research in sport psychology

What We’ve Learned Through Sports Psychology Research

Scientists are probing the head games that influence athletic performance, from coaching to coping with pressure

Tom Siegfried, Knowable Magazine

Since the early years of this century, it has been commonplace for computerized analyses of athletic statistics to guide a baseball manager’s choice of pinch hitter, a football coach’s decision to punt or pass, or a basketball team’s debate over whether to trade a star player for a draft pick.

But many sports experts who actually watch the games know that the secret to success is not solely in computer databases, but also inside the players’ heads. So perhaps psychologists can offer as much insight into athletic achievement as statistics gurus do.

Sports psychology has, after all, been around a lot longer than computer analytics. Psychological studies of sports appeared as early as the late 19th century. During the 1970s and ’80s, sports psychology became a fertile research field. And within the last decade or so, sports psychology research has exploded as scientists have explored the nuances of everything from the pursuit of perfection to the harms of abusive coaching.

“Sport pervades cultures, continents and indeed many facets of daily life,” write Mark Beauchamp, Alan Kingstone and Nikos Ntoumanis, authors of an overview of sports psychology research in the 2023 Annual Review of Psychology .

Their review surveys findings from nearly 150 papers investigating various psychological influences on athletic performance and success. “This body of work sheds light on the diverse ways in which psychological processes contribute to athletic strivings,” the authors write. Such research has the potential not only to enhance athletic performance, they say, but also to provide insights into psychological influences on success in other realms, from education to the military. Psychological knowledge can aid competitive performance under pressure, help evaluate the benefit of pursuing perfection and assess the pluses and minuses of high self-confidence.

Confidence and choking

In sports, high self-confidence (technical term: elevated self-efficacy belief) is generally considered to be a plus. As baseball pitcher Nolan Ryan once said, “You have to have a lot of confidence to be successful in this game.” Many a baseball manager would agree that a batter who lacks confidence against a given pitcher is unlikely to get to first base.

And a lot of psychological research actually supports that view, suggesting that encouraging self-confidence is a beneficial strategy. Yet while confident athletes do seem to perform better than those afflicted with self-doubt, some studies hint that for a given player, excessive confidence can be detrimental. Artificially inflated confidence, unchecked by honest feedback, may cause players to “fail to allocate sufficient resources based on their overestimated sense of their capabilities,” Beauchamp and colleagues write. In other words, overconfidence may result in underachievement.

Other work shows that high confidence is usually most useful in the most challenging situations (such as attempting a 60-yard field goal), while not helping as much for simpler tasks (like kicking an extra point).

Of course, the ease of kicking either a long field goal or an extra point depends a lot on the stress of the situation. With time running out and the game on the line, a routine play can become an anxiety-inducing trial by fire. Psychological research, Beauchamp and co-authors report, has clearly established that athletes often exhibit “impaired performance under pressure-invoking situations” (technical term: “choking”).

In general, stress impairs not only the guidance of movements but also perceptual ability and decision-making. On the other hand, it’s also true that certain elite athletes perform best under high stress. “There is also insightful evidence that some of the most successful performers actually seek out, and thrive on, anxiety-invoking contexts offered by high-pressure sport,” the authors note. Just ask Michael Jordan or LeBron James.

Many studies have investigated the psychological coping strategies that athletes use to maintain focus and ignore distractions in high-pressure situations. One popular method is a technique known as the “quiet eye.” A basketball player attempting a free throw is typically more likely to make it by maintaining “a longer and steadier gaze” at the basket before shooting, studies have demonstrated.

“In a recent systematic review of interventions designed to alleviate so-called choking, quiet-eye training was identified as being among the most effective approaches,” Beauchamp and co-authors write.

Another common stress-coping method is “self-talk,” in which players utter instructional or motivational phrases to themselves in order to boost performance. Saying “I can do it” or “I feel good” can self-motivate a marathon runner, for example. Saying “eye on the ball” might help a baseball batter get a hit.

Researchers have found moderate benefits of self-talk strategies for both novices and experienced athletes, Beauchamp and colleagues report. Various studies suggest that self-talk can increase confidence, enhance focus, control emotions and initiate effective actions.

Moderate performance benefits have also been reported for other techniques for countering stress, such as biofeedback, and possibly meditation and relaxation training.

“It appears that stress regulation interventions represent a promising means of supporting athletes when confronted with performance-related stressors,” Beauchamp and co-authors conclude.

Pursuing athletic perfection

Of course, sports psychology encompasses many other issues besides influencing confidence and coping with pressure. Many athletes set a goal of attaining perfection, for example, but such striving can induce detrimental psychological pressures. One analysis found that athletes pursuing purely personal high standards generally achieved superior performance. But when perfectionism was motivated by fear of criticism from others, performance suffered.

Similarly, while some coaching strategies can aid a player’s performance, several studies have shown that abusive coaching can detract from performance, even for the rest of an athlete’s career.

Beauchamp and his collaborators conclude that a large suite of psychological factors and strategies can aid athletic success. And these factors may well be applicable to other areas of human endeavor where choking can impair performance (say, while performing brain surgery or flying a fighter jet).

But the authors also point out that researchers shouldn’t neglect the need to consider that in sports, performance is also affected by the adversarial nature of competition. A pitcher’s psychological strategies that are effective against most hitters might not fare so well against Shohei Ohtani, for instance.

Besides that, sports psychology studies (much like computer-based analytics ) rely on statistics. As Adolphe Quetelet, a pioneer of social statistics, emphasized in the 19th century, statistics do not define any individual—average life expectancy cannot tell you when any given person will die. On the other hand, he noted, no single exceptional case invalidates the general conclusions from sound statistical analysis.

Sports are, in fact, all about the quest of the individual (or a team) to defeat the opposition. Success often requires defying the odds—which is why gambling on athletic events is such a big business. Sports consist of contests between the averages and the exceptions, and neither computer analytics nor psychological science can tell you in advance who is going to win. That’s why they play the games.

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What We’ve Learned Through Sports Psychology Research

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Since the early years of this century, it has been commonplace for computerized analyses of athletic statistics to guide a baseball manager’s choice of pinch hitter, a football coach’s decision to punt or pass, or a basketball team’s debate over whether to trade a star player for a draft pick.

But many sports experts who actually watch the games know that the secret to success is not solely in computer databases, but also inside the players’ heads. So perhaps psychologists can offer as much insight into athletic achievement as statistics gurus do.

Sports psychology has, after all, been around a lot longer than computer analytics. Psychological studies of sports appeared as early as the late 19th century. During the 1970s and ’80s, sports psychology became a fertile research field. And within the last decade or so, sports psychology research has exploded as scientists have explored the nuances of everything from the pursuit of perfection to the harms of abusive coaching.

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Psychological Skills Training for Athletes in Sports: Web of Science Bibliometric Analysis

Associated data.

The data presented in this study are available on request from the corresponding author. The data are not publicly available due to WoS policy.

Psychological Skill Training (PST) for optimal performance in sports has received extensive attention from athletes, coaches, and experts, and numerous studies have been conducted, but despite this interest, it has not been the subject of any bibliographic analysis. The analysis covered 405 articles and reviews that were located in the Thomson Reuters Web of Science (Core CollectionTM) between 1992 and 2021. These papers were published by 1048 authors from 543 different universities across 54 countries in 107 different journals. The fundamental bibliometric calculations and co-word networks were completed. As a result, the following thematic elements were grouped into four clusters: (1) PST for stress, mental toughness, and coping, (2) PST for anxiety, motivation, self-confidence, and self-efficacy, (3) PST for flow and mindfulness, and (4) PST for emotions. From the results of this study, it was confirmed that the topic of PST is converging toward the best performance, with various approaches, such as stress management, anxiety control, and coping as techniques for PST. Furthermore, mindfulness and positive psychology studies emphasize athletes’ quality of life, so coaches and experts should pay more attention to improving athletes’ quality of life in future research.

1. Introduction

In today’s Olympics and international level competitions, the physical, technical, and strategic gaps between top athletes are progressively shrinking. It was amazing to witness that certain athletes performed better than athletes who were more physically talented. Conversely, it was disappointing that some athletes would perform flawlessly during the semi-final and then perform tragically in the final. The massive pressure from this increased performance density has been directly linked to the extensive attention to psychological skills training (PST) in recent. In the early days, coaches and athletes recognized the importance of mental states for optimal performance, but the field of sports psychological training was not flourished because of the misunderstanding that psychological skills are innate properties and lack of knowledge to train these abilities [ 1 , 2 ].

Initially, sport psychology or mental training with athletes emerged in the United States during the late 1970s. Although one of the first works in sport psychology was published in the 1920s by Coleman Griffith [ 3 ], it went through a long hibernation until the 1960s and early 1970s, when systematic studies on sports psychology began [ 1 , 4 ]. In the late 1980s, Vealey suggested that future directions in PST include expanding the target population, refining specific implementation procedures, and differentiating between psychological skills and methods [ 1 ]. During the first 7 years of the 1980s, the premier scientific publications, such as the Journal of Sport Psychology, mainly focused on theoretically based research that emphasized various psychological approaches and research methodologies [ 4 , 5 ]. While several experts acknowledged that applied sport psychology interventions could be effective through their reviews [ 6 , 7 ], they urged greater attention must be given to program evaluation and professional accountability. With these accountability concerns, research evolved and concentrated mainly on evaluating the effectiveness of psychological services to athletes and coaches [ 8 , 9 ]. The Consultant Evaluation Form (CEF) by Partington and Orlick [ 10 ] was the first valid and reliable instrument to evaluate the qualification of psychological consultants and their services. With the efforts to identify the effective sport psychology consultant characteristics [ 8 , 11 ] and the publication of psychological consultant guidelines for athletes [ 12 ], recent studies have focused primarily on interventional research [ 13 , 14 ].

Although the field of PST covering all sports events has produced a copious number of publications, the attempts to gather bibliometric data in a systematic manner to identify research trends and highlight publications that have led to the progress of the field have not been done yet. During the 1980s and early 1990s, there have been few bibliometric studies in sports and exercise science, such as the International Society of Sport Psychology [ 15 ], the Journal of Sport Psychology [ 4 ], and Sport & Exercise Psychology [ 16 ]. However, it was analyzed only within a specific journal and did not include all journals in the related field.

The bibliometric analysis provides information including highly cited authors, publications, the most productive institutions, and countries through the analysis of citation indices. Bibliographic studies emphasize trend-driven authors in the research field and provide information on the current topics; they have been widely applied to a variety of other research areas and have provided valuable insights [ 17 , 18 ]. Thus, it allows researchers to determine the scope of research topics and assists them in planning their research direction and predicting research trends. Several bibliometric studies have investigated the publication trend of sport and exercise science concerning the research output of particular countries or areas [ 19 , 20 ], sub-specialized fields [ 21 , 22 ], or the production of a selection of sport science journals [ 23 ]. To the best of our knowledge, there are no bibliometric analyses that have investigated research regarding PST. This study used bibliometric tools to analyze PST articles retrieved on the Web of Science (Thomson Reuters Company, Toronto, ON, Canada) database and provides a better understanding of how PST research was initiated, organized, progressed, and interrelated throughout the world. In addition, it aims not only to provide insights into future research for experts in the academic field but also to provide practical help in the development of PST programs for coaches and athletes in the sports field.

2. Materials and Methods

The Thomson Reuters Web of Science (WoS) database’s bibliometric data for this study was obtained on 10 November 2021. Prior to data collection, five researchers in the field of sport and exercise psychology were asked to indicate search terms they would use to retrieve publications on PST and elite athletes. For the search, the terms “mental skill*,” “Psychological skill*,” “mental skill training*,” and “psychological skill training*” were used in the topic search field without limitation on the publication year of the documents. In order to retrieve publications that specifically focused on athletes or elite athletes, we refined our search with the following search terms “sport*,” “athlete*,” “elite*,” and “elite athlete*.” The topic field searches the title, abstracts, author’s keywords, and KeyWords Plus ® for the terms provided (keywords automatically assigned by WoS). Boolean operators (AND-OR) were also utilized to enhance the search for associated publications. Only journal articles and reviews were used for the analysis because they attributed the majority of document types and consisted of complete research ideas and results; therefore, 19 meeting abstracts, 14 early access articles, 4 book reviews, 4 proceedings papers, 3 editorial materials, and 2 book chapters were excluded. In the end, a total of 405 related articles and reviews were analyzed in the current research.

For analysis, the data were downloaded from WoS in “Full record and cited references” and “plain text” formats. First, to identify the authors, countries, journals, and institutions with the largest number of articles and citations, HISTCITE 12.3.17 (Thomson Reuters, Philadelphia, PA, USA) software tool was used to analyze the data. Qualitative indexes [global citation score (GCS) and local citation score (LCS)] were considered in this study [ 24 ]. The GCS and LCS metrics quantify the number of citations over the whole Web of Science Core Collection and the identical collection, respectively [ 25 ]. The co-word networks between the keywords were then examined using VOSviewer’s methodology [ 26 ]. The linkages and networks between the keywords were found and analyzed using this program.

To create a visualized map for the bibliographic analysis, we imported the downloaded data into VOSviewer. It enables us to select and adjust settings in accordance with various analytic objectives and data sources, as data cleaning is frequently required when producing maps based on web data. As a result, the following criteria are established for this study. (a) It is possible to combine or ignore certain terms when creating mappings based on text data by using the thesaurus files supplied by VOSviewer. For instance, for a more precise clustering analysis, the terms “coping,” “coping skill,” and “coping skills” were combined using the thesaurus file, while terms irrelevant to this study that were not explicitly filtered out, such as “coping skill therapist,” were not omitted. (b) The strength of the connection between normative items was determined using the association strength method [ 26 ], which was deemed to be the most consistent with the normalized technique. (c) Following testing, the layout with the parameter of attraction set to 2 and the parameter of repulsion set to 0 (producing a map of the co-word network) produced the best visual results. Additionally, the default settings for the other options.

Figure 1 denotes the step-by-step processes of this study: (Step 1) The topics and keywords related to PST/mental skill training and athlete/elite were identified, and then the search was defined. (Step 2) We refined the searched items and eliminated the irrelevant items. Finally, 405 articles were included. (Step 3) We sorted the papers into categories according to the year, author, number of citations, journal, country, and institution. (Step 4) The co-word map was generated. The information in the networks was examined in Step 5 to determine the outcomes.

Schematic process of the bibliometric analysis.

After the data were refined for this analysis, a total of 405 papers from 107 different journals between 1992 and 2021 were examined. As seen in Figure 2 , publications increased steadily between 2007 and the present, with 83.45% ( n = 338) of the total papers appearing in the previous fifteen years (2007–2021), while only 67 articles (16.54%) had been published from 1992 to 2006. In some research fields, the era of an extremely low number of articles (Since 1992, five articles on average have been published per year) might cause it to be regarded as a “niche” academic field [ 27 ]. The number of publications peaked in 2019, while the number of published articles in 2020 decreased by 35% compared to the previous year ( Figure 2 ).

Number of articles published per year (1992–2021).

Based on the results, PST in sports has recently drawn the interest of academics and professionals; however, it is impossible to tell for sure whether this trend will continue in the future. According to Price’s law [ 28 ], the research process, however, goes through four stages: (i) pioneers begin publishing on a specific research field, (ii) due to the interest of many academics in the study topic, there is exponential development, (iii) a concentration of information and research on the subject, and (iv) a decrease in publications. It may be argued that PST is now a topic of interest for academics and professionals due to the aforementioned procedure. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, which forced coaches and athletes to train remotely and restrict the chance to meet a sport psychologist and practitioner, may have contributed to the decrease in publications in recent years, despite the fact that the number of related publications has decreased compared to 2019. The data acquired demonstrate that the number of publications in 2021 increased compared to the previous year, and the topics of PST-related research are becoming more diverse [ 29 , 30 ].

3.1. Authors and Number of Citations

There were a total of 1048 authors across the 405 publications that this study examined, hailing from 54 countries and 543 different institutions. Table 1 lists the authors who have published the most on PST in the sports area. The maximum number of publications to identify an author’s output in the topic area was the criteria used to rank the entries in Table 1 and Table 2 , and (ii) the highest number of citations, which are widely used to evaluate the significance [ 31 ] of articles and researchers.

Authors with the highest number of citations (>350).

No.: number of articles, LCS: local citation score, GCL: global citation score.

Authors with the highest number of publications (>5).

As a result, Andrew M. Lane, who has thirteen papers and a total of 411 citations in WoS, was named the most productive author (GCS). This author has published articles mainly related to emotion regulation and emotional intelligence for athletes in sports: develop a questionnaire and intervention regarding emotion regulation for the performance of endurance athletes. Second, Dave Collins has published ten articles with a total of 295 citations in WoS. The author developed the Psychological Characteristics of Developing Excellence Questionnaire. Finally, Tracey J. Devonport has published nine articles with a total of 294 citations and also explored the emotional regulation of athletes.

Even though some authors are more productive than others, this field of study can be considered fragmented because there is no clear “reference author”. Thus, Table 2 presents the most prominent authors, taking into account the number of citations, with publications related to PST in sports partially consistent with the highest number of authors. Despite the relatively small number of publications, Patrick R. Thomas recorded a high citation score and developed the Test of Performance Strategies to evaluate the strategies and psychological skills used by athletes [ 32 ]. Daniel Gould’s Studies examining the influences of mental skills and strategies on Olympic performance are also listed because they have a large number of citations.

3.2. Institutions

PST has been covered in articles by 543 different institutions. The institution is the one to which the researcher is affiliated at the time the article is published. More than 88% (481 out of 543) of the institutions have published only one or two articles. Moreover, institutions that published more than three articles but fewer than seven accounted for less than 2% (53 out of 543) of the total. The nine institutions that are presented in Table 3 have published more than seven articles.

Number of publications by Institutions.

Secondly, the University of Wales Institute Cardiff stands out in first place among institutions with the most citations across the whole WoS (GCS = 472), followed by Wolverhampton University (GCS = 432). Interestingly, although it did not list in Table 4 because of a small number of articles, Griffith University (GCS = 457) and the University of Western Ontario (GCS = 323) published four papers that recorded a high citation score and took second and fourth place, respectively. As confirmed by the number of citations and authors, research institutes in the UK are actively conducting research related to PST.

Journals by the Number of Publications and Citation Received (LCS and GCS) and Impact Factor (JCR).

