literature review on internship

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Intern Culture - A literature review of internship reports, guidelines and toolkits from 2009-2011

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TOOLKIT is a publication that has been commissioned by Arts Council England. It builds upon the findings of an earlier study on work placements in the arts and cultural sector, undertaken in 2006. To view the report, please go to http://www.lcace.org.uk/docs/downloads/lcaceworkplacementreport.pdf The toolkit provides information, templates and case studies which are designed to promote employability, accountability, high performance and fairness in work placement provision in the sector. The research team, Professor Mustafa Ozbilgin (University of East Anglia) and Dr Ahu Tatli (Queen Mary, University of London), in collaboration with a steering group, designed these toolkits. They are being made freely available to higher education institutions, students and arts and cultural industries organisations. The project was steered and facilitated by Evelyn Wilson, Senior Manager, LCACE.

Mustafa Ozbilgin

TOOLKIT is a publication that has been commissioned by Arts Council England. It builds upon the findings of an earlier study on work placements in the arts and cultural sector, undertaken in 2006. To view the report, please go to http://www.lcace.org.uk/docs/downloads/lcaceworkplacementreport.pdf It provides information, templates and case studies which are designed to promote employability, accountability, high performance and fairness in work placement provision in the sector. The research team, Professor Mustafa Ozbilgin (University of East Anglia) and Dr Ahu Tatli (Queen Mary, University of London), in collaboration with a steering group, designed these toolkits. They are being made freely available to higher education institutions, students and arts and cultural industries organisations. The project was steered and facilitated by Evelyn Wilson, Senior Manager, LCACE.

The project reported here draws on a scoping study of London Based Higher Education Institutions’ (HEIs) Work Placement Practices within the Creative and Cultural Industries. The project was commissioned by the London Centre for Arts and Cultural Enterprise (LCACE), with the funding of the Arts Council England. The work was conducted in three phases which were designed to meet the objectives set out in the LCACE tender. Accordingly, the study involved a literature review; a field study which scoped the range of work placement practices utilised by the HEIs in London, case studies of various models and assessment of work placement practices; and analysis of the documentary and field study data. We have conducted interviews with 11 participants in 10 HEIs, 10 students, and five respondents in four host organisations. This report presents the findings of this field study in the context of the current developments in the field.

tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society

While media work has long been characterized as being structurally dependent on internships, “work experience,” and other forms of free labour (Banks 2007; Hesmondhalgh and Baker 2010), the recent shift towards internships has served to normalize what has become known as the media industries “dirty little secret” (Silver 2005). This article contextualizes internship culture within the British cultural industries against a wider political and social frame. Internships and other modes of “apprenticeship” across the British economy reflect a continuation and transformation of national workfare policies, which seek to avert inflationary pressures by coercing people to work or risk losing their welfare benefits. Internship culture has been highly pronounced in the cultural industries and other attractive white-collar sectors such as law and finance (Perlin 2012). Yet, the provision of internships to young people in previously unimaginable contexts such as fast food, retail, and other low...

Graham Busby

Susan Halford

Employability for languages: a handbook

Marina Rabadán-Gómez

Tertiary Education and Management

Brenda Little

Australian Journal of Career Development

Erica Smith

Abstract: A survey of 1,451 Australian secondary students indicated that 18% participated in structured work placements, 54% in other paid work experience. Despite claims of the superiority of structured placements, other types of work experience also enhanced career ...

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• How to Write a Literature Review | Guide, Examples, & Templates

How to Write a Literature Review | Guide, Examples, & Templates

Published on January 2, 2023 by Shona McCombes . Revised on September 11, 2023.

What is a literature review? A literature review is a survey of scholarly sources on a specific topic. It provides an overview of current knowledge, allowing you to identify relevant theories, methods, and gaps in the existing research that you can later apply to your paper, thesis, or dissertation topic .

There are five key steps to writing a literature review:

• Search for relevant literature
• Evaluate sources
• Identify themes, debates, and gaps
• Outline the structure
• Write your literature review

A good literature review doesn’t just summarize sources—it analyzes, synthesizes , and critically evaluates to give a clear picture of the state of knowledge on the subject.

