government positions, and a programme to train those new workers.

Democrats led by Jared Huffman, a congressman from California, have launched a Stop Project 2025 Task Force.

And many of the proposals would likely face immediate legal challenges from Trump's opponents if implemented.

Four surprises that could upend the 2024 US election

Where biden and trump stand on key issues, four things that could decide who wins us election.

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Passenger Plane Crashes in Brazil, Killing 61 Onboard

The Brazilian authorities said no one survived the crash, outside São Paulo on Friday afternoon. The airline, VoePass, said the cause was unknown.

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By Jack Nicas Paulo Motoryn and Niraj Chokshi

Jack Nicas reported from Rio de Janeiro, Paulo Motoryn from Brasília and Niraj Chokshi from New York.

Above the small city of Vinhedo, Brazil, on Friday, a passenger plane was falling from the sky. Residents began filming.

Those videos show the horrifying moment when an 89-foot-long plane, carrying 61 people and slowly spinning in circles, plummeted to earth. A moment after the plane disappears from view near a gated community, an enormous black plume of smoke rises from the spot.

One video then shows a house on fire, a swimming pool full of debris and a group of men peering over a scene of carnage in a yard: a shredded fuselage, twisted metal and, several yards in front of the cockpit, a body.

VoePass Flight 2283 crashed Friday toward the end of a scheduled two-hour flight from Cascavel, Brazil, to São Paulo. VoePass, a small Brazilian airline, said all 57 passengers and four crew members died in the accident.

The airline and Brazilian officials said they did not know why the plane had crashed.

The plane, an ATR 72, had all systems operating correctly when it took off, the airline said. The pilots did not signal any emergency, officials said. The aircraft, a twin-engine turboprop plane, was built in 2010 and was in compliance with Brazilian regulations, they added.

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