3.3. Journals

At least one paper on this subject has been published in 107 different journals. Journals accounting for more than 56% (60 out of 107) of the total have only published one paper, whereas journals making up more than 20% (22 out of 107) of the total have published two or three. Table 4 . lists journals that have published more than 10 articles. Sport Psychologist, the most traditional journal in the PST field, published 58 articles and recorded the highest number of publications and GCS scores, but the recently reported impact factor was low at 1.45 (Q4). On the other hand, despite the small number of articles and low GCS scores, the Frontiers in Psychology and Journal of Sports Science and Medicine were reported as high-impact factors, which reflects the latest publishing trend that shows the option of open-access and a broad aim and scope of the journal.

3.4. Co-Word Analysis

In the field of research, keywords play a crucial role since they can be used to track the development of a specific area of knowledge. [ 33 ]. In the current study, 1076 keywords (both those chosen by the authors and by ISI WoS) were found, although only 428 (39.77%) of them co-occurred or showed up more than once. Of these, 60.22 % (or 648) were repeated just once. The term “co-word analysis” denotes a close association between the ideas and is defined as “a content analysis approach that employs the words in documents to identify relationships and develop a conceptual structure of the domain” [ 34 ]. Figure 2 shows the main co-occurrence connections found in the articles under investigation.

The most cited keywords are listed in Table 5 ; the most cited keyword was performance (GCS = 3333), followed by psychological (GCS = 2298), sport (GCS = 2157), and skill (GCS = 2121; Table 5 ). The keywords in Table 5 were chosen based on the following criteria: global citations in WoS (GCS) equal to or higher than 1000 citations for the most cited keywords and a frequency of presence in the search collection equal to or greater than 50 times for the most common keywords. However, compared to the most frequently used keywords, the keywords that receive more citations are slightly different.

Most frequent keywords.

f : frequency; LCS: local citation score; GCL: global citation score.

Currently, powerful analytic tools such as VOSviewer allow for the systematic identification, analysis, and representation of keywords. Based on bibliographic information, a map was made to display a co-word network. The “association strength” method, the “Visualization of Similarities” (VOS) approach, was used to graphically organize each term on the map after the “association strength” method was used to standardize the association values of the keywords [ 35 , 36 ]. Finally, the VOSviewer method offers the option to incorporate several resolution settings in order to detect the various clusters. The keywords picked by the authors and those picked by the ISI WoS, as well as every other term in the whole list of keywords, were taken into consideration while conducting the thematic analysis. The cut-off point was established in 10 or more occurrences of these keywords. In this study, we ultimately settled on 45 keywords, and we assessed the overall strength of the co-occurrence links with other keywords. According to the analysis, the leading four different clusters of keywords were found. Figure 3 displays a graphical depiction of the co-occurrence of keywords or co-words.

Co-word network created by VOSviewer.

This provides a generalized description of the knowledge or concepts found in previous works of literature [ 37 ]. Various sizes and colors of circles serve as representations for the analysis of the terms. A given keyword’s frequency is determined by the size of the circles; the larger the circle, the more times the term appears in the titles and abstracts of the publications under examination [ 38 ]. The clusters identified by the study correspond to the circles that can be distinguished by color. The distance between the circles (keywords) provides crucial information about how they are related; the weaker the relationship, the further apart the circles are. This connection is established by the frequency with the terms co-occur in the titles and abstracts [ 39 ]. According to the subject area, the VOSviewer identified four distinct clusters that could be differentiated by four distinct colors:

• Red cluster—“PST for stress, mental toughness, and coping”: This cluster is the largest and is composed of sixteen items as follows; stress, mental toughness, self-regulation, coping, and achievement. This cluster is associated with interventions regarding stress and coping skills and includes a perception of mental toughness for performance enhancement and questionnaire development;
• Green cluster—“PST for anxiety, motivation, self-confidence, and self-efficacy”: This cluster is the second largest and consists of fourteen items as follows; anxiety, athletic performance, motivation, attitude, self-confidence, and strategies. This cluster relates to a mental training program for anxiety and self-confidence of athletes in a variety of sports fields and a motivational climate for athletic performance;
• Blue cluster—“PST for flow and mindfulness”: the third cluster includes 11 keywords as follows; flow, imagery, intervention, mindfulness, and performance enhancement. This cluster refers to the implementation of mindfulness intervention for performance enhancement and the study of the relationship between flow, mindfulness, and PST;
• Yellow cluster—“PST for emotions”: the last cluster is composed of four items as follows; competition, emotions, model, and sports. This cluster mainly relates to emotional regulation and emotional intelligence in sports and athletic performance.

3.4.1. Cluster 1—Red: PST for Stress, Mental Toughness, and Coping

Primarily, this cluster accumulates publications related to the major role of PST, stress management, or developing mental toughness for peak performance. Nevertheless, we found three key approaches in this cluster. First, categorized studies that include the process of identifying the source of stress and measuring it through the development of a questionnaire [ 40 , 41 , 42 ]. The second academic approach identified in this cluster is coping strategies and responses to the various sports settings and populations (e.g., soccer, volleyball, CrossFit, football, etc.) [ 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 ]. The last approach of the analyzed studies related to the development and maintenance of mental toughness for performance enhancement [ 47 , 48 ] and examining the relationship between mental toughness and other psychological skill in a variety of elite athletes [ 49 , 50 ].

Sources of stress in the sports setting are diverse. Specifically, Kroll [ 51 ] categorized five psychological stress that was encountered by adult athletes; fear of failure, feelings of inadequacy, loss of internal control, guilt, and current physical state. Whilst sources of stress are considerably different across individuals, related studies of a variety of populations have confirmed the generalizability of Kroll’s idea. Studies focused on soccer players [ 52 ] and basketball teams [ 42 ] consistently reported sources of stress include fear of failure, concern about the expectations of others, making mistakes, the media, and unforeseen events. The most apparent application of these results seems to be that in order for performers to have any chance of putting on a relatively stress-free performance, they must have complete confidence in their goals, their organization’s system, and their event preparation.

Although stress can be viewed as both demanding and anxiety-inducing, the approach of PST literature on stress and performance has mostly concentrated on the use of coping strategies in various events. A study investigating the strategies for table tennis players coping with their anxiety level reported that the coping strategies include PST techniques such as positive self-talk, breathing techniques, and visualization to enhance their performance [ 53 ]. In the same year, Vidic and colleagues [ 42 ] published a mixed methodology study investigating the PST intervention effect on women’s NCAA division basketball player’s perceived stress and athletic coping skills. Both quantitative and qualitative results showed a progressive decrease in stress and an increase in athletic coping skills across the study. Moreover, their study opened up new possibilities for future research by incorporating mindfulness into the PST program.

Since the early 2000s, this area of knowledge has attracted the interest of sports psychologists, coaches, and professionals, as mental toughness is an essential aspect of success in sports. In the early stage of the mental toughness research, based on the studies that identify the mental toughness of athletes in various sports events [ 48 , 54 ], the development and validation of inventory to measure and maintain mental toughness continued [ 55 , 56 ]. Currently, mental toughness is a frequently studied topic, along with other topics such as anxiety, psychological skills, and mindfulness. For instance, a prior study in our search collection examined the psychological skills, mental toughness, and degree of anxiety of female football players in relation to their skill level [ 57 ]. The psychological skills of the athletes did not differ according to skill level, but in terms of mental toughness and anxiety, the national team scored highest and lowest, respectively. Similarly to this, Wu and colleagues [ 58 ] explored the connection between psychological skills, dispositional mindfulness, and mental toughness among collegiate athletes. The authors discovered a beneficial relationship between mindfulness, mental toughness, and psychological skills in relation to sports performance, and they offered potential directions for future studies to improve both athletic performance and quality of life.

3.4.2. Cluster 2—Green: PST for Anxiety, Motivation, Self-Confidence, and Self-Efficacy

Cluster 2, represented by the green color, includes 14 keywords. This cluster consisted of publications related to the PST interventions that athlete’s anxiety and motivation climate in various sports events. The papers that fit into our cluster can be classified into two distinct groups: (i) influence or relationship between anxiety and self-confidence in athletic performance and (ii) motivational climate and self-efficacy in athletes.

Goal setting, self-talk, pre-shot routine, relaxation, and imagery are the most popular mental techniques employed by professional athletes to improve their performance [ 59 ]. In terms of the techniques employed by the coaches to promote their players’ self-efficacy beliefs, according to Weinberg and Jackson [ 60 ], they were promoting positive self-talk, acting as a role model for confidence, and verbal praise and persuading. Ultimately, these techniques are based on the basic hypothesis that PST modulates anxiety and confidence to a certain degree in athletes. However, regarding the extent to which these programs can be successful in assisting athletes in controlling their anxiety and confidence, there was a lack of empirical evidence. Since then, through the two decades, numerous study has presented scientific evidence on the effect of PST on the control of self-confidence and anxiety. As a representative study, Terry, Coakley, and Karageorghis [ 61 ] studied the relevance of matching hypotheses for anxiety interventions in junior tennis players. The finding rejected the matching hypothesis and demonstrated that, while all techniques were effective in decreasing cognitive anxiety and increasing self-confidence, centering was the most effective treatment for lowering cognitive anxiety, while mental rehearsal was more successful in decreasing somatic anxiety. The only trait for which the combined intervention outperformed either centering or mental rehearsal alone was self-confidence. Furthermore, Thomas et al. [ 62 ] asserted that anxiety symptoms vary depending on personal interpretation. They measured the associated anxiety symptoms of facilitators (i.e., a performer with a positive interpretation of both cognitive and somatic symptoms) and debilitators across the dimensions of intensity, direction, and frequency throughout the 7-day competition cycle. The results showed that facilitators, interpreting their anxiety symptoms as positive toward performance, experienced higher self-confidence throughout the pre-competition period.

In general, the term “motivational climate” refers to the psychological environment that coaches, parents, and teammates primarily create for their athletes when they train and compete. Most studies on the motivational climate in sports settings have emphasized the importance of the coach in creating a positive sports environment [ 63 ]. Young athletes may improve their skill level, increase performance efficiency in competition, and develop not just as athletes but as people in a positive motivational environment [ 64 ]. According to athletes’ perceptions of the accomplishment environment, which are based on the Achievement Goal Theory (AGT), a related study confirmed two main motivational climates. The task- and ego-involving environments described by AGT can coexist or be combined [ 65 ]. Ames claims that the term “motivational climate” refers to how athletes understand the context-specific cues, rules, and expectations that enable the dissemination of task- and ego-involving motivational cues that support the formation of certain goal orientations.

On the other hand, the impact of various motivational climates on emotional, cognitive, and motivational processes has received a lot of scientific attention. Improvements in enjoyment, effort, perceived competence, and self-efficacy were connected to adaptive cognitive and emotional processes in a mastery setting. A performance climate, on the other hand, was linked to less adaptive behavior, including increased performance anxiety and concern [ 66 ]. In one of the earliest investigations into the relationship between motivational climate and self-efficacy, Wood and Bandura [ 67 ] found that a task-involving climate was linked to higher levels of self-efficacy and performance when people encountered difficulty as opposed to an ego-involving climate.

3.4.3. Cluster 3—Blue: PST for Flow and Mindfulness

In cluster 3, represented by the color green, there are eleven keywords, such as flow, mindfulness, and performance enhancement. This cluster included papers that examine specific links between psychological skills and strategies, mental state of flow, and optimal performance, as well as the relationship between flow and mindfulness. The investigation of these relationships serves the aims of expanding the research of antecedent of flow state in sports, as well as examining the relationship between mindfulness and quality of athletic performance.

Research on flow in sports increased in the early 1990s [ 68 , 69 ], and Csikszentmihalyi [ 70 ] encouraged the application of flow theory to sports settings, where some of his early flow research began. Theoretically, flow, as an optimal mental state, is expected to be related to optimal athletic performance, as well as delivering an optimal experience. A preliminary study that examines the conditions or factors that are positively associated with athletes being able to attain flow failed to identify the relationship between psychological constructs and attainment of flow in recreational sports settings [ 71 ]. However, more recently, Jackson et al. found positive and negative associations between flow and intrinsic motivation, perceived ability, and cognitive anxiety, respectively [ 72 ]. Flow is typically viewed as a peak performance state, and there is some evidence to support this assumption [ 68 ]. Nonetheless, further study is required to investigate the link between flow and performance in sports.

There has been little research investigating the relationship between mindfulness and the adoption of mental skills in sports. In the initiation of mindfulness study among athletes, Gardner and Moore [ 73 ] reported two case studies illustrating the potential efficacy of their mindfulness-based intervention program, which they named the Mindfulness-Acceptance-Commitment approach. The author claim that planned self-regulation of present-moment awareness training that includes mindfulness awareness of breath and bodily movements enhanced participants’ athletic performance and enjoyment. In particular, the acceptance of negative thoughts reduced worrying, improved enjoyment, concentration, and persistence are some of the beneficial results of Gardner and Moore’s mindfulness-based intervention program. Starting with Gardner and Moore’s study, theoretical and methodological considerations regarding mindfulness have been made, and the scope of research is expanding to strength training [ 74 ], the sports field [ 42 ], and brain science [ 75 ]. More recently, efforts to increase mental toughness and psychological well-being through mindfulness programs have continued [ 76 ], and mindfulness programs are being used as a way to protect athletes from psychological distress, especially during COVID-19 [ 77 ]. Unfortunately, there is also a lack of research examining the relationship between flow and mindfulness. Although Clark [ 78 ] examined the impact of mindfulness training on the time spent in flow based on a non-athlete sample, there is only one study conducted on an athlete sample in this search collection.

3.4.4. Cluster 4—Yellow: PST for Emotions

This area of study is mainly related to emotional regulation or emotional intelligence during sports performance and emotional regulation strategies. Research on emotion in the field of sports was initiated in the late 2000s, and vigorous research has been conducted since 2010.

Emotional Intelligence (EI) indicates individual responses to intrapersonal or interpersonal emotional information and includes the recognition, expression, comprehension, and modulation of personal and other’s emotions [ 79 ]. There is a growing body of research that suggests that EI has a crucial role in athletic performance and physical activity [ 80 ]. To enhance sports performance or exercise adherence, a critical understanding of EI constructs is especially important to practicing consultants targeting the implementation of evidence-based intervention. Specifically, two studies that had investigated EI as it relates to psychological skill usage [ 81 , 82 ] in this search collection. A higher trait EI was shown to be related to more frequent use of psychological skills. In one study, high trait EI was associated with more use of task-oriented coping methods, and task-oriented coping is frequently characterized as the most effective coping style for successful sports performance [ 80 ]. Furthermore, stronger athletic success motivation (the capacity to efficiently push oneself toward sports performance) has been linked to higher trait EI [ 82 ]. A more direct examination of psychological skill utilization among athletes discovered that higher scores on trait EI components were associated with more frequent use of self-talk, imagery, emotional regulation, goal setting, activation, and relaxation strategies in practice and competition [ 81 ]. A recent study examined the relationship between EI and anxiety, motivation, and leadership in athletes using a structural equation model. The study shows a strong and direct relationship between EI and anxiety and between EI and motivation, but the direct relationship between EI and leadership is not identified [ 83 ].

The automatic or purposeful use of strategies to elicit, preserve, change, or express emotions is known as emotion regulation [ 84 ]. If an athlete believes that controlling their emotions will help them perform better, they are more likely to attempt. Athletes build meta-beliefs about the emotions necessary for peak performance, and these beliefs are important for emotion control during competition [ 85 ]. Specifically, many athletes like feeling nervous before a competition and will up-regulate that emotion accordingly [ 85 ]. A recent study that investigated emotion regulation strategies used in endurance athletes reported that meta-emotion beliefs that methods targeted at raising anxiety and/or anger would benefit performance, and they utilized techniques to raise the strength of those emotions; that is, they tried to make themselves feel angrier or anxious in order to improve performance [ 86 ]. Furthermore, athletes use many thoughts and behaviors to regulate their emotions. Robazza et al. [ 87 ] found that athletes utilized various emotion regulation strategies, such as self-talk and imagery. An advantage of using the Individual Zone of Optimal Functioning (IZOF) approach in sports (i.e., unpleasant but helpful for achieving success in competition) is that it facilitates detailed analysis of specific instance of real-world experience that has practical value as well as facilitate how theory can be observed in an ecologically plausible environment. In the research field of emotion regulation in sports, various theoretical approaches are being attempted to gain the broadest possible understating of the psychological and behavioral aspects of athletes.

4. Conclusions, Limitations, and Future Research

Our understanding of the existing situation and evolution of PST in sports is assisted by the study’s findings. This information is significant because it gives a comprehensive view of the publications, authors, institutions, and journals with the greatest number of publications and citations, as determined by an examination of 405 total articles. In this study, thematic areas where PST-related studies are flourishing in sports were identified through bibliographic analysis. Basically, traditional topics such as stress management, anxiety control, and coping were the main psychological techniques for optimal performance. In addition, confidence, self-efficacy, and mental toughness were identified as major topics for psychological factors for optimal performance. In addition, to improve athletes’ quality of life, PST programs include mindfulness, emotions, and positive psychology. This study allows not only to determine the topics and areas of interest for authors and academics but also to figure out future research associated with the development and state of each cluster.

It is important to acknowledge any potential limitations of this study. Although the Web of Science database was utilized for the search, which was commonly used in earlier research [ 22 , 88 ] and is extensively used for academic searches, not all of the pertinent material may have been covered in our investigation. Similarly, a qualitative analysis was conducted to decide which papers to include or omit in this study. Although this process may have taken into account the authors’ biases, it enhanced the credibility of the study results by removing studies that mentioned PST for firefighters., surgeons, and military soldiers and including only those referring to PST in sports/elite athletes. For future research, a comparison of these results is recommended with those from other databases such as Scopus, EBSCO, or Google Scholar. In addition, it is suggested to conduct a qualitative analysis of the search results so that useful information can be obtained for academics and experts. These types of studies can provide detailed information about gaps in the existing literature. Sport, especially in the field of PST, is going through a phase of change from a consumer-centric perspective, so it is important to focus attention on theoretical and empirical developments.