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Table of contents

What is the purpose of a literature review, examples of literature reviews, step 1 – search for relevant literature, step 2 – evaluate and select sources, step 3 – identify themes, debates, and gaps, step 4 – outline your literature review’s structure, step 5 – write your literature review, free lecture slides, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions, introduction.

• Quick Run-through
• Step 1 & 2

When you write a thesis , dissertation , or research paper , you will likely have to conduct a literature review to situate your research within existing knowledge. The literature review gives you a chance to:

• Demonstrate your familiarity with the topic and its scholarly context
• Develop a theoretical framework and methodology for your research
• Position your work in relation to other researchers and theorists
• Show how your research addresses a gap or contributes to a debate
• Evaluate the current state of research and demonstrate your knowledge of the scholarly debates around your topic.

Writing literature reviews is a particularly important skill if you want to apply for graduate school or pursue a career in research. We’ve written a step-by-step guide that you can follow below.

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See an example

Writing literature reviews can be quite challenging! A good starting point could be to look at some examples, depending on what kind of literature review you’d like to write.

• Example literature review #1: “Why Do People Migrate? A Review of the Theoretical Literature” ( Theoretical literature review about the development of economic migration theory from the 1950s to today.)
• Example literature review #2: “Literature review as a research methodology: An overview and guidelines” ( Methodological literature review about interdisciplinary knowledge acquisition and production.)
• Example literature review #3: “The Use of Technology in English Language Learning: A Literature Review” ( Thematic literature review about the effects of technology on language acquisition.)
• Example literature review #4: “Learners’ Listening Comprehension Difficulties in English Language Learning: A Literature Review” ( Chronological literature review about how the concept of listening skills has changed over time.)

You can also check out our templates with literature review examples and sample outlines at the links below.

Download Word doc Download Google doc

Before you begin searching for literature, you need a clearly defined topic .

If you are writing the literature review section of a dissertation or research paper, you will search for literature related to your research problem and questions .

Make a list of keywords

Start by creating a list of keywords related to your research question. Include each of the key concepts or variables you’re interested in, and list any synonyms and related terms. You can add to this list as you discover new keywords in the process of your literature search.

• Social media, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, TikTok
• Body image, self-perception, self-esteem, mental health
• Generation Z, teenagers, adolescents, youth

Search for relevant sources

Use your keywords to begin searching for sources. Some useful databases to search for journals and articles include:

• Your university’s library catalogue
• Google Scholar
• Project Muse (humanities and social sciences)
• Medline (life sciences and biomedicine)
• EconLit (economics)
• Inspec (physics, engineering and computer science)

You can also use boolean operators to help narrow down your search.

Make sure to read the abstract to find out whether an article is relevant to your question. When you find a useful book or article, you can check the bibliography to find other relevant sources.

You likely won’t be able to read absolutely everything that has been written on your topic, so it will be necessary to evaluate which sources are most relevant to your research question.

For each publication, ask yourself:

• What question or problem is the author addressing?
• What are the key concepts and how are they defined?
• What are the key theories, models, and methods?
• Does the research use established frameworks or take an innovative approach?
• What are the results and conclusions of the study?
• How does the publication relate to other literature in the field? Does it confirm, add to, or challenge established knowledge?
• What are the strengths and weaknesses of the research?

Make sure the sources you use are credible , and make sure you read any landmark studies and major theories in your field of research.

You can use our template to summarize and evaluate sources you’re thinking about using. Click on either button below to download.

Take notes and cite your sources

As you read, you should also begin the writing process. Take notes that you can later incorporate into the text of your literature review.

It is important to keep track of your sources with citations to avoid plagiarism . It can be helpful to make an annotated bibliography , where you compile full citation information and write a paragraph of summary and analysis for each source. This helps you remember what you read and saves time later in the process.