Funding Statement

This research received no external funding.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, I.P. and J.J.; methodology, I.P.; software, I.P.; validation, I.P. and J.J.; formal analysis, I.P.; investigation, I.P.; resources, I.P.; data curation, I.P.; writing—original draft preparation, I.P.; writing—review and editing, J.J.; visualization, I.P.; supervision, I.P and J.J. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

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Research and Practice in Applied Sport and Exercise Psychology

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The prevailing gap between research and application can have many negative consequences, such as research not informing practice to the extent that it should, and practice not being sufficiently evidence-based—whereby we are at risk of opening the field to gurus and charlatans. Such a future should be a concern for both researchers and practitioners; we even argue that the Scientist-Practitioner Model in sport and exercise psychology has in many ways failed. Hope, however, is not lost. But we need to consider how theories can be made more practical and applicable in the ‘real world’. And how the divide between researchers and practitioners and their respective knowledge, language and discourse can find some common ground that lead to co-development, fruitful conversation, and productive collaborations.

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Hassmén, P., Keegan, R., Piggott, D. (2016). Research and Practice in Applied Sport and Exercise Psychology. In: Rethinking Sport and Exercise Psychology Research. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-48338-6_8

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

How did you perform investigating football players’ perception of self-regulated passing performances under auditory noise environments.

• 1 Section Cognition in Team Sports, Institute of Exercise Training and Sport Informatics, German Sport University Cologne, Cologne, Germany
• 2 TSG Research Lab gGmbH, Zuzenhausen, Germany
• 3 Faculty of Health, School of Health Sciences, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand

Introduction: This paper deals with the question on how sport performances may be influenced by internal, emotional processes, which stem from outside feedback.

Methods: In terms of methods, players’ subjective performance ratings for four experimental auditory cue conditions were examined; these included both ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ stadium noise, ‘no (auditory) conditions,’ and a control/‘baseline’ condition. This resulted in a qualitative-analytic data set that was obtained succeeding each auditory cue condition using a unique football training machine (i.e., known as ‘Footbonaut’). Without having received any coaching/performance feedback, players were asked to rate and individually comment on their perceived performance ratings for each experimental auditory condition.

Results: Findings indicate stronger and more significant correlations between auditory conditions and subjective ratings compared to the non-auditory condition and its subjective rating. Furthermore, data provides initial insight into players’ emotional experiences during each of the practice conditions.

Discussion: These noteworthy findings on players’ abilities to accurately judge their performances based on selfmonitoring and intrinsic feedback are discussed from an Ecological Dynamics perspective, linked to a Nonlinear Pedagogy for coaching. Here, representative and affective learning designs for skill learning and performance preparation are presented. Finally, a hypothetical catalyst effect of auditory stadium noise on subjective performance rating is proposed.

• This study aims to better understand players’ emotional experiences of auditory noise environments and their subjective abilities to accurately perceive and judge their performances to them.

• Results show that skilled football players use self-monitoring and intrinsic feedback to judge their performances; and emotionally and positively respond to (game-representative) auditory noise environments.

• A link between auditory information, its effects as a catalyst on task performance and subjective emotional regulation is proposed.

• Findings underline the benefits of representative and affective learning designs and a hands-off coaching approach.

Introduction

During the COVID-19 pandemic, professional sports leagues worldwide experienced significant disruptions, often halting mid-season. Association football, with the first national league to resume being the German Bundesliga, tried to restart its schedule under stringent regulation. Notably, stadiums remained devoid of spectators—a measure intended to mitigate the spread of the virus. Consequently, professional players encountered a peculiar situation: the once vibrant and emotionally charged atmosphere of stadiums was replaced by silence. This prompts an intriguing inquiry: Did this change in auditory information affect the players temporarily in their playing ability, and if so, how?

Research into stadium noise and its impact on performance has surged during the COVID-19 pandemic. A meta-analysis by Leitner et al. (2023) comprehensively examines numerous studies conducted during the pandemic era, focusing on the home-field advantage. While the home-field advantage has been well documented across various sports and contexts by scientists over the last 30 years, no one clearly dominant factor for it has been established ( Legaz-Arrese et al., 2012 ). Rather, research highlights a multitude of causes, such as crowd and travel effects, territoriality, referee bias, and other psychological factors (see Pollard, 2008 , for an initial review). Here, Pollard (2008 , p. 13) stresses that “ultimately it is what goes on in the mind of players, coaches and referees that determine their actions and hence the result of a game and the role played by home advantage.” Connecting this research area on home-field advantages along with potential crowd noise effects back to the current study, it is of interest to what degree emotionally-laden (positively or negatively perceived) auditory stadium environments – in contrast to silent, no noise (COVID-19 pandemic-like) environments – may impact player performances, perceptions, enjoyment, and motivation ( Otte et al., 2021 ). While existing studies predominantly rely on in-field analytics, investigations into athletes’ behavior amidst altered auditory environments remain scarce. Previous studies examining the influence of stadium noise under controlled laboratory settings, such as Otte et al. (2021) , have primarily focused on objective metrics like passing accuracy and time. These experiments revealed that athletes exhibited quicker passing times when exposed to pertinent auditory cues compared to negative (e.g., booing) or silent conditions. However, these findings, though valuable, present an incomplete picture. The fundamental question that remains unanswered is the underlying mechanism driving divergent behavioral responses across varied noise conditions.

This paper aims to address this research gap by delving into the subjective experiences and perceptions of athletes amidst varying stadium noise levels. By analyzing a previously collected yet unexplored qualitative dataset concerning football players’ perceived performances under different auditory cue conditions, we aim to shed light on the nuanced interplay between auditory stimuli and athletes’ cognitive and emotional responses. This novel approach will not only enhance our understanding of athletes’ adaptability to stadium noise but also elucidate their ability to evaluate performance independently of coach-led feedback. Furthermore, we seek to correlate these perceptual abilities with players’ emotional engagement with distinct football-specific auditory cues.

Key concepts in Ecological Dynamics to highlight the importance of emotional processing in regards to self-regulation and self-monitoring

To understand why this research is a welcoming contribution to the expanding literature on behaviors of football players in different auditory contexts, we first must explain why it is important to view this study from the lens of the athlete’s emotional perspective. To do so, we will use an Ecological Dynamics perspective, highlighting the deeply intertwined relationships between perception, action, cognition, intentions, and emotions. From this perspective, understanding athletes as complex and adaptive systems, composed of numerous interacting parts, is critical ( Phillips et al., 2010 ). Particularly, it is the scale of analyzing athletes’ performances holistically on perceptual-cognitive, physical and emotional levels that further concerns their ability to self-regulate under varying contexts ( Davids, 2015 ). For practice and competition contexts, it is therefore the coach’s role to guide players’ self-regulation and self-monitoring toward goal-oriented and functional behavior ( Davids, 2015 ; Woods et al., 2020a ). Self-regulation is understood as the human capacity to manage ones urges according to previously defined goals or ideas ( Baumeister et al., 2007 ). These goals/ideas can be both from an external source but also stem from an internal one. An important subcomponent of self-regulation is self-monitoring, and as laid out by Zimmerman (2000 , 2001) , self-monitoring displays a way for the individual to implicitly sense and assess whether the current task is done effectively from the person’s own point of view. More importantly, papers from Diamond and Aspinwall (2003) or Bridgett et al. (2013) showcase that emotions can heavily affect the self-regulation process. These authors state that while negatively charged emotions often hinder the transfer of mental into task-related skills, positively charged emotions facilitate this transfer. If we keep the previous definition in the back of our mind, it becomes therefore essential to analyze the player’s own perceived emotional state, as without it, our ecological view would miss a key variable.

In addition, the bidirectionality of the player-environment relationship provides some clear principles for guiding the design of practice activities ( Woods et al., 2020a ). For example, the use of nonlinear pedagogical concepts, such as representative learning and affective learning designs , has been advocated by research for numerous years (see Otte et al., 2019 , 2020 , and Headrick et al., 2015 , for recent conceptual discussions for each learning design, respectively). Representative learning designs emphasize the notion for practice activities to replicate constraints and key information that is present in the competitive performance environment ( Woods et al., 2021 ), whereas affective learning designs highlight the embedment of emotions into these representative (practice) tasks, potentially evoking individualized behavioral tendencies in different athletes ( Headrick et al., 2015 ). These constraints are defined as part of the Constraints-Led Approach, which is in turn underpinned by principles of Ecological Dynamics and Nonlinear Pedagogy ( Renshaw et al., 2016 ; Button et al., 2020 ). Constraints are viewed as individual, task-related and environmental characteristics and features that guide a player’s search for and perception of relevant information. Examples can be objects, like specific passing targets or auditory conditions, such as stadium noise (e.g., Fajen et al., 2009 ). From an applied coaching perspective, it would therefore be ideal if one uses constraint manipulations (e.g., adding stadium noise conditions) to design these representative and affective practice environments, which focus on holistically integrating all performance-regulating sub-systems (i.e., perception, action, cognitions, intentions, and emotion; Woods et al., 2020a ). Put simply, the practice design and its constraints drive athlete self-regulation and exploration ( Woods et al., 2020b ). These processes are intentionally regulated in constant interaction between athletes and their surrounding environments ( Davids et al., 2015 ).

Without further coach-induced or similar types of augmented feedback, athletes learn to search for and perceptually attune to relevant environmental information and invitations for action (also termed affordances; see Fajen et al., 2009 ). It is important to note that search in this case stems from the perceptual-cognitive entanglement, highlighting how externally and internally perceived information are mutually dependent in driving athlete self-regulation. An example of this would be an internal appraisal of a whistling crowd, which would startle the athlete. This in an essence means that in absence of augmented feedback, people (and athletes) aim to enhance the use of intrinsic (sensory) feedback sources such as emotional feedback to self-monitor and adapt task-specific behavior ( Hodges and Franks, 2002 ; Otte et al., 2019 , 2020 ). For example, a football player would always feel and see the consequence of a pass without receiving further extrinsic and augmented coaching feedback ( Williams and Hodges, 2005 ). Particularly, the notions of task-intrinsic feedback and self-monitoring relate to this investigation, in that it aims to examine skilled football players’ abilities to accurately, and independently, judge their own performances. This idea may be further supported by previous research demonstrating athletes’ abilities to use acquired and specified knowledge to accurately assess movement performances ( Hadfield, 2005 ; Fajen et al., 2011 ; Millar et al., 2011 , 2017 ). For example, Millar et al. (2017) found Olympic rowers show accuracy in judging and successfully identifying quality rowing stroke performances by accessing knowledge of their performances. This finding may be extended by research demonstrating expert rowers to accurately perceive and monitor their own catch efficiency, which was objectively reflected by changes in boat speed ( Millar et al., 2017 ). While to the authors’ knowledge, there has been no investigation to date into football players’ abilities to accurately self-monitor performances (under varying noise conditions), previous research commonly emphasizes “high-level performers as expert systems adept at detecting and evaluating change focussed on performance” ( Millar et al., 2015 , p. 3). Yet a special importance of these ecological factors and emotions so far has neither taken place in research, nor in the common training regimen of athletes. In an essence, this leads the training tasks to become non-representative or at least less representative for a stadium-based (noise) atmosphere. This could lead to a missing transfer of training skills in a professional sporting environment, these being the stadium environment. Consequently, based on the proposed theoretical rationale with a focus on emerging player-environment relationships ( Davids et al., 2008 ) and the existing research gap, this article aims to investigate:

i. To what extent skilled football players accurately judge their performance in absence of augmented, coach-led performance feedback; and

ii. How football players perceive and self-regulate their emotional reactions to various auditory cue environments in practice.

Participants

An initial a priori analysis was conducted to determine the required sample size for this study using the computer program G*power 3.1.9.7. The estimated effect size for this study was unknown, as the few studies that analyzed stadium noise at a professional level all failed to include effect sizes. However, conceptually similar studies focusing on auditory stimuli affecting treadmill walking ( η 2  = 0.24; Karageorghis et al., 2009 ) and running performance ( η 2 =  0.20; Bood et al., 2013 ) demonstrated rather large effects. We, therefore, estimated the participants of a correlation analysis using a medium to strong effect of r  = 0.6 with a relative power of 0.80 and a critical alpha of 0.05. This resulted in 19 participants that we needed to recruit for this study. Unfortunately, this margin was missed by four participants due to the requirement of a highly specialized sample size of elite athletes. Therefore, the final participant number of the experiment is a sample of 15 male football players ( n  = 15, U23s age group) and results from this study should be taken with care due to possible type-1 error inflation. The ethical approval for the presented study protocols was granted by the lead author’s university ethics commission in 2019.

The highly skilled sub-elite players were tested on objective metrics such as their passing performances [i.e., passing accuracy score (in %) and average passing time (in s)], using the standardized and validated robotic football training tool, known as ‘Footbonaut’ (CGoal GmbH, Berlin, Germany; see Beavan et al., 2019 , and McGowan, 2012 ). In said training, after a warmup procedure consisting of 10 passing repetitions, the players were instructed to perform four identical football passing rounds consisting of 32 low passes over the course of 2–3 min. The Footbonaut is a high-tech robotic cage where footballers can improve their technical skills without any other players ( Beavan et al., 2019 ). The four sessions differed due to different randomized auditory noise conditions. These four different conditions are: (1) A ‘Baseline’ condition: the training environment allows for participants to perceive all relevant visual information (i.e., light signals) and auditory cues (i.e., ‘beep’ sound signals at a volume of approximately 75 dB) on passing source and passing target ‘window,’ as provided by the Footbonaut (i.e., participant’s hearing was not distracted). (2) A ‘No auditory’ cue condition: the training environment significantly limits the participant’s perception of auditory information (i.e., ‘beep’ sound signals) on passing source and target ‘window’ provided by the Footbonaut (i.e., participants were asked to wear ear defenders throughout the training session). (3) A positive auditory cue condition: the training environment displays loud stadium noises (i.e., a football crowd singing) played through speakers in the Footbonaut (i.e., with a volume of approximately 85 dB); thus, the participant’s perception of auditory information (i.e., ‘beep’ sound signals) on passing source and target ‘window’ provided by the Footbonaut are impaired. or (4) A negative auditory cue condition: the training environment displays loud stadium noises (i.e., a football crowd whistling and ‘booing’) played through speakers in the Footbonaut (i.e., with a volume of approximately 85 dB); thus, the participant’s perception of auditory information (i.e., ‘beep’ sound signals) on passing source and target ‘window’ provided by the Footbonaut are impaired. The crowd sounds of fans singing and chanting were pre-tested for their validity ( Otte et al., 2021 ).

The task was instructed to the players at the beginning, indicating that they should “receive and pass the ball as quickly as possible.” All conditions were completed by each participant in a randomized order. Notably, emotional valence of auditory stadium conditions was pre-tested by 30 participants ( n  = 30) and the Footbonaut training machine allowed the researchers to control for various variables (e.g., passing repetition numbers, ball release speeds and angles from the machine, light and ball conditions). Additionally, all available information remained the same for each passing repetition per session (e.g., visual information, auditory conditions, ball speed and trajectories; see Otte et al., 2021 ).

After all the information from the participants was recorded, feedback was provided for the athlete by the lead experimenter and the participant debriefed and dismissed.

Additionally, to the physical data already analyzed by Otte et al. (2021) with help of the Footbonaut, players were also asked to provide subjective statements regarding their own performance. These subjective statements will be the focus for the following analysis. Without disclosing players’ performance scores nor providing any augmented (verbal) coaching feedback, players were asked to provide both standardized and open statements following each of the four auditory conditions (i.e., under the ‘baseline,’ ‘no auditory cue,’ ‘positive auditory cue’ and ‘negative auditory cue’ conditions). Recordings were made by athletes answering a questionnaire after completing each practice condition. The lead experimenter was always present during the data collection of the Footbonaut and handed out the questionnaire, however the experimenter was not present during the time the athlete was filling out the answers. To further control for possible cognitive and emotional biases during the experiment, there was no feedback or consultations provided regarding the information on the questionnaires for the athletes during the four conditions. In detail, ratings and perceptions after each auditory cue conditions were measured in two ways. Both of these measurements were collected in a previous study ( Otte et al., 2021 ), but were not analyzed upon:

1. Players were asked to rate their performance for each session on a Likert-type scale from 0 (i.e., strongly unsatisfied) to 10 (strongly satisfied); and

2. Players were questioned on their performances and subjective perceptions of the auditory cue conditions. In particular, they were asked to ‘please comment on your perceptions of/ feelings about each auditory cue conditions’ after each of the four sessions.

Data analysis

For the data analysis, subjective ratings and statements were compared to objective performance data obtained from the Footbonaut system, as previously mentioned in Otte et al. (2021) , but briefly summarized here. The results of this experiment revealed that under negatively valenced sounds, such as negative auditory conditions or absolute silence, reaction times in the Footbonaut were slower. Conversely, positively valenced sounds, such as cheerful crowd noise, did not yield any significant improvements. Similarly, passing accuracy was not affected by any of the auditory conditions. To establish a connection with the present study, a Spearman-rho correlation analysis was employed to investigate whether subjective emotional scores are associated with average reaction time and passing accuracy. This correlation analysis was conducted for each of the eight conditions, and results are presented in Table 1 .

Table 1 . Overview of the different correlations between the different subjective emotional categories and the objective stats.

Additionally, a manipulation check was done to see whether participants correctly can assess their subjective performance this was done by comparing the perceived subjective rating to the accuracy achieved in the Footbonaut.

Qualitative-analytic exploration considered each player’s standardized ratings and subjective statements following each auditory cue conditions. Here, players’ perceived performance ratings (i.e., between 0 and 10) were used for correlation analysis with the two objective performance scores (i.e., passing accuracy and average passing time). Further, an inductive, data-driven theming process was used to code the qualitative, open statements that players provided after each auditory cue conditions ( Braun and Clarke, 2006 ). Specifically, in order to explore players’ subjective statements regarding each auditory cue condition, thematic analysis allowed to examine individual players’ perspectives and feelings ( King, 2004 ; Nowell et al., 2017 ).

A thematic analysis was conducted by the experimenters based on the open statements voluntarily filled out by each player. The result from these statements were filtered and subsequently divided into three coding themes, which include: (i) ability to perceive acoustic information; (ii) perceived positive influence on performance; and (iii) perceived positive influence on emotional engagement. All experimenters spoke the native language of the athletes, German.

Qualitative-quantitative exploration of players’ subjective statements following each Footbonaut auditory cue conditions provides insight into: (1) the correlation between players’ subjective performance ratings and two objective performance data measures of passing accuracy and average passing time; and (2) players’ subjective and internal emotional regulations to the auditory cue conditions.

Players’ subjective performance ratings

A spearman-rho correlation analysis was performed with all of the different emotional conditions (baseline, positive, negative, and headphones) in relation to average passing time and passing accuracy. Due to time-related issues, one participant out of 15 only managed to be tested in the objective conditions and could not be questioned regarding their subjective emotional analysis. This participant was excluded in the correlational analysis. In the baseline subjective rating condition, we saw a correlation of 0.657 ( p  = 0.011) for the baseline accuracy and a correlation of 0.413 ( p  = 0.142) for the average time taken. The positive subjective rating condition was correlated to the accuracy with 0.841 ( p  < 0.001) and not correlated to the average time with 0.102 ( p  = 0.729). The negative subjective rating condition was correlated to the accuracy with 0.790 ( p  = 0.001) and not correlated to the average time with −0.131 ( p  = 0.657). The headphone subjective rating condition was not correlated to the accuracy with 0.514 ( p  = 0.06) nor to the average time with 0.246 ( p  = 0.397) for the average time taken. Table 2 presents an overview of all correlations. Significant correlations are marked with an asterisk (*).

Table 2 . Spearman-rho correlational analysis between subjective performance ratings and their accuracy performance score, where a simple yes (√) or no (X) represents when each player was accurate about their highest (or lowest) subjective rating, matches their highest (or lowest) accuracy score or time taken.

Furthermore, as a validation check, Table 2 presents a qualitative analysis of a simple yes (√) or no (X) to represent when each player was accurate about their highest (or lowest) subjective rating, matches their highest (or lowest) accuracy score or time taken. For example, a tick (√) indicated a direct match between subjective rating and a performance score. Here, it can be observed in Table 1 (highest score), that 93% of players were accurate and knew when they had their most accurate round (of the four conditions) and subjectively rated it their highest. Likewise, players were mostly accurate to know when they had their lowest score. While players were less accurate about their performance time, all 14 players were accurate about at least one of the four measures and over 55% of players were accurate in 3 of the 4 measures. When all measures were taken together ( n  = 56), a significant correlation of 0.735 ( p  < 0.001) was given between own subjective rating and performance of the players. A non-significant correlation of 0.132 ( p  = 0.13) was shown between subjective rating and time taken of the scores.

Players’ subjective perceptions of the auditory cue conditions

Qualitative analysis of players’ subjective perceptions and statements after each practice round led to three coding themes; these include: (i) ability to perceive acoustic information; (ii) perceived positive influence on performance; and (iii) perceived positive influence on emotional engagement. Notably, due the analysis of participants’ perceptions of each practice condition concerned open and voluntary statements (i.e., statements about the ‘baseline,’ ‘no auditory cue,’ ‘positive auditory cue,’ and ‘negative auditory cue’ conditions). First, the ‘baseline’ practice condition was clearly perceived to be “easiest” in regard to multimodal cues providing support for passing performance. Its accessibility concerning perceiving acoustic information to support their passing performances was stated by 10 of 14 players ( n = 10). For instance, while one player stated that “ signals are clearly hearable ,” another player expressed that “ one can perceive both noises (ball machine and target) very well and one can often find the optimal position .” In regard to this condition’s impact on emotional engagement, remarkably no player made a statement leading to the notion that the baseline condition had a rather neutral effect on emotional engagement.

Second, eight players ( n  = 8) claimed that the ‘noise-canceling headphones condition’, as expected, had influence on their performances by, for example, making statements such as: headphones made it “ difficult to hear the signals ” and (more) “ difficult to perceive the noises .” Whereas these statements indicate perception of increased practice task complexity under a ‘no auditory cue condition,’ mixed feelings regarding its influence on performance were specified (i.e., eleven players mentioned for this condition to either have positive or negative impact on performance). For example, some players provide statements such as: “No noise helps because I was more concentrated through the silence” and “ I felt more concentrated and force[d] to find more [visual] orientation .” In contrast, other players mentioned this cue condition to be “ harder ,” because “ too much concentration on noises and because of that a bad focus on passing performance ,” and to lead to (internal) body-focused attention. Furthermore, the feeling of increased focus through impaired hearing was expressed. This, however, at the cost of feeling “ slower ,” “ rather annoyed ” and subjectively perceiving multimodal environmental cues with a delay.

Third, both stadium noise conditions (i.e., positive and negative stadium noise conditions) were stated to impede perception of acoustic Footbonaut sounds and thus, likely increase perceived task complexity, compared to the ‘baseline’ condition (i.e., nine and eight players mentioned this for the conditions, respectively). However, both auditory cue conditions were rated to increase players’ “ focus ” and “ concentration ” to perform in emotionally engaging football practice environments. This notion may be highlighted by one participant’s quote concerning the positive auditory cue condition: “ Because it is very loud, I had to focus more on orientating myse lf.” Finally, while both stadium noise conditions supposedly led to increased stimulation and motivation (e.g., a player stating: “ the whistling has motivated me ”), the lead researcher’s informal conversations with players after concluding the experiment found that the ‘positive auditory cue’ condition appeared to be slightly more favorable. This condition was explicitly stated to positively influence perceived performance, and perceived positive emotional engagement with the training space. This overall insight may be appreciated by one player’s written quote: “ The singing fans were positively perceived – I found the chanting wicked! ”

While the initial study by Otte et al. (2021) assessed the effect of auditory cue conditions with varying representativeness on football players’ objective passing performances, this article aims at approaching the study from an athlete-centered perspective on individuals’ performance perceptions and emotional engagement with practice under varying auditory noise conditions. Findings are discussed regarding (1) skilled players’ subjective perception of performance (i.e., as compared to objective performance data); and (2) skilled players’ emotional engagement during practice under auditory noise conditions .

Skilled players’ subjective perception of performances

The evaluation of players’ perceptions of their own performances compared to actual performance data reveals a strong correlation. The finding that the majority of skilled players correctly perceive and evaluate their own performances (in absence of any augmented feedback of results) aligns with the literature on expertise in sports. Table 1 also demonstrates that players were highly accurate in discerning whether they were successful or not in their performance, with all but one player being aware of which auditory condition they were most successful in. In contrast, players were less accurate in identifying which condition resulted in the fastest or lowest performance. This outcome might be expected in a sport like football, where players are constantly engaged in the dynamics of successful passes, thus arguably possessing expert knowledge of whether a pass was successful or not.

The correlations themselves show an interesting finding. The emotional engagement of the players was significantly correlated with their respective score in all conditions – except the one condition where players could not hear any outside information. In the baseline condition, outside noise from the Footbonaut informed them about their performance, similarly to the positive and negative emotional categories. That effect is not present in the category where the players do not hear any outside information (i.e., where they wear headphones). The correlations are also stronger in the emotionally charged conditions compared to the baseline condition. One reasoning for that might be that outside noise affects the players as a sort of “catalyst” which charges the player’s motivation or reasoning and with that, their performance. A player that was previously defined only by his technical ability (like in the headphone condition) is now rewarded or ridiculed by their outside noise. A good performance then might be enhanced and increased by the noise in the same way a bad performance may be diminished and decreased by crowd noise.

Overall, experiential knowledge of expert performers, here, supports self-monitoring and intrinsic feedback processes that naturally occur within all athletes ( Vereijken and Whiting, 1990 ; Hadfield, 2005 ; Greenwood et al., 2012 ). In other words, “it may be argued that over time, athlete knowledge will be superior to that of the coach in some aspects of performance” ( Millar et al., 2017 , p. 808). This advanced ability to accurately judge own performances may refer back to an ecological view on players’ attuning to their direct environments and thus, developing adequate knowledge of information that effectively supports monitoring of performance ( Gibson, 1966 , 1979 ; Fajen et al., 2009 ). Given this high level of player self-awareness, coaches may need to tailor both coaching approaches and informational constraints (e.g., in forms of augmented feedback and instructions) toward players’ needs ( Williams and Hodges, 2005 ; Chow et al., 2016 ). Put simply, coaches may rather act as (hands-off) facilitators of the practice environment, should consider players’ knowledge and wealth of experience and leave further exploration and problem solving to the players ( Millar et al., 2015 ; Renshaw et al., 2019 ).

Skilled athletes’ emotional engagement during practice under auditory noise conditions

Evidently, inducing auditory stadium noise into football practice had some impact on players’ performances and emotional engagement with the environment. This is supported not only by the statistically significant differences for passing times (see Otte et al., 2021 ), but also in terms of emotional disposition during various practice conditions. Based on an Ecological Dynamics rationale, a critical challenge for coaches concerns the design of holistic athlete practice experiences that support the search for adaptable movement solutions under emotional constraints present in competitive environments ( Davids et al., 2013 ). While continuous interaction between perception, action, and cognition is commonly considered, the presence and role of emotionally engaging training spaces remains underexplored. To theoretically discuss this matter in relation to the concept of affective learning design ( Headrick et al., 2015 ), two points appear to be critical: (1) representative and auditory stadium noise environments seemingly increase emotional engagement with the practice design; and (2) individual players rate various auditory noise environments as differently engaging on an emotional level.

First, it is suggested that emotional engagement supports search for relevant action invitations under game-representative informational constraints ( Seifert et al., 2013 ; Headrick et al., 2015 ). For example, a player unable to hear and communicate with his teammates due to crowd noise may effectively learn to rely on visual environmental information, while the player will also get perceptually attuned to these stadium noises. In other words: “emotions add context to actions” ( Headrick et al., 2015 , p. 87). Aligned with Constraints-Led Approach, we argue that the manipulation of task and environmental constraints can be critical for skill learning and increased player motivation; e.g., several players stated that both stadium noise conditions influenced emotional engagement in various ways. Thus, facilitating for players to experience training under stadium noise conditions may display one effective way of replicating environmental constraints experienced in football games ( Seifert et al., 2017 ; Otte et al., 2021 ). Notably, this notion connects back to the aforementioned home-field advantage and crowd noise as one potential reason for it ( Pollard, 2008 ) and hence, the impact of emotionally-laden auditory/crowd environments on players’ and teams’ perceptions and performances warrants further research in this context.

Second, the results indicate that various players had different perceptions of the auditory conditions. This finding is also supported by the original study, which demonstrated that the conditions impacted passing time scores across various situations ( Otte et al., 2021 ). Players in this study cited the four auditory conditions as influencing both performance and emotional engagement, highlighting a critical notion within a Nonlinear Pedagogy (NLP): the necessity for individualized learning designs tailored to players with different skill levels, personalities, and intrinsic dynamics ( Renshaw et al., 2009 ). In simple terms, there is not one ‘cookie-cutter practice drill’ or ideal practice environment (including its auditory noise environment) that is suitable for every athlete, and coaches must be aware of this.

Limitations and future research

Due to the articles’ highly specialized and unique sample size, findings in this paper should be carefully considered. The decreased representativeness of the practice task in the Footbonaut compared to an actual football task in a packed stadium is also something that should not be discounted easily. Additionally, we would suggest that in future studies with usage of the Footbonaut, the “no noise” earmuff condition could be replaced as a control condition with a condition using non-emotional/non-representative noise, such as white noise. That way, a user of the Footbonaut would still obtain physical information, and one could discern better the effects from stadium information. Furthermore, collected qualitative statements (complementing standardized performance ratings) were open-ended and thus, varied in depth and scope. However, this was deemed acceptable in order to receive an initial and honest insight into players’ emotional engagement and perceptions of the various practice conditions. Notably, since no player was obliged to make statements about particular feelings, any personal comments regarding emotional engagement and perceived performances may carry increased value and display players’ genuine emotional dispositions. Due to the unique sample in this paper, the data set in its depth is limited to an initial overview, demanding future profound investigation by additional studies.

Finally, and due to abovementioned limitations, this research extension may provide a direction for future research on (i) skilled athletes’ abilities to effectively use self-monitoring and intrinsic feedback sources for movement self-regulation; and (ii) athletes’ emotional engagement with different auditory noise environments in practice. Consequently, it is recommended for future studies to investigate these two areas with larger samples of (skilled) athletes.

Previous studies have aimed to assess football players’ passing performances under auditory cue conditions, such as stadium noise ( Otte et al., 2021 ). The findings of these studies include slower passing times in some auditory cue conditions, which are now supplemented by novel insight into players’ accurate judgments, self-awareness and self-monitoring of their own performances by the data presented in this paper. Thus, these advanced players may benefit from a hands-off coaching approach that focuses on the coach becoming a facilitator, manipulating (task and environmental) constraints within the practice environment. Additionally, use of emotion-laden and affective learning designs may warrant further attention by both researchers studying the effect of representative practice environments and coaches aiming to co-design practice sessions in accordance with principles from an NLP.

Data availability statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Ethics statement

The studies involving humans were approved by German Sport University Cologne. The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author contributions

SK: Conceptualization, Formal analysis, Methodology, Project administration, Supervision, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. FO: Conceptualization, Investigation, Methodology, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. AB: Methodology, Writing – review & editing. TS: Formal analysis, Writing – review & editing. SM: Conceptualization, Supervision, Writing – review & editing.

The author(s) declare that no financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

The author(s) declared that they were an editorial board member of Frontiers, at the time of submission. This had no impact on the peer review process and the final decision.

Publisher’s note

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Keywords: affective learning design, representative learning design, athlete self-regulation, Ecological Dynamics, Nonlinear Pedagogy, Footbonaut, skill learning, auditory cues

Citation: Klatt S, Otte FW, Beavan A, Schumacher T and Millar SK (2024) How did you perform? Investigating football players’ perception of self-regulated passing performances under auditory noise environments. Front. Psychol . 15:1390487. doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1390487

Received: 23 February 2024; Accepted: 09 April 2024; Published: 29 April 2024.

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*Correspondence: Stefanie Klatt, [email protected]

† These authors have contributed equally to this work and share first authorship

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Article contents

Ethical considerations in sport and performance psychology.

• Edward F. Etzel Edward F. Etzel West Virginia University
•  and  Leigh A. Skvarla Leigh A. Skvarla West Virginia University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190236557.013.141
• Published online: 26 April 2017

The field of sport, exercise, and performance psychology (SEPP) has evolved over the past 100 plus years. SEPP includes professional consultants, teachers, researchers, and students from diverse educational and training backgrounds. Persons primarily from the merging of sport science, kinesiology, and professional psychology have shaped SEPP into what it is today. Client populations typically served include athletes, coaches, and exercisers, and more recently, performing artists (musicians, singers, dancers), businesspersons, sports medicine professionals, and military personnel.

These people and phenomena have fashioned an ethical climate that is generally similar to—but in various ways different from—mainstream psychology. While the ethical values and codes of organizations like the American Psychological Association (APA) and the Association of Applied Sport Psychology (AASP) are generally comparable, the perceptions and application of these values and codes in SEPP realms may not match; this is due to the different histories of its membership, as well as the sometimes unusual work demands and atypical settings and circumstances in which SEPP persons function.

For both mainstream psychology and SEPP professionals, developments in technology and social media communications have presented ethical dilemmas for many who seek to maintain regular contact with their clientele. These issues, such as the use of technology in consulting, emphasize the importance of core ethical tenets such as privacy, confidentiality, and competence, among others, in the growing area of telehealth. In view of the rather unique ethical climate within SEPP, teaching applied ethics via classroom discussion, continued education, and sourcebooks is essential. To date, there appears to be a lack of continuity in the training and supervision of SEPP students and young professionals with respect to ethical decision making. This presents both a challenge and an opportunity to the current and next generation of scholars, researchers, and practitioners.

• applied sport psychology
• exercise psychology
• performance psychology
• confidentiality

Introduction

Ethics is a branch of the study of philosophy and focuses on the nature of right and wrong conduct (Durant, 1973 ). In general, applied ethics in psychology and allied helping professionals reflects the core values of their respective professions. Two general purposes of ethics in psychology address how to both think and act in ways that (hopefully) (1) help the people professionals serve and work with (clients, research participants, students, supervisees, peers, employees) and (2) minimize the mistreatment of those people. Ideally, beneficence and nonmaleficence are the cornerstones of virtuous ethical practice (American Psychological Association, 2010 ).

Ethics-associated risk management (Bennett et al., 2006 ) focuses on minimizing harm to one’s clients (e.g., competence, duty of care) and avoiding legal damage (e.g., litigation) to oneself, one’s practice, and/or the reputability of the profession. Doing competent, efficacious work and practicing in ways that minimize harm have been and will remain quite challenging in the field of sport, exercise, and performance psychology (SEPP) in the 21st century . This article addresses selected issues associated with ethical codes, thinking, and the various faces of work in SEPP, as well as major challenges to doing so.

Ethical thinking and practice are not merely associated with sensing and managing risk (Bennett et al., 2006 ). According to Bennett et al. ( 2006 ), positive ethics speaks to the professional goal of helping others—doing competent, beneficial work (e.g., facilitating positive life changes for clients or students; conducting and producing useful research to add to the body of knowledge in SEPP). Benefiting clients and students through principled, skillful behavior builds trust in the field and SEPP professionals. However, unethical behavior is not uncommon in this rapidly evolving, popular field (characterized by some as the “Wild West” of psychology), calling the field and its members into question. A recent Google search of “sport[s] psychology” produced a remarkable 26,300,000 results. An examination of such searches reveals a thought-provoking and sometimes ethically concerning range of topics, persons, programs, and services.

A Very Brief History of Ethics and Ethics Codes in SEPP

Ethics in professional psychology in the United States dates back to the later 1940s when the APA formed a committee on ethics, which ultimately led to the development and publication of the first APA ethics code in 1953 (Fisher, 2003 ). The APA code has been revised and refined several times since the early 1950s. Numerous other helping professional organizations (e.g., the American Counseling Association, Australian Psychological Association, British Psychological Society, and Canadian Psychological Association) have crafted and adopted ethical codes over the past 60 plus years that may impact the work of member professionals and students from related backgrounds and SEPP practices (Pope, 2004 ).

From a domain-specific perspective, professionals recognized the need for a SEPP-linked ethics code for sport psychologists (Zeigler, 1987 ). Over the years, some ethics codes have been crafted, adopted, and implemented by various SEPP focused organizations. The largest of such international organizations is the Association of Applied Sport Psychology (AASP). AASP adopted a modified version of the 1992 APA ethics code in 1995 (Association of Applied Sport Psychology, 1996 ) but has made few changes to its code beyond content concerning technology use in recent years. Other SEPP-oriented professional organizations possessing ethics codes and/or codes of conduct are the Asian and South Pacific Association of Sport Psychology (ASPASP) and the European Federation of Sport Psychology (FEPSAC), as well as the International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP).

The existence and adoption of the field’s ethics codes are linked to developing and maintaining trust in SEPP, its members, and its reputation for adhering to guidelines. Codes are in fact guides that emphasize personal and organizational self-regulation. Despite the fact that we are assumed to be well trained, as human beings we are susceptible to work-related errors of commission—and perhaps more frequently—of omission. Failing to consistently self-regulate undermines faith in members’ practices and can lead to skeptical views of what the field stands for (Whelan, Hill, Ginley, & Meyers, 2014 ). Unfortunately, like the law, ethics codes do not guarantee ethical behavior. We may prefer thinking of ourselves as good drivers, but we sometimes also choose to speed or veer into others’ lanes, intentionally or unintentionally.

Another practical purpose of SEPP ethics codes is to direct thinking and behavior in academic, research, and consulting work environments. Whereas one’s personal values may overlap with the ethics of one’s profession, ethics codes in psychology and SEPP are not intended to apply personal behavior outside of work contexts. They may, however, intersect (e.g., aspiring to be honest or to do no harm to others). Regrettably, the behavior of persons who are intentionally or unintentionally unaffiliated with SEPP professional organizations such as APA and AASP are not bound by the ethics codes of these organizations, even though they work in the field. This fact makes it difficult for SEPP organizations to provide feedback in the wake of concerns and to respectfully police the ethically questionable behaviors of unaffiliated persons (e.g., responding to concerns about professional misrepresentation in the media). Members of SEPP professional organizations may find it difficult and frustrating to observe concerning behaviors of member and nonmember peers, sometimes assuming SEPP organizations are doing little to guide the field.

The APA and AASP ethics codes are organized into two major sections to include: (1) principles and (2) standards. Interestingly, the CPA code (Canadian Psychological Association, 2016 ) is organized into four principles with merged standards to further include a set of introductory values statements as part of the code. In general, professional ethical principles express such core values (e.g., integrity, respect for people’s rights and dignity) as are identified by professional organizations and represent what the organizations stand for. Principles are nonenforceable, “generically broad philosophical constructs” that professionals should aim to apply to their work (Nagy, 2000 , p. 5). Code principles will likely be practiced by virtuous members who share fundamental personal beliefs (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 2008 ) such as beneficence and nonmaleficence, integrity, competence, respect for people’s rights, dignity and independence, and [social] responsibility.

In comparison, code-based ethical standards describe both appropriate (e.g., obtaining informed consent; keeping accurate documentation of client interactions) and prohibited (e.g., discrimination; inappropriate multiple relationships with clients, students, or coworkers) professional behaviors more specifically. Standards are enforceable, describing what organizational members should do and avoid doing in their unique professional roles (Nagy, 2000 ). The consequences for violating ethical standards of practice vary from nothing (e.g., if not reported or found out, little evidence is available supporting an inquiry or complaint) to serious (e.g., reprimand, censure, or expulsion from professional membership) (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 2008 ).

Taken together, understanding the combined purposes of SEPP ethical principles and standards helps to develop a sense of how and when to employ these guides. This encourages the development and refinement of what Pope and Vasquez ( 2016 ) call “ethical intelligence.” Ethical intelligence helps foster awareness of the possible existence and onset of ethical challenges (i.e., developing one’s “ethical antennae”). Ideally, it also helps SEPP professionals and students make better decisions more frequently, and to respond and act virtuously for the benefit of those with whom they interact and serve.

Unfortunately, even with experience, insight, and ethical intelligence, ethical dilemmas can still be unpredictable and unavoidable during the course of one’s SEPP career. For example, one author was inaccurately described in the media as a sports psychiatrist. After becoming aware of the error, the author had to quickly correct it. Ultimately, even the established, understood principles and standards—as well as practical decision-making rubrics (Hadjistavrolpoulos & Malloy, 2000 ; Watson & Etzel, 2014 )—do not provide comprehensive solutions to all of the stressful quandaries that are part and parcel of our interactions with the unique clientele, work, and settings in SEPP (see Association of Applied Sport Psychology, 2016 ).

Core Ethical Concepts and SEPP

Across allied SEPP organizations, several core ethical concepts are consistently relevant to appropriate ethical perspectives and action. Among many, competence, training, confidentiality, and multiple relationships are significant and controversial topics (Hankes, 2012 ). One must understand the associated content, values, and application of these concepts and risks related to one’s work situation(s) and be able to quickly access the code(s) of one’s SEPP-related organizations when guidance is needed. Responding ethically can be particularly challenging because work often occurs in “gray zones” (i.e., those in which sport and exercise contexts possess somewhat different cultural assumptions about values and practices) (Etzel & Watson, 2014 ). Examples of gray zones are meeting clients in gyms while traveling, working in training sites, having athlete clients in classes and involved in research projects, having third parties press for information, and serving as both consultant and coach. These examples, among others, can make appropriate approaches unclear and sometimes inconsistent with mainstream psychology practices.

SEPP principles and standards include many complex issues, and it would be impossible to discuss them all in one chapter. Therefore, this article focuses on core principles and standards-related information concerning competence, confidentiality, multiple relationships, and conflicts with organizational ethics demands. Information about the use of technology (telehealth) and issues associated with the teaching of ethics also follows. For more detailed information on principles and standards relevant to SEPP work settings and details about SEPP-relevant ethics codes, the reader is referred to the APA, AASP, and ISSP codes and other resources (AASP, 1996 ; APA, 2010 ; ISSP, 2009 ; Etzel & Watson, 2006 , 2014 ; Gardner & Moore, 2006 ; Moore, 2003 ; Nideffer, 1981 ; Sachs, 1993 ; Singer, 1993 ; Whelan et al., 2014 ; Zeigler, 1987 ).

One core ethical topic—and potentially the most important one—is competence. There is an inherent public assumption that SEPP professionals are highly educated and well trained in their specialty. Thus, these two qualifications should enable one to provide quality services and consultation, teach, and/or conduct research. Without maintaining qualifications, those we serve, instruct, and study may question our abilities and the perceived value of our work. Becoming an athlete, avid exerciser, sports fan, or member of one of the many SEPP professional organizations does not in any way make one a competent or qualified SEPP practitioner (Brown & Cogan, 2006 ).

SEPP ethics codes speak to knowing one’s strengths and limitations linked to one’s education and training, which change over time, and the need to continually work within personal boundaries of competence. For example, APA Standard 2.01 directs that (sport) psychologists “provide services, teach and conduct research with populations and in areas only within the boundaries of their competence, based on their education, training, supervised experience, consultation, study or professional experience” (APA, 2010 ). Likewise, AASP’s ethical standard 2a has further stated that

AASP members represent diverse academic and professional backgrounds. These different training histories provide different competencies. Those trained in clinical and counseling psychology must be aware of potential limitations in their sport science competencies. AASP members trained in the sport sciences must be aware of their limitations in clinical and counseling psychology. Individuals from different training backgrounds must deliver services, teach, and conduct research only within the boundaries of their competence. (AASP, 1996 )

SEPP professionals tend to “wear many hats” during their work days, often coming from different and sometimes mixed educational and training backgrounds that challenge their real and perceived competence. For example, a person with a terminal degree in kinesiology/sport sciences would probably have a very different set of academic course work and supervised training than a person who comes from a professional psychology or counseling program and who takes additional coursework in SEPP topics and supervises sport psychology practice.

Given the expanding scope of SEPP-related work and the seemingly nonstop stream of information, it is nearly impossible to keep up with the comprehensive body of knowledge in the field. SEPP professionals are not expected to maintain perfect competence levels, but rather can simply be “good enough”—at least meeting, and hopefully exceeding, perceived general standards of care (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 2008 ).

How does an individual decide that she or he is fundamentally competent to work in SEPP? An assessment of the strength and usefulness of one’s educational foundation, applied training experiences, supervision, continued education, and growing cultural competency is essential to this assessment. Determining whether one is truly competent can be a daunting but important task. Part of the challenge is that there is not one standardized model for training in SEPP, as is the case in professional psychology or counseling.

Despite many developments and pathways in the field over the past 60 years, there are no established within-profession “standards of care” to use as competence benchmarks (Anderson & Tod, 2011 ; Baillie, 2014 ). Fortunately, there are some rather useful guides to self-assess competence, including the APA Proficiency in Sport Psychology (APA, 2003 ) and AASP’s Certified Consultant criteria (AASP, 2016 ). At the time that this article is being written, AASP is using a Job Task Analysis (JTA) to assess core knowledge perhaps linked to competence among SEPP professionals (AASP, e-mail communication, February 16, 2016 ).

In recent years, cultural competence in a diverse world has been established as critical to ethical education and studies, training, and practice (Fisher & Anders, 2010 ). AASP Standard 3a speaks to the need to appreciate the potential impact of human differences on their work and the need to be proficient when working with people from diverse backgrounds:

AASP members recognize that differences of age, gender, race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, disability, language, or socioeconomic status can significantly affect their work. AASP members working with specific populations have the responsibility to develop the necessary skills to be competent with these populations, or they make appropriate referrals. (AASP, 1996 )

In addition, APA’s Standard 2.01 states:

Where scientific or professional knowledge in the discipline of psychology establishes that an understanding of factors associated with age, gender, gender identity, race, ethnicity, culture, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, disability, language or socioeconomic status is essential for effective implementation of their services or research, psychologists have or obtain the training, experience, consultation or supervision necessary to ensure the competence of their services, or they make appropriate referrals. (APA, 2010 )

For example, deciding to work with youth sport athletes, business managers, dancers, military personnel, college athletes, and the like, when one has not done so requires an honest self-assessment, consultation, and perhaps retraining and work under supervision.

Finally, competence may also be exceeded, overextended, or lost for various reasons. As suggested earlier, it is important to recognize that we have and engage multiple competencies that change but that are not all encompassing or lifelong (Morris & Terry, 2011 ). Sometimes one’s boundaries are stretched and strained. For example, one may be tempted to go beyond current competency boundaries (e.g., work with unfamiliar populations or settings, employ methods one is not qualified to use) because of curiosity, naiveté, an ongoing helping relationship, or perhaps for other ego-directed reasons (Gardner & Moore, 2006 ). These stretches are unethical and must be avoided. One might also become impaired as a result of physical or mental illness, other life stresses linked to family relationships, finances, job changes, changes in work culture, overworking, poor self-care, and/or underrecovery (Koocher & Keith-Spiegel, 2008 ). Impairment may also be the result of boredom or attraction or repulsion to clients or peers in the workplace. One may lack awareness of, or be unwilling to examine, the need to self-monitor, consult, and address the impact these changes can have on work quality (Pope et al., 2006 ).

Confidentiality

Another core ethical topic is confidentiality. Confidentiality involves establishing formal agreements between SEPP professionals and clients to not reveal information that the clients would not want disclosed to others. Confidentiality is linked to the values of beneficence (doing good work) and nonmaleficence (avoiding harm). Confidentiality is necessary to establish and maintain trust in SEPP professionals, their relationships, and work. Without confidentiality, those served may not be inclined to share sensitive personal information. For example, an athlete who seeks consultation for both a sensitive performance and a clinical issue (e.g., challenges to self-confidence, relationship with a coach, alcohol use, mood swings) would likely not be open to seeking help and candidly discussing such issues.

Agreements to keep information confidential are normally provided by clients of majority age (i.e., 18 years of age and older) in writing. Their voluntary informed consent allows for SEPP professionals to provide services to them and work together with them under specific, clearly communicated conditions prior to the start of a professional relationship. In the case of clients or students who are younger than 18 years of age, assent to work with, assist, or consult must be provided by parents or legal guardians (Miller, Drotar, & Kodish, 2004 ). For example, when working with a team of mixed-age athletes, the SEPP practitioner would be required to get written permission from the parents of athletes who are minors before the consultation begins.

Confidential data from sport or exercise-specific tests and instruments, as well as any records of consultation, would be inappropriate to reveal to others. Even the reference to the existence of a past or current professional relationship with identifiable others (e.g., while presenting at conferences) without written or documented verbal permission would likely be a breach of confidentiality and may constitute malpractice.

Many technological challenges exist to protect or threaten confidentiality in today’s world. The use of cell phones, social media platforms, computerized records, loss of a USB device, and online data collection are some examples. Alternatively, ethical “slips” such as leaving paperwork on a desk, discussing privileged information in public or in the media about a client or a student’s grade, accidentally sharing information with a coach or parent, or mistakenly sending a private e-mail to a public listserv are easy ways to compromise confidentiality (Etzel, 2014 ). The reader is directed to AASP Standard 18, APA Standard 4, and ISSP Principle B for more specific code-related information.

There are other challenges to maintaining confidentiality and the application of mainstream psychology ethics–especially in applied consultation—where one can still be ethical but may need to “keep loose” (Andersen, Van Raalte, & Brewer, 2001 ). These challenges tend to be associated with the varied settings in which SEPP professionals interact with others. For example, services may be provided outside of the standard 50-minute hour work arrangement. Thus, SEPP professionals and supervised student consultants often interact with athletes, coaches, and other confidential service recipients at athletics facilities, fields and courtside, in team buses, or perhaps in the field with military units, on patrol with police officers, or off-stage with dancers or musicians.

Professors and graduate students who teach are uniquely challenged with many ethical issues including nondisclosure of various types of information (Sachs, 2014 ). SEPP professionals may encounter overlaps with the law and the ethical practice of confidentiality. For example, academics often possess information that needs to be legally kept private (e.g., grades, attendance) under the Federal Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) in the United States (U.S. Department of Education, 2015 ). When functioning in academic roles, SEPP professionals and student-teachers need to be acutely aware of the law and its application in their state/province.

Similarly, SEPP professionals may possess Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA)-protected information in their work with various clients. They need to be acutely aware of federal law and must obtain a written release of information to discuss or reveal this kind of information. For example, SEPP professionals working in sports medicine or exercise settings will need to use great care when discussing or sharing protected health information (PHI) with third-party providers (Zizzi & Shannon, 2014 ).

Multiple Relationships

Work in the SEPP field often takes place in varied, uncommon settings (e.g., on airplane flights, in locker rooms) and overlapping roles (e.g., clients who may be students and vice versa; Watson, Clement, Harris, Leffingwell, & Hurst, 2006 ) that may cross traditional professional boundaries (Stapleton, Hankes, Hays, & Parham, 2010 ). Professionals and students may be involved in uncommon cultures (e.g., Olympic sports, military special forces; Haberl & Peterson, 2006 ) and sometimes compatible roles (e.g., students who may also be parents or coaches), as well as conflicting roles (e.g., dissertation chairperson and supervisor), with a broad range of clientele and students. SEPP work also involves multiple interactions and changing (in)formal relationships with many people. Accordingly, multiple relationships can be seen as potentially harmful to others and should be avoided. One should anticipate and expect to encounter (un)predictable multiple relationships with students, clients, research participants, coaches, administrators, medical staff, management, and so on, in one’s work.

Common examples of such situations in SEPP are having friends or colleagues refer their children to you for consultation; having a college athlete whose team you are working with enroll in a class you teach (or vice versa); receiving requests to connect on social media; being attracted to fit athletes, exercisers, or students (and perhaps having them attracted to you); being asked to exercise or play a sport with clients; being repulsed by persons involved in certain activities (e.g., boxing, performance enhancing drug [PED] use) or personalities (e.g., obnoxious coaches); having requests to barter lessons for consultation services; being offered free tickets to events by athlete-management clients; traveling with teams and individual clients; and meeting others in public places (“the supermarket [or gym] effect”).

While some of these are small-world encounters, usually with limited likelihood for causing harm, other everyday encounters pose a greater risk (e.g., starting an intimate relationship or business; friending a client via social media; having a drink and dinner with a client; having a client stay or vacation with your family). In the SEPP culture, most people would likely avoid these connections. However some might not see such connections as harmless out of naiveté or the observation that peers do these behaviors with little or no consequences. Some SEPP-relevant literature addresses these issues that are not often discussed in the clinical literature (see Pope, Sonne, & Greene, 2006 ).

Conflicts with Professional Ethics and Organizational Culture

It is not uncommon for conflicts and functional disconnects to develop between one’s professional ethical values and those of organizations they work with or within. It takes time to understand cultures, people, and their interactions, as well as how these may change with new demands, leadership, and players. The values and activities of sport or other performance-related cultures may cause considerable moral distress, making it difficult to commit to work with and for others (Pope & Vasquez, 2016 ). For example, some SEPP professionals and student trainees work in what are known as closed cultures, such as collegiate and pro-sport or other demanding performance settings, like law enforcement or the military.

Each of these settings has its own macro (e.g., the sport of baseball; dance as an art form) and micro (e.g., a specific baseball team; a particular dance company) cultures. These groups and their members may see things in other ways and treat athletes, exercisers, and/or performers quite differently than SEPP students and professionals would (e.g., youth athletes are little adults and should be treated that way; do not speak about what happens in our unit or the basketball family). Unfortunately, organizations with which we become affiliated may publicly espouse one set of values and act in very different ways—betraying one’s sense of trust in their ethical principles and the people involved in such groups (e.g., the child sexual assault scandal centering on Penn State’s football program) (Pope, 2015 ).

These instances may make work difficult, especially when one becomes aware of them in confidential settings. An example is to discuss with administration and management the treatment of an athlete who may have incurred a mild traumatic brain injury (i.e., concussion), but who has been compelled to return to play prematurely or is not provided with appropriate support for rehabilitation. In such cultures of risk and urgency like professional and collegiate sport, there may be a press to keep everyone involved and contributing regardless of health status; injury, suffering, and dysfunction are discounted. Therefore, the values of these subcultures may be inconsistent with the SEPP practitioner’s ethical tenets.

How should one address such ethical predicaments? To consider and possibly respond to these troubles, ethics codes recommend that one seek ways to rectify perceived challenges if possible, such as speaking to coaches, management, or those who set policy and shape cultures. In some cases, this recourse is made very difficult, or even impossible, by informed consent agreements with clients that they are not to discuss information revealed in private.

Before responding to these troubles, it is generally prudent to seek the consultation of ethically knowledgeable peers. Professional organizations’ ethics staff and state ethics boards are available to help us think through challenges. Advocating for those served within the organization and potentially promoting useful change in the organization are options that come with a price. Such action or inaction takes courage and conviction. It can come with personal, financial, and professional risks, including emotional ambivalence or distress, ostracism, loss of job status, and/or termination (Heil & Etzel, 2016 ).

Social Media and Telehealth in SEPP

The ethics of practice in SEPP have arguably become more complex as technology-based options for consulting, psychotherapy, teaching, and research have increased over the years (Nickelson, 1998 ; Watson, Schinke, & Sampson, 2014 ). Technology has opened pathways of near instantaneous communication that previous generations of SEPP persons did not have to manage in educational, applied, or research settings. Where there was once simply the option to meet face to face with an athlete or a client, there are now multiple avenues one can choose, such as e-mail, text messaging, and social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, etc.). Using technology to consult has several implications, the most prominent being the clients’ confidentiality and privacy, and the consultant and clients’ competence in using these technologies.

Given the widely accepted fact that “NOTHING ON THE INTERNET IS PRIVATE!!!” (Baird, 2014 , p. 58), SEPP professionals should be mindful of their use of technology in the delivery of sport psychology services. It is suggested that practitioners discuss telehealth options with their clients during the initial session and/or when reviewing informed consent procedures. For instance, practitioners, researchers, and educators should not assume that clients, students, and research participants know that e-mail is not a secure form of communication (Luxton, Nelson, & Maheu, 2016 ), even if it is a password-protected account or has a certain level of encryption.

A specific waiver or other written document that outlines potential breaches of confidentiality and limits to privacy may be one way to handle a client’s request for technology-based sessions (see AASP Ethics Code, 26a-f). Delineating appropriate versus inappropriate use of these lines of communication may also be needed; this may include times that the professional does and does not respond, how much time is expected for a typical response, the content that emails should or should not include, and the like. It might also include an overview of how data are stored—and for what length of time—on the professional’s computer, and what clients should do if technology fails to cooperate during a scheduled meeting or session (Association for Counseling and Therapy Online, n.d. ).

Furthermore, SEPP practitioners are encouraged to educate clients about their practice’s use of the Internet as it pertains to their case or care. For instance, does a consultant watch away-games on YouTube? Does he or she follow the team’s official Twitter account? How about looking up scores or percentiles, or other athlete-specific statistics using Google? According to Kolmes, Nagel, and Anthony ( 2011 ), it is the practitioner’s responsibility to disclose to clients “whether they utilize search engines as a standard means of collecting client information, whether this is done routinely as part of care, or whether there are particular circumstances (i.e., emergencies) in which they may obtain this information” (p. 21). Incorporating these types of searches into clinical notes is important (Kolmes et al., 2011 ).

Another consideration beyond educating the client about confidentiality and privacy when working with technology is how the use of the Internet and social media may affect the overall relationship between practitioner and client. Former APA Ethics Director Stephen Behnke noted the difference between a face-to-face client who is going on vacation and wants to do an Internet-based check-in and a second client with whom the practitioner has a strictly online-based relationship. Behnke asks, “What sorts of issues are appropriate to treat in that [latter] manner? How do the relevant jurisdiction’s laws and regulations apply to the work you are doing?” (Martin, 2010 , p. 32). Thus, SEPP persons must consider the context(s) in which solely telehealth services are offered, and to what extent these cases are appropriate for this type of communication. They must also take it upon themselves to learn the legality of delivering services across state or country lines, how these legal issues may help or burden the consultant–client relationship, and consider liability and the malpractice issues that could occur (National Association of Social Workers, 2005 ).

Furthermore, SEPP students and professionals must consider both their own competence with technology-based services or platforms and the competence of the client(s) using them (Watson, Schinke, & Sampson, 2014 ). According to AASP ethics code Standard 2, “AASP members provide services, teach, or conduct research in new areas only after taking the necessary actions to guarantee a high level of competence in those areas.” Thus, a practitioner needs to have specific training in order to successfully navigate the ever-changing, ever-growing world of social media, or to stay up to date with the latest features of, for example, video-conferencing. We suggest that readers view technology-based services as an ever-moving target that is constantly morphing in its development and usage. By this metaphor, it is likely insufficient to provide one consent form that covers all of the possible telehealth services and likely inaccurate to consider oneself an expert in all areas of telehealth without proper continuing education, review of organizational membership ethics, and peer consultation.

Additionally, SEPP professionals have an obligation to consider the client’s level of proficiency in using these platforms. Asking a client to learn how to use Skype so that you can have a session is likely working to your benefit rather to the client’s advantage. This kind of request could result in making a client feel uncomfortable and would consequently be in direct violation of AASP ethical standard 26a: “AASP members should only incorporate the various forms of technology in their professional and scientific work in which they have appropriate technical and practical expertise, and when such technology does not subject another party to harm or discomfort.”

Another point of contention among some practitioners is the use of social media for personal relations or networking. While some ethics codes, including the American Counseling Association’s standard A5e, are clear about avoiding “personal virtual relationships” with clients, other ethics codes do not specifically address connections via Facebook, Twitter, or other platforms such as Snapchat, Instagram, or personal blogs. This presents a challenge, particularly for the tech-savvy student or professional to whom technology-based communications seem efficient and part of everyday life. Nevertheless, the possibility of dual relationships, breaches of confidentiality, unclear boundary behaviors, and self-disclosure may become more likely with increased use of social media for personal and professional activities. It is understandable that many professionals wish to be friendly with their clients, but one must not be a friend . This line is a delicate one that is constantly shifting as new ways to connect, and new ways to deliver services, evolve and become commonplace.

This constant shifting begets questions related to accessibility, security, and storage of client records. For instance, are these technologies accessible to you and your clients? To what extent are upgrades or add-on features hindering your work? Additionally, it remains important to monitor possible security threats during tasks such as data back-ups, file storage, and software program updates, as these relate to client privacy and confidentiality. While it is assumed that SEPP persons intend to be helpful, fully assessing the risks involved with technology-based services and being careful and competent when using e-mail, phone, video-conferencing, and social media platforms remains paramount.

A counterargument can be made for the necessity, and beneficial outcomes, of technology-based communication between SEPP professionals and their clients. “Behavioral telehealth can help provide treatment to individuals in remote or inaccessible areas,” as well as to individuals who are homebound due to injury, athletes who are traveling, and clients who have limited means to travel (Scheetz & Barnett, n.d. ). Without the use of technology, SEPP persons, among other helping professionals, may not be able to reach certain clientele who could greatly benefit from their services. For instance, an athlete recovering from an anterior cruciate ligament (ACL) surgery may find it useful to connect with a consultant to discuss physical therapy goals and to gain psychoeducation on skills such as healing imagery that may aid in his or her pain management and recovery. Another athlete competing overseas for an international or Olympic event may find it grounding to continue a mental skills training program or complete check-ins with a consultant as travel permits. These are just a few of the countless examples of how technology can enhance the relationship and productivity between a client and the SEPP service provider.

Telehealth, or technology-based services, may also be beneficial for both supervision and case consultations (Ohio Psychological Association, 2009 ). Supervisors and their students may not always be in the same room or building throughout a student’s training. Thus, when a student needs a quick response, a text message or e-mail may be a logical way to contact one’s supervisor for assistance or advice. Similarly, two colleagues—as long as they have no liability for each other’s clinical decisions in their SEPP practice—may choose to de-identify some of their cases and then discuss them via Skype, or solicit general feedback via an e-mail listerv. These technological means to enhance competence, education, and self-awareness can be vital to the well-being of those whom SEPP persons serve.

Teaching Ethics in SEPP

Ethics and ethical decision making serve as core components of training in many psychology, counseling, and counselor education programs across the United States (ACA, 2014 ; APA, 2010 ). While SEPP graduate programs share some similarities with these fields of study in terms of content, theories, and ethical tenants, the amount and models of ethics training vary greatly. This variability is a product of the SEPP profession lacking a standardized approach to teaching and incorporating ethics into educational, research, and applied settings. As Etzel and Watson ( n.d. ) wrote: “there is not a cookbook of effective teaching or a roadmap for the ethical practice” for doing what can be considered a “good job” in educating SEPP students. In order for the field to move forward in the eyes of its members and the clients whom they serve, a clear consensus on ethics training is warranted.

Watson, Zizzi, and Etzel ( 2006 ) have discussed the importance of ethical training in graduate programs, reporting that approximately two-thirds of programs that responded to an e-mail-based survey ( n = 47) required training in ethics. Training in these programs came mostly in the form of ethics infused in other coursework and topics. For instance, a course on multiculturalism and diversity may include a week of discussion on the ethics of consulting with athletes who have different individual or cultural characteristics than those with which the consultant is familiar. Another example might be a writing assignment that incorporates ethical and legal considerations as part of a case study focused on performance enhancement in youth athletes.

Yet a third example stems from Handelsman’s ( 1986 ) discussion of teaching ethics while students are in practicum or internship, and thus using time during supervision to work through ethical or legal issues at their placements. Handelsman has argued that the weaving of ethics into the fabric of these courses is not only insufficient, but also potentially dangerous to students’ training. He noted that we cannot assume that the supervision being provided is of quality—although we might like to think so. We have to question the supervisor’s level of competence with ethics and how an ethics code may apply to situations that students bring to him or her. Additionally, he suggests that only a sampling of ethical issues may arise during supervision, thus limiting familiarity with other important principles and standards. It may be the case, for instance, that the ethics surrounding note-taking and confidentiality come up, but multicultural competence, practitioner self-care, and case termination are not examined.

To understand why ethics is not taught as a stand-alone course, Fine and Ulrich ( 1988 ) have suggested that we consider the attitude toward ethics from both traditional philosophical and psychological perspectives:

Ethics is generally considered the appropriate subject matter of philosophy, insofar as psychologists typically treat ethics as a tool to assist them in conducting their clinical activities, but not as a primary subject matter in itself . . . [and] as a result of philosophy's greater acquaintance with ethical subject matter, it is better suited to assist when there arise ethical dilemmas that cannot easily be resolved with . . . ethical codes. (p. 543)

Returning to Watson et al.’s ( 2006 ) findings, we find that these traditional perspectives have consequences for the contemporary student. The authors noted: “respondents [to the survey of graduate programs] did not feel as if students were completely prepared for either the ethical or legal issues that they will face in their professional careers” (p. 5). Given the emphasis on gatekeeping in health-related service professions, it is critical that SEPP persons consider the implications of a generation of students and young professionals who may not be well versed in the ethical and legal issues of the field. With the increased use of technology and overall growth of SEPP, ethical issues such as confidentiality, privacy, boundaries, preexisting relationships, and competence—intellectual, emotional, and experiential—may become amplified (Etzel, Harris, Sachs, & Watson, 2015 ).

Continuing education is one way to encourage SEPP students and professionals to monitor their competencies and maintain their self-awareness of ethics applications in their respective training programs and careers. To take a page from ACA’s playbook, professionals could be regularly required to fulfill a specific number of hours of ethics training in order to renew their license or certification. For example, in West Virginia and Pennsylvania, continuing education in ethics is not currently required for those with the CC-AASP designation or renewal.

In addition, instructors, academic advisors, and professional organization leaders are encouraged to help students and professionals navigate, develop, and maintain networks for supervision, consultation, and referrals. These networks can serve as guides to check competencies, discuss ideas via case consultations, and assist in providing ethical advice for decision making. As noted above, professional organizations can also ensure that members are able to easily locate contact information (e.g., websites, phone numbers) for ethics committee members and state ethics boards. These committees and boards should be used proactively, helping individuals to answer questions and seek consultation.

Some students and professionals may not be interested in studies of SEPP ethics. Nevertheless, comprehending the principles and applications is essential for anyone wishing to succeed as a responsible, respected SEPP teacher, researcher, and/or practitioner.

Applied ethics within SEPP will not go away. As the field continues to grow, working with traditional and new clientele in challenging settings will present more and more tests of ethical awareness and practice. Competent SEPP professionals will need to not only appreciate the fundamental values that underlie the ethics codes of allied fields, but also be able to put these values into practice for the good of their students, clients, and research participants. Students will need to be well educated and trained in ethics—hopefully infused into a more uniform, interdisciplinary SEPP curricula.

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The impact of sports participation on mental health and social outcomes in adults: a systematic review and the ‘Mental Health through Sport’ conceptual model

• Narelle Eather   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-6320-4540 1 , 2 ,
• Levi Wade   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-4007-5336 1 , 3 ,
• Aurélie Pankowiak   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-0178-513X 4 &
• Rochelle Eime   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8614-2813 4 , 5  

Systematic Reviews volume  12 , Article number:  102 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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Sport is a subset of physical activity that can be particularly beneficial for short-and-long-term physical and mental health, and social outcomes in adults. This study presents the results of an updated systematic review of the mental health and social outcomes of community and elite-level sport participation for adults. The findings have informed the development of the ‘Mental Health through Sport’ conceptual model for adults.

Nine electronic databases were searched, with studies published between 2012 and March 2020 screened for inclusion. Eligible qualitative and quantitative studies reported on the relationship between sport participation and mental health and/or social outcomes in adult populations. Risk of bias (ROB) was determined using the Quality Assessment Tool (quantitative studies) or Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (qualitative studies).

The search strategy located 8528 articles, of which, 29 involving adults 18–84 years were included for analysis. Data was extracted for demographics, methodology, and study outcomes, and results presented according to study design. The evidence indicates that participation in sport (community and elite) is related to better mental health, including improved psychological well-being (for example, higher self-esteem and life satisfaction) and lower psychological ill-being (for example, reduced levels of depression, anxiety, and stress), and improved social outcomes (for example, improved self-control, pro-social behavior, interpersonal communication, and fostering a sense of belonging). Overall, adults participating in team sport had more favorable health outcomes than those participating in individual sport, and those participating in sports more often generally report the greatest benefits; however, some evidence suggests that adults in elite sport may experience higher levels of psychological distress. Low ROB was observed for qualitative studies, but quantitative studies demonstrated inconsistencies in methodological quality.

Conclusions

The findings of this review confirm that participation in sport of any form (team or individual) is beneficial for improving mental health and social outcomes amongst adults. Team sports, however, may provide more potent and additional benefits for mental and social outcomes across adulthood. This review also provides preliminary evidence for the Mental Health through Sport model, though further experimental and longitudinal evidence is needed to establish the mechanisms responsible for sports effect on mental health and moderators of intervention effects. Additional qualitative work is also required to gain a better understanding of the relationship between specific elements of the sporting environment and mental health and social outcomes in adult participants.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

The organizational structure of sport and the performance demands characteristic of sport training and competition provide a unique opportunity for participants to engage in health-enhancing physical activity of varied intensity, duration, and mode; and the opportunity to do so with other people as part of a team and/or club. Participation in individual and team sports have shown to be beneficial to physical, social, psychological, and cognitive health outcomes [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 ]. Often, the social and mental health benefits facilitated through participation in sport exceed those achieved through participation in other leisure-time or recreational activities [ 8 , 9 , 10 ]. Notably, these benefits are observed across different sports and sub-populations (including youth, adults, older adults, males, and females) [ 11 ]. However, the evidence regarding sports participation at the elite level is limited, with available research indicating that elite athletes may be more susceptible to mental health problems, potentially due to the intense mental and physical demands placed on elite athletes [ 12 ].

Participation in sport varies across the lifespan, with children representing the largest cohort to engage in organized community sport [ 13 ]. Across adolescence and into young adulthood, dropout from organized sport is common, and especially for females [ 14 , 15 , 16 ], and adults are shifting from organized sports towards leisure and fitness activities, where individual activities (including swimming, walking, and cycling) are the most popular [ 13 , 17 , 18 , 19 ]. Despite the general decline in sport participation with age [ 13 ], the most recent (pre-COVID) global data highlights that a range of organized team sports (such as, basketball, netball volleyball, and tennis) continue to rank highly amongst adult sport participants, with soccer remaining a popular choice across all regions of the world [ 13 ]. It is encouraging many adults continue to participate in sport and physical activities throughout their lives; however, high rates of dropout in youth sport and non-participation amongst adults means that many individuals may be missing the opportunity to reap the potential health benefits associated with participation in sport.

According to the World Health Organization, mental health refers to a state of well-being and effective functioning in which an individual realizes his or her own abilities, is resilient to the stresses of life, and is able to make a positive contribution to his or her community [ 20 ]. Mental health covers three main components, including psychological, emotional and social health [ 21 ]. Further, psychological health has two distinct indicators, psychological well-being (e.g., self-esteem and quality of life) and psychological ill-being (e.g., pre-clinical psychological states such as psychological difficulties and high levels of stress) [ 22 ]. Emotional well-being describes how an individual feels about themselves (including life satisfaction, interest in life, loneliness, and happiness); and social well–being includes an individual’s contribution to, and integration in society [ 23 ].

Mental illnesses are common among adults and incidence rates have remained consistently high over the past 25 years (~ 10% of people affected globally) [ 24 ]. Recent statistics released by the World Health Organization indicate that depression and anxiety are the most common mental disorders, affecting an estimated 264 million people, ranking as one of the main causes of disability worldwide [ 25 , 26 ]. Specific elements of social health, including high levels of isolation and loneliness among adults, are now also considered a serious public health concern due to the strong connections with ill-health [ 27 ]. Participation in sport has shown to positively impact mental and social health status, with a previous systematic review by Eime et al. (2013) indicated that sports participation was associated with lower levels of perceived stress, and improved vitality, social functioning, mental health, and life satisfaction [ 1 ]. Based on their findings, the authors developed a conceptual model (health through sport) depicting the relationship between determinants of adult sports participation and physical, psychological, and social health benefits of participation. In support of Eime’s review findings, Malm and colleagues (2019) recently described how sport aids in preventing or alleviating mental illness, including depressive symptoms and anxiety or stress-related disease [ 7 ]. Andersen (2019) also highlighted that team sports participation is associated with decreased rates of depression and anxiety [ 11 ]. In general, these reviews report stronger effects for sports participation compared to other types of physical activity, and a dose–response relationship between sports participation and mental health outcomes (i.e., higher volume and/or intensity of participation being associated with greater health benefits) when adults participate in sports they enjoy and choose [ 1 , 7 ]. Sport is typically more social than other forms of physical activity, including enhanced social connectedness, social support, peer bonding, and club support, which may provide some explanation as to why sport appears to be especially beneficial to mental and social health [ 28 ].

Thoits (2011) proposed several potential mechanisms through which social relationships and social support improve physical and psychological well-being [ 29 ]; however, these mechanisms have yet to be explored in the context of sports participation at any level in adults. The identification of the mechanisms responsible for such effects may direct future research in this area and help inform future policy and practice in the delivery of sport to enhance mental health and social outcomes amongst adult participants. Therefore, the primary objective of this review was to examine and synthesize all research findings regarding the relationship between sports participation, mental health and social outcomes at the community and elite level in adults. Based on the review findings, the secondary objective was to develop the ‘Mental Health through Sport’ conceptual model.

This review has been registered in the PROSPERO systematic review database and assigned the identifier: CRD42020185412. The conduct and reporting of this systematic review also follows the Preferred Reporting for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 30 ] (PRISMA flow diagram and PRISMA Checklist available in supplementary files ). This review is an update of a previous review of the same topic [ 31 ], published in 2012.

Identification of studies

Nine electronic databases (CINAHL, Cochrane Library, Google Scholar, Informit, Medline, PsychINFO, Psychology and Behavioural Sciences Collection, Scopus, and SPORTDiscus) were systematically searched for relevant records published from 2012 to March 10, 2020. The following key terms were developed by all members of the research team (and guided by previous reviews) and entered into these databases by author LW: sport* AND health AND value OR benefit* OR effect* OR outcome* OR impact* AND psych* OR depress* OR stress OR anxiety OR happiness OR mood OR ‘quality of life’ OR ‘social health’ OR ‘social relation*’ OR well* OR ‘social connect*’ OR ‘social functioning’ OR ‘life satisfac*’ OR ‘mental health’ OR social OR sociolog* OR affect* OR enjoy* OR fun. Where possible, Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) were also used.

Criteria for inclusion/exclusion

The titles of studies identified using this method were screened by LW. Abstract and full text of the articles were reviewed independently by LW and NE. To be included in the current review, each study needed to meet each of the following criteria: (1) published in English from 2012 to 2020; (2) full-text available online; (3) original research or report published in a peer-reviewed journal; (4) provides data on the psychological or social effects of participation in sport (with sport defined as a subset of exercise that can be undertaken individually or as a part of a team, where participants adhere to a common set of rules or expectations, and a defined goal exists); (5) the population of interest were adults (18 years and older) and were apparently healthy. All papers retrieved in the initial search were assessed for eligibility by title and abstract. In cases where a study could not be included or excluded via their title and abstract, the full text of the article was reviewed independently by two of the authors.

Data extraction

For the included studies, the following data was extracted independently by LW and checked by NE using a customized Google Docs spreadsheet: author name, year of publication, country, study design, aim, type of sport (e.g., tennis, hockey, team, individual), study conditions/comparisons, sample size, where participants were recruited from, mean age of participants, measure of sports participation, measure of physical activity, psychological and/or social outcome/s, measure of psychological and/or social outcome/s, statistical method of analysis, changes in physical activity or sports participation, and the psychological and/or social results.

Risk of bias (ROB) assessment

A risk of bias was performed by LW and AP independently using the ‘Quality Assessment Tool for Observational Cohort and Cross-Sectional Studies’ OR the ‘Quality Assessment of Controlled Intervention Studies’ for the included quantitative studies, and the ‘Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) Checklist for the included qualitative studies [ 32 , 33 ]. Any discrepancies in the ROB assessments were discussed between the two reviewers, and a consensus reached.

The search yielded 8528 studies, with a total of 29 studies included in the systematic review (Fig.  1 ). Tables  1 and 2 provide a summary of the included studies. The research included adults from 18 to 84 years old, with most of the evidence coming from studies targeting young adults (18–25 years). Study samples ranged from 14 to 131, 962, with the most reported psychological outcomes being self-rated mental health ( n  = 5) and depression ( n  = 5). Most studies did not investigate or report the link between a particular sport and a specific mental health or social outcome; instead, the authors’ focused on comparing the impact of sport to physical activity, and/or individual sports compared to team sports. The results of this review are summarized in the following section, with findings presented by study design (cross-sectional, experimental, and longitudinal).

Flow of studies through the review process

Effects of sports participation on psychological well-being, ill-being, and social outcomes

Cross-sectional evidence.

This review included 14 studies reporting on the cross-sectional relationship between sports participation and psychological and/or social outcomes. Sample sizes range from n  = 414 to n  = 131,962 with a total of n  = 239,394 adults included across the cross-sectional studies.

The cross-sectional evidence generally supports that participation in sport, and especially team sports, is associated with greater mental health and psychological wellbeing in adults compared to non-participants [ 36 , 59 ]; and that higher frequency of sports participation and/or sport played at a higher level of competition, are also linked to lower levels of mental distress in adults . This was not the case for one specific study involving ice hockey players aged 35 and over, with Kitchen and Chowhan (2016) Kitchen and Chowhan (2016) reporting no relationship between participation in ice hockey and either mental health, or perceived life stress [ 54 ]. There is also some evidence to support that previous participation in sports (e.g., during childhood or young adulthood) is linked to better mental health outcomes later in life, including improved mental well-being and lower mental distress [ 59 ], even after controlling for age and current physical activity.

Compared to published community data for adults, elite or high-performance adult athletes demonstrated higher levels of body satisfaction, self-esteem, and overall life satisfaction [ 39 ]; and reported reduced tendency to respond to distress with anger and depression. However, rates of psychological distress were higher in the elite sport cohort (compared to community norms), with nearly 1 in 5 athletes reporting ‘high to very high’ distress, and 1 in 3 reporting poor mental health symptoms at a level warranting treatment by a health professional in one study ( n  = 749) [ 39 ].

Four studies focused on the associations between physical activity and sports participation and mental health outcomes in older adults. Physical activity was associated with greater quality of life [ 56 ], with the relationship strongest for those participating in sport in middle age, and for those who cycled in later life (> 65) [ 56 ]. Group physical activities (e.g., walking groups) and sports (e.g., golf) were also significantly related to excellent self-rated health, low depressive symptoms, high health-related quality of life (HRQoL) and a high frequency of laughter in males and females [ 60 , 61 ]. No participation or irregular participation in sport was associated with symptoms of mild to severe depression in older adults [ 62 ].

Several cross-sectional studies examined whether the effects of physical activity varied by type (e.g., total physical activity vs. sports participation). In an analysis of 1446 young adults (mean age = 18), total physical activity, moderate-to-vigorous physical activity, and team sport were independently associated with mental health [ 46 ]. Relative to individual physical activity, after adjusting for covariates and moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA), only team sport was significantly associated with improved mental health. Similarly, in a cross-sectional analysis of Australian women, Eime, Harvey, Payne (2014) reported that women who engaged in club and team-based sports (tennis or netball) reported better mental health and life satisfaction than those who engaged in individual types of physical activity [ 47 ]. Interestingly, there was no relationship between the amount of physical activity and either of these outcomes, suggesting that other qualities of sports participation contribute to its relationship to mental health and life satisfaction. There was also some evidence to support a relationship between exercise type (ball sports, aerobic activity, weightlifting, and dancing), and mental health amongst young adults (mean age 22 years) [ 48 ], with ball sports and dancing related to fewer symptoms of depression in students with high stress; and weightlifting related to fewer depressive symptoms in weightlifters exhibiting low stress.

Longitudinal evidence

Eight studies examined the longitudinal relationship between sports participation and either mental health and/or social outcomes. Sample sizes range from n  = 113 to n  = 1679 with a total of n  = 7022 adults included across the longitudinal studies.

Five of the included longitudinal studies focused on the relationship between sports participation in childhood or adolescence and mental health in young adulthood. There is evidence that participation in sport in high-school is protective of future symptoms of anxiety (including panic disorder, generalised anxiety disorder, social phobia, and agoraphobia) [ 42 ]. Specifically, after controlling for covariates (including current physical activity), the number of years of sports participation in high school was shown to be protective of symptoms of panic and agoraphobia in young adulthood, but not protective of symptoms of social phobia or generalized anxiety disorder [ 42 ]. A comparison of individual or team sports participation also revealed that participation in either context was protective of panic disorder symptoms, while only team sport was protective of agoraphobia symptoms, and only individual sport was protective of social phobia symptoms. Furthermore, current and past sports team participation was shown to negatively relate to adult depressive symptoms [ 43 ]; drop out of sport was linked to higher depressive symptoms in adulthood compared to those with maintained participation [ 9 , 22 , 63 ]; and consistent participation in team sports (but not individual sport) in adolescence was linked to higher self-rated mental health, lower perceived stress and depressive symptoms, and lower depression scores in early adulthood [ 53 , 58 ].

Two longitudinal studies [ 35 , 55 ], also investigated the association between team and individual playing context and mental health. Dore and colleagues [ 35 ] reported that compared to individual activities, being active in informal groups (e.g., yoga, running groups) or team sports was associated with better mental health, fewer depressive symptoms and higher social connectedness – and that involvement in team sports was related to better mental health regardless of physical activity volume. Kim and James [ 55 ] discovered that sports participation led to both short and long-term improvements in positive affect and life satisfaction.

A study on social outcomes related to mixed martial-arts (MMA) and Brazilian jiu-jitsu (BJJ) showed that both sports improved practitioners’ self-control and pro-social behavior, with greater improvements seen in the BJJ group [ 62 ]. Notably, while BJJ reduced participants’ reported aggression, there was a slight increase in MMA practitioners, though it is worth mentioning that individuals who sought out MMA had higher levels of baseline aggression.

Experimental evidence

Six of the included studies were experimental or quasi-experimental. Sample sizes ranged from n  = 28 to n  = 55 with a total of n  = 239 adults included across six longitudinal studies. Three studies involved a form of martial arts (such as judo and karate) [ 45 , 51 , 52 ], one involved a variety of team sports (such as netball, soccer, and cricket) [ 34 ], and the remaining two focused on badminton [ 57 ] and handball [ 49 ].

Brinkley and colleagues [ 34 ] reported significant effects on interpersonal communication (but not vitality, social cohesion, quality of life, stress, or interpersonal relationships) for participants ( n  = 40) engaging in a 12-week workplace team sports intervention. Also using a 12-week intervention, Hornstrup et al. [ 49 ] reported a significant improvement in mental energy (but not well-being or anxiety) in young women (mean age = 24; n  = 28) playing in a handball program. Patterns et al. [ 57 ] showed that in comparison to no exercise, participation in an 8-week badminton or running program had no significant improvement on self-esteem, despite improvements in perceived and actual fitness levels.

Three studies examined the effect of martial arts on the mental health of older adults (mean ages 79 [ 52 ], 64 [ 51 ], and 70 [ 45 ] years). Participation in Karate-Do had positive effects on overall mental health, emotional wellbeing, depression and anxiety when compared to other activities (physical, cognitive, mindfulness) and a control group [ 51 , 52 ]. Ciaccioni et al. [ 45 ] found that a Judo program did not affect either the participants’ mental health or their body satisfaction, citing a small sample size, and the limited length of the intervention as possible contributors to the findings.

Qualitative evidence

Three studies interviewed current or former sports players regarding their experiences with sport. Chinkov and Holt [ 41 ] reported that jiu-jitsu practitioners (mean age 35 years) were more self-confident in their lives outside of the gym, including improved self-confidence in their interactions with others because of their training. McGraw and colleagues [ 37 ] interviewed former and current National Football League (NFL) players and their families about its impact on the emotional and mental health of the players. Most of the players reported that their NFL career provided them with social and emotional benefits, as well as improvements to their self-esteem even after retiring. Though, despite these benefits, almost all the players experienced at least one mental health challenge during their career, including depression, anxiety, or difficulty controlling their temper. Some of the players and their families reported that they felt socially isolated from people outside of the national football league.

Through a series of semi-structured interviews and focus groups, Thorpe, Anders [ 40 ] investigated the impact of an Aboriginal male community sporting team on the health of its players. The players reported they felt a sense of belonging when playing in the team, further noting that the social and community aspects were as important as the physical health benefits. Participating in the club strengthened the cultural identity of the players, enhancing their well-being. The players further noted that participation provided them with enjoyment, stress relief, a sense of purpose, peer support, and improved self-esteem. Though they also noted challenges, including the presence of racism, community conflict, and peer-pressure.

Quality of studies

Full details of our risk of bias (ROB) results are provided in Supplementary Material A . Of the three qualitative studies assessed using the Critical Appraisal Skills Program (CASP), all three were deemed to have utilised and reported appropriate methodological standards on at least 8 of the 10 criteria. Twenty studies were assessed using the Quality Assessment Tool for Observational Cohort and Cross-Sectional Studies, with all studies clearly reporting the research question/s or objective/s and study population. However, only four studies provided a justification for sample size, and less than half of the studies met quality criteria for items 6, 7, 9, or 10 (and items 12 and 13 were largely not applicable). Of concern, only four of the observational or cohort studies were deemed to have used clearly defined, valid, and reliable exposure measures (independent variables) and implemented them consistently across all study participants. Six studies were assessed using the Quality Assessment of Controlled Intervention Studies, with three studies described as a randomized trial (but none of the three reported a suitable method of randomization, concealment of treatment allocation, or blinding to treatment group assignment). Three studies showed evidence that study groups were similar at baseline for important characteristics and an overall drop-out rate from the study < 20%. Four studies reported high adherence to intervention protocols (with two not reporting) and five demonstrated that.study outcomes were assessed using valid and reliable measures and implemented consistently across all study participants. Importantly, researchers did not report or have access to validated instruments for assessing sport participation or physical activity amongst adults, though most studies provided psychometrics for their mental health outcome measure/s. Only one study reported that the sample size was sufficiently powered to detect a difference in the main outcome between groups (with ≥ 80% power) and that all participants were included in the analysis of results (intention-to-treat analysis). In general, the methodological quality of the six randomised studies was deemed low.

Initially, our discussion will focus on the review findings regarding sports participation and well-being, ill-being, and psychological health. However, the heterogeneity and methodological quality of the included research (especially controlled trials) should be considered during the interpretation of our results. Considering our findings, the Mental Health through Sport conceptual model for adults will then be presented and discussed and study limitations outlined.

Sports participation and psychological well-being

In summary, the evidence presented here indicates that for adults, sports participation is associated with better overall mental health [ 36 , 46 , 47 , 59 ], mood [ 56 ], higher life satisfaction [ 39 , 47 ], self-esteem [ 39 ], body satisfaction [ 39 ], HRQoL [ 60 ], self-rated health [ 61 ], and frequency of laughter [ 61 ]. Sports participation has also shown to be predictive of better psychological wellbeing over time [ 35 , 53 ], higher positive affect [ 55 ], and greater life satisfaction [ 55 ]. Furthermore, higher frequency of sports participation and/or sport played at a higher level of competition, have been linked to lower levels of mental distress, higher levels of body satisfaction, self-esteem, and overall life satisfaction in adults [ 39 ].

Despite considerable heterogeneity of sports type, cross-sectional and experimental research indicate that team-based sports participation, compared to individual sports and informal group physical activity, has a more positive effect on mental energy [ 49 ], physical self-perception [ 57 ], and overall psychological health and well-being in adults, regardless of physical activity volume [ 35 , 46 , 47 ]. And, karate-do benefits the subjective well-being of elderly practitioners [ 51 , 52 ]. Qualitative research in this area has queried participants’ experiences of jiu-jitsu, Australian football, and former and current American footballers. Participants in these sports reported that their participation was beneficial for psychological well-being [ 37 , 40 , 41 ], improved self-esteem [ 37 , 40 , 41 ], and enjoyment [ 37 ].

Sports participation and psychological ill-being

Of the included studies, n  = 19 examined the relationship between participating in sport and psychological ill-being. In summary, there is consistent evidence that sports participation is related to lower depression scores [ 43 , 48 , 61 , 62 ]. There were mixed findings regarding psychological stress, where participation in childhood (retrospectively assessed) was related to lower stress in young adulthood [ 41 ], but no relationship was identified between recreational hockey in adulthood and stress [ 54 ]. Concerning the potential impact of competing at an elite level, there is evidence of higher stress in elite athletes compared to community norms [ 39 ]. Further, there is qualitative evidence that many current or former national football league players experienced at least one mental health challenge, including depression, anxiety, difficulty controlling their temper, during their career [ 37 ].

Evidence from longitudinal research provided consistent evidence that participating in sport in adolescence is protective of symptoms of depression in young adulthood [ 43 , 53 , 58 , 63 ], and further evidence that participating in young adulthood is related to lower depressive symptoms over time (6 months) [ 35 ]. Participation in adolescence was also protective of manifestations of anxiety (panic disorder and agoraphobia) and stress in young adulthood [ 42 ], though participation in young adulthood was not related to a more general measure of anxiety [ 35 ] nor to changes in negative affect [ 55 ]). The findings from experimental research were mixed. Two studies examined the effect of karate-do on markers of psychological ill-being, demonstrating its capacity to reduce anxiety [ 52 ], with some evidence of its effectiveness on depression [ 51 ]. The other studies examined small-sided team-based games but showed no effect on stress or anxiety [ 34 , 49 ]. Most studies did not differentiate between team and individual sports, though one study found that adolescents who participated in team sports (not individual sports) in secondary school has lower depression scores in young adulthood [ 58 ].

Sports participation and social outcomes

Seven of the included studies examined the relationship between sports participation and social outcomes. However, very few studies examined social outcomes or tested a social outcome as a potential mediator of the relationship between sport and mental health. It should also be noted that this body of evidence comes from a wide range of sport types, including martial arts, professional football, and workplace team-sport, as well as different methodologies. Taken as a whole, the evidence shows that participating in sport is beneficial for several social outcomes, including self-control [ 50 ], pro-social behavior [ 50 ], interpersonal communication [ 34 ], and fostering a sense of belonging [ 40 ]. Further, there is evidence that group activity, for example team sport or informal group activity, is related to higher social connectedness over time, though analyses showed that social connectedness was not a mediator for mental health [ 35 ].

There were conflicting findings regarding social effects at the elite level, with current and former NFL players reporting that they felt socially isolated during their career [ 37 ], whilst another study reported no relationship between participation at the elite level and social dysfunction [ 39 ]. Conversely, interviews with a group of indigenous men revealed that they felt as though participating in an all-indigenous Australian football team provided them with a sense of purpose, and they felt as though the social aspect of the game was as important as the physical benefits it provides [ 40 ].

Mental health through sport conceptual model for adults

The ‘Health through Sport’ model provides a depiction of the determinants and benefits of sports participation [ 31 ]. The model recognises that the physical, mental, and social benefits of sports participation vary by the context of sport (e.g., individual vs. team, organized vs. informal). To identify the elements of sport which contribute to its effect on mental health outcomes, we describe the ‘Mental Health through Sport’ model (Fig.  2 ). The model proposes that the social and physical elements of sport each provide independent, and likely synergistic contributions to its overall influence on mental health.

The Mental Health through Sport conceptual model

The model describes two key pathways through which sport may influence mental health: physical activity, and social relationships and support. Several likely moderators of this effect are also provided, including sport type, intensity, frequency, context (team vs. individual), environment (e.g., indoor vs. outdoor), as well as the level of competition (e.g., elite vs. amateur).

The means by which the physical activity component of sport may influence mental health stems from the work of Lubans et al., who propose three key groups of mechanisms: neurobiological, psychosocial, and behavioral [ 64 ]. Processes whereby physical activity may enhance psychological outcomes via changes in the structural and functional composition of the brain are referred to as neurobiological mechanisms [ 65 , 66 ]. Processes whereby physical activity provides opportunities for the development of self-efficacy, opportunity for mastery, changes in self-perceptions, the development of independence, and for interaction with the environment are considered psychosocial mechanisms. Lastly, processes by which physical activity may influence behaviors which ultimately affect psychological health, including changes in sleep duration, self-regulation, and coping skills, are described as behavioral mechanisms.

Playing sport offers the opportunity to form relationships and to develop a social support network, both of which are likely to influence mental health. Thoits [ 29 ] describes 7 key mechanisms by which social relationships and support may influence mental health: social influence/social comparison; social control; role-based purpose and meaning (mattering); self-esteem; sense of control; belonging and companionship; and perceived support availability [ 29 ]. These mechanisms and their presence within a sporting context are elaborated below.

Subjective to the attitudes and behaviors of individuals in a group, social influence and comparison may facilitate protective or harmful effects on mental health. Participants in individual or team sport will be influenced and perhaps steered by the behaviors, expectations, and norms of other players and teams. When individual’s compare their capabilities, attitudes, and values to those of other participants, their own behaviors and subsequent health outcomes may be affected. When others attempt to encourage or discourage an individual to adopt or reject certain health practices, social control is displayed [ 29 ]. This may evolve as strategies between players (or between players and coach) are discussion and implemented. Likewise, teammates may try to motivate each another during a match to work harder, or to engage in specific events or routines off-field (fitness programs, after game celebrations, attending club events) which may impact current and future physical and mental health.

Sport may also provide behavioral guidance, purpose, and meaning to its participants. Role identities (positions within a social structure that come with reciprocal obligations), often formed as a consequence of social ties formed through sport. Particularly in team sports, participants come to understand they form an integral part of the larger whole, and consequently, they hold certain responsibility in ensuring the team’s success. They have a commitment to the team to, train and play, communicate with the team and a potential responsibility to maintain a high level of health, perform to their capacity, and support other players. As a source of behavioral guidance and of purpose and meaning in life, these identities are likely to influence mental health outcomes amongst sport participants.

An individual’s level of self-esteem may be affected by the social relationships and social support provided through sport; with improved perceptions of capability (or value within a team) in the sporting domain likely to have positive impact on global self-esteem and sense of worth [ 64 ]. The unique opportunities provided through participation in sport, also allow individuals to develop new skills, overcome challenges, and develop their sense of self-control or mastery . Working towards and finding creative solutions to challenges in sport facilitates a sense of mastery in participants. This sense of mastery may translate to other areas of life, with individual’s developing the confidence to cope with varied life challenges. For example, developing a sense of mastery regarding capacity to formulate new / creative solutions when taking on an opponent in sport may result in greater confidence to be creative at work. Social relationships and social support provided through sport may also provide participants with a source of belonging and companionship. The development of connections (on and off the field) to others who share common interests, can build a sense of belonging that may mediate improvements in mental health outcomes. Social support is often provided emotionally during expressions of trust and care; instrumentally via tangible assistance; through information such as advice and suggestions; or as appraisal such feedback. All forms of social support provided on and off the field contribute to a more generalised sense of perceived support that may mediate the effect of social interaction on mental health outcomes.

Participation in sport may influence mental health via some combination of the social mechanisms identified by Thoits, and the neurobiological, psychosocial, and behavioral mechanisms stemming from physical activity identified by Lubans [ 29 , 64 ]. The exact mechanisms through which sport may confer psychological benefit is likely to vary between sports, as each sport varies in its physical and social requirements. One must also consider the social effects of sports participation both on and off the field. For instance, membership of a sporting team and/or club may provide a sense of identity and belonging—an effect that persists beyond the immediacy of playing the sport and may have a persistent effect on their psychological health. Furthermore, the potential for team-based activity to provide additional benefit to psychological outcomes may not just be attributable to the differences in social interactions, there are also physiological differences in the requirements for sport both within (team vs. team) and between (team vs. individual) categories that may elicit additional improvements in psychological outcomes. For example, evidence supports that exercise intensity moderates the relationship between physical activity and several psychological outcomes—supporting that sports performed at higher intensity will be more beneficial for psychological health.

Limitations and recommendations

There are several limitations of this review worthy of consideration. Firstly, amongst the included studies there was considerable heterogeneity in study outcomes and study methodology, and self-selection bias (especially in non-experimental studies) is likely to influence study findings and reduce the likelihood that study participants and results are representative of the overall population. Secondly, the predominately observational evidence included in this and Eime’s prior review enabled us to identify the positive relationship between sports participation and social and psychological health (and examine directionality)—but more experimental and longitudinal research is required to determine causality and explore potential mechanisms responsible for the effect of sports participation on participant outcomes. Additional qualitative work would also help researchers gain a better understanding of the relationship between specific elements of the sporting environment and mental health and social outcomes in adult participants. Thirdly, there were no studies identified in the literature where sports participation involved animals (such as equestrian sports) or guns (such as shooting sports). Such studies may present novel and important variables in the assessment of mental health benefits for participants when compared to non-participants or participants in sports not involving animals/guns—further research is needed in this area. Our proposed conceptual model also identifies several pathways through which sport may lead to improvements in mental health—but excludes some potentially negative influences (such as poor coaching behaviors and injury). And our model is not designed to capture all possible mechanisms, creating the likelihood that other mechanisms exist but are not included in this review. Additionally, an interrelationship exits between physical activity, mental health, and social relationships, whereby changes in one area may facilitate changes in the other/s; but for the purpose of this study, we have focused on how the physical and social elements of sport may mediate improvements in psychological outcomes. Consequently, our conceptual model is not all-encompassing, but designed to inform and guide future research investigating the impact of sport participation on mental health.

The findings of this review endorse that participation in sport is beneficial for psychological well-being, indicators of psychological ill-being, and social outcomes in adults. Furthermore, participation in team sports is associated with better psychological and social outcomes compared to individual sports or other physical activities. Our findings support and add to previous review findings [ 1 ]; and have informed the development of our ‘Mental Health through Sport’ conceptual model for adults which presents the potential mechanisms by which participation in sport may affect mental health.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge the work of the original systematic review conducted by Eime, R. M., Young, J. A., Harvey, J. T., Charity, M. J., and Payne, W. R. (2013).

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Eather, N., Wade, L., Pankowiak, A. et al. The impact of sports participation on mental health and social outcomes in adults: a systematic review and the ‘Mental Health through Sport’ conceptual model. Syst Rev 12 , 102 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1186/s13643-023-02264-8

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What Is Sports Psychology?

Julia Simkus

Editor at Simply Psychology

BA (Hons) Psychology, Princeton University

Julia Simkus is a graduate of Princeton University with a Bachelor of Arts in Psychology. She is currently studying for a Master's Degree in Counseling for Mental Health and Wellness in September 2023. Julia's research has been published in peer reviewed journals.

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On This Page:

Sports psychology is the study of psychological factors that influence athletic performance and how participation in sports and exercise can affect the psychological and physical well-being of athletes.

Researchers in this field explore how psychology can be used to optimize athletic performance and how exercise can be utilized to improve mood and lower stress levels.

Sports psychologists teach cognitive and behavioral strategies to help athletes improve their experiences, athletic performance, and mental wellness when participating in sports.

They can assist with performance enhancement, motivation, stress management, anxiety control, or mental toughness. They also can help with injury rehabilitation, team building, burnout, or career transitioning.

Sports psychologists don”t just work with athletes. They can work with coaches, parents, administrators, fitness professionals, performers, organizations, or everyday exercises to demonstrate how we can utilize exercise, sport, and athletics to enhance our lives and psychological development.

Types of Sports Psychologists

Educational sports psychologists.

An educational sports psychologist educates clients on how to utilize psychological skills  effectively to enhance sports performance and manage the mental factors of sports.

These skills could include goal setting, imagery, self-talk, or energy management (discussed in more detail below).

Clinical Sports Psychologists

Clinical sports psychologists work with athletes who have mental health issues such as depression, anxiety, eating disorders, or substance abuse.

They utilize strategies from both sports psychology and psychotherapy, helping athletes improve their mental health and sports performance concurrently. Being a clinical psychologist requires a doctoral degree in clinical or counseling psychology.

Commonly Used Techniques

Arousal regulation.

• Arousal regulation techniques involve the control of the overall level of neuronal activity, and thus arousal levels, in the brain. Arousal refers to how emotionally activated an athlete is before or during performance.
• Techniques for arousal regulation could include muscle relaxation, deep breathing, medication, listening to music, or mindfulness.
• The role of a sports psychologist is to assist an athlete in reaching their optimal level of arousal at which their athletic performance is maximized.

Goal Setting

• Goal setting involves planning out ways to achieve an accomplishment and envisioning the outcome you are pursuing.
• These goals should be specific, measurable, attainable, time-based, and challenging.
• You can make outcome goals, performance goals, or process goals.
• Imagery refers to using multiple senses to create mental images of experiences in your mind.
• Athletes use imagery to practice activating the muscles associated with an action, recognizing patterns in activities and performance, making mental recreations of an event or game, or visualizing correcting a mistake or doing something properly.

Pre-Performance Routines

• A pre-performance routine refers to the actions, behaviors, or methods an athlete implements before for a game or performance.
• This could include eating the same foods, putting on clothes in a particular order, listening to a specific playlist of songs, wearing specific clothing, or warming up in a particular way.
• This helps develop stability and predictability, triggering concentration and decreasing anxiety levels.
• Self-talk refers to the inner monologues, whether thoughts, words, or quotes, we say to ourselves.
• Athletes can utilize self-talk to instill optimism, improve focus, manage stress, or inspire confidence.

Progressive Muscle Relaxation

• Progressive Muscle Relaxation is a technique within arousal regulation. It involves alternating between tensing and relaxing target muscle groups.
• This helps with lowering blood pressure, reducing state anxiety, improving performance, and decreasing stress hormones.

Hypnosis involves being in a state of increased attention, concentration, and suggestibility. Sports psychologists sometimes use this strategy to help clients control state anxiety and arousal levels. Most typically, though, it is used among health psychologists to help patients quit smoking.

Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT)

• CBT is a type of psychotherapeutic treatment that helps people identify and change destructive thinking patterns, emotional responses, or behaviors.
• While CBT is used by all kinds of people, athletes could especially benefit from its effects.

Biofeedback

• Biofeedback involves using external technology to measure one’s internal physiological processes such as heart rate, brain waves, or muscle tension.
• This information can be used to monitor or control these effects to maximize performance and obtain a more beneficial biological response.

How to Become a Sports Psychologist

Most positions in this field require a master’s or doctoral degree in clinical, counseling, or sport psychology. You are also required to take classes in kinesiology, physiology, sports medicine, business and marketing.

Then, you must practice directly under a licensed psychologist for at least two years. In order to obtain a professional board certification from

The American Board of Sport Psychology, you must pass a qualifying exam. Board certification is not required for a state license, but many employers prefer or require it.

Specialties within this field could include applied sport psychology, clinical sport psychology, or academic sport psychology.

The salaries for sports psychologists vary depending on whether you are in private practice or work within a team or organization.

The American Psychological Association (APA) reports that sport and performance psychologists in university athletic departments can earn $60,000 to $80,000 a year, while salaries working in a private practice can exceed $100,000 annually.

Frequently Asked Questions

Can sports psychologists prescribe medications.

A sports psychologist cannot prescribe medication unless they have a medical degree. If a sports psychologist has this degree, then they are usually referred to as a sports psychiatrist. Sports psychiatrists are medical doctors who serve a similar role as sports psychologists, but they focus more on psychopathology and mental disorders in athletes.

What jobs can I get with a sports psychology degree?

In addition to being a licensed clinical sport psychologist, you could also be a mental performance consultant, a personal trainer, a sports coach, a research specialist, a sports psychology professor, or a physical therapist, to name a few.

Why is sports psychology important?

Mental health and overall well-being are fundamental to athletic competition and performance.

Seeking the support of a sports psychologist can help athletes achieve their overall performance improvement goals.

Sports psychologists can help better one’s attitude, focus, confidence, and mental game, empowering athletes to stay engaged in the sports they love.

How does sports psychology help athletes?

Sports psychology can help athletes and non-athletes cope with the pressures of competition, enhance athletic performance, and achieve their goals.

Mental training alongside physical training is more profitable than physical training alone. Athletes can learn to overcome pressures associated with sporting performance and develop more focus, commitment, and enjoyment.

Where can you study sports psychology?

There are both undergraduate and graduate degrees available in sports psychology. Several colleges and universities offer undergraduate bachelor’s degrees and/or master’s and doctoral degrees in clinical, counseling, or sport psychology.

Depending on the institution, you might also be able to study sports psychology online.

How can sports psychology improve performance?

Sports psychology can improve performance in several ways – reducing anxiety, enhancing focus, improving mental toughness, developing confidence, adopting a healthy level of motivation, or uncovering obstacles that might be limiting an athlete’s performance.

American Psychological Association. (2014). Pursuing a career in sport and performance psychology. American Psychological Association. Retrieved from https://www.apa.org/educationcareer/guide/subfields/performance/education-training

Audette, J., & Bailey, A.M. (2007). CHAPTER 23 – Complementary and Alternative Medicine and the Athlete.

Cherry, K. (2022, February 14). An overview of sports psychology. Verywell Mind. Retrieved from https://www.verywellmind.com/what-is-sports-psychology-2794906#toc-what-is-sports-psychology

Psychology.org Staff. (2022, February 16). How to become a sports psychologist. Psychology.org | Psychology’s Comprehensive Online Resource. Retrieved from https://www.psychology.org/careers/sports-psychologist/

Sports psychology: Mindset can make or break an athlete. Oklahoma Wesleyan University. (2018, July 5). Retrieved from https://www.okwu.edu/news/2018/07/sports-psychology-make-or-break/

A university lecture, with a dash of jumping jacks

Study finds possible value in class exercise breaks.

A university professor has found a way to help students -- and himself -- power through long lecture classes: exercise breaks.

In a new study, a professor at The Ohio State University showed that five-minute exercise sessions during lectures were feasible and that students reported positive impacts on their attention and motivation, engagement with their peers and course enjoyment.

The results may not be particularly surprising, but they do suggest a solution for a long-standing issue in college classrooms, said Scott Hayes, author of the study and associate professor of psychology at Ohio State.

"Nobody can stay on task for 80 minutes straight without their mind wandering and their attention waxing and waning," Hayes said.

"If you give students a break and get their bodies moving for just a few minutes, it can help them get their minds back to the lecture and probably be more productive. I know it helps me, as well."

The study was published recently in the journal Frontiers in Sports and Active Living .

Hayes said he was inspired to do this research by a similar laboratory-based study of how students responded to exercise breaks during a single video lecture.

That study found positive results, but Hayes wondered if it could work in the real world of in-person university lectures, over the course of a full semester.

He tested it in four of his own classes. One to two student-led exercise sessions (five minutes each) were implemented in each lecture during upper-level psychology courses with 20 to 93 students. The classes were 80 minutes long.

At the beginning of the course, Hayes broke the class into small groups, and each group was responsible for developing a five-minute exercise session. Hayes reviewed the exercise sessions beforehand to make sure they were workable and safe.

"I wanted the students to design and lead the sessions because I thought it would help them buy into the idea, and help with their engagement and investment," he said.

Hayes admitted that the sessions were sometimes a bit awkward at the beginning of the semester. The students didn't know exactly how to act, and they weren't used to doing something like this during a class.

But students soon got into the flow and had fun with the sessions. Some of the exercises students included were jumping jacks, lunges, overhead press (with a backpack) and hamstring stretches.

Hayes said a few student groups got creative in designing their sessions.

"One of the groups designed a theme of going to an orchard and picking apples. So they had their fellow students reaching up as if they were picking apples from a tree and reaching down to put them in a basket," Hayes said.

Hayes said he knew the program was a success when students spontaneously provided anonymous comments with their end-of-semester students evaluations. One student's comment reflected a common response: "I enjoyed the exercise breaks in class and really felt like they motivated me to focus more."

In one of the classes studied, Hayes gave the students a survey at the end of the course about the exercise sessions. All the students reported that they had never taken a class that had an exercise break during the lecture.

Students rated the exercise breaks as improving attention, enjoyable, and improving peer engagement. They reported that, compared to other classes, they preferred the class with an exercise break and they would like more classes to offer such sessions.

One open question could be whether these exercise sessions improved student learning and grades. Hayes said that is beyond the scope of this study, and it would be difficult to do that kind of research. Comparisons of different classes, at different times of day, and with a variety of teachers, would make comparisons challenging to make.

But this study found that exercise breaks were feasible to do and that students enjoyed them and found them useful -- which he said may make it worthwhile for other faculty to try.

Some already have.

"Two colleagues in the psychology department here at Ohio State have told me they have started exercise breaks in their courses," Hayes said. "It may be catching on."

The study was supported by the National Institute on Aging.

• Educational Psychology
• Learning Disorders
• Education and Employment
• Educational Policy
• STEM Education
• Illusion of control
• Special education
• Noam Chomsky
• Environmental impact assessment
• Limbic system

Story Source:

Materials provided by Ohio State University . Original written by Jeff Grabmeier. Note: Content may be edited for style and length.

Journal Reference :

• Scott M. Hayes. Establishing the feasibility of exercise breaks during university lectures . Frontiers in Sports and Active Living , 2024; 6 DOI: 10.3389/fspor.2024.1358564

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