To begin organizing your literature review’s argument and structure, be sure you understand the connections and relationships between the sources you’ve read. Based on your reading and notes, you can look for:

• Trends and patterns (in theory, method or results): do certain approaches become more or less popular over time?
• Themes: what questions or concepts recur across the literature?
• Debates, conflicts and contradictions: where do sources disagree?
• Pivotal publications: are there any influential theories or studies that changed the direction of the field?
• Gaps: what is missing from the literature? Are there weaknesses that need to be addressed?

This step will help you work out the structure of your literature review and (if applicable) show how your own research will contribute to existing knowledge.

• Most research has focused on young women.
• There is an increasing interest in the visual aspects of social media.
• But there is still a lack of robust research on highly visual platforms like Instagram and Snapchat—this is a gap that you could address in your own research.

There are various approaches to organizing the body of a literature review. Depending on the length of your literature review, you can combine several of these strategies (for example, your overall structure might be thematic, but each theme is discussed chronologically).

Chronological

The simplest approach is to trace the development of the topic over time. However, if you choose this strategy, be careful to avoid simply listing and summarizing sources in order.

Try to analyze patterns, turning points and key debates that have shaped the direction of the field. Give your interpretation of how and why certain developments occurred.

If you have found some recurring central themes, you can organize your literature review into subsections that address different aspects of the topic.

For example, if you are reviewing literature about inequalities in migrant health outcomes, key themes might include healthcare policy, language barriers, cultural attitudes, legal status, and economic access.

Methodological

If you draw your sources from different disciplines or fields that use a variety of research methods , you might want to compare the results and conclusions that emerge from different approaches. For example:

• Look at what results have emerged in qualitative versus quantitative research
• Discuss how the topic has been approached by empirical versus theoretical scholarship
• Divide the literature into sociological, historical, and cultural sources

Theoretical

A literature review is often the foundation for a theoretical framework . You can use it to discuss various theories, models, and definitions of key concepts.

You might argue for the relevance of a specific theoretical approach, or combine various theoretical concepts to create a framework for your research.

Like any other academic text , your literature review should have an introduction , a main body, and a conclusion . What you include in each depends on the objective of your literature review.

The introduction should clearly establish the focus and purpose of the literature review.

Depending on the length of your literature review, you might want to divide the body into subsections. You can use a subheading for each theme, time period, or methodological approach.

As you write, you can follow these tips:

• Summarize and synthesize: give an overview of the main points of each source and combine them into a coherent whole
• Analyze and interpret: don’t just paraphrase other researchers — add your own interpretations where possible, discussing the significance of findings in relation to the literature as a whole
• Critically evaluate: mention the strengths and weaknesses of your sources
• Write in well-structured paragraphs: use transition words and topic sentences to draw connections, comparisons and contrasts

In the conclusion, you should summarize the key findings you have taken from the literature and emphasize their significance.

When you’ve finished writing and revising your literature review, don’t forget to proofread thoroughly before submitting. Not a language expert? Check out Scribbr’s professional proofreading services !

This article has been adapted into lecture slides that you can use to teach your students about writing a literature review.

Scribbr slides are free to use, customize, and distribute for educational purposes.

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If you want to know more about the research process , methodology , research bias , or statistics , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Sampling methods
• Simple random sampling
• Stratified sampling
• Cluster sampling
• Likert scales
• Reproducibility

 Statistics

• Null hypothesis
• Statistical power
• Probability distribution
• Effect size
• Poisson distribution

Research bias

• Optimism bias
• Cognitive bias
• Implicit bias
• Hawthorne effect
• Anchoring bias
• Explicit bias

A literature review is a survey of scholarly sources (such as books, journal articles, and theses) related to a specific topic or research question .

It is often written as part of a thesis, dissertation , or research paper , in order to situate your work in relation to existing knowledge.

There are several reasons to conduct a literature review at the beginning of a research project:

• To familiarize yourself with the current state of knowledge on your topic
• To ensure that you’re not just repeating what others have already done
• To identify gaps in knowledge and unresolved problems that your research can address
• To develop your theoretical framework and methodology
• To provide an overview of the key findings and debates on the topic

Writing the literature review shows your reader how your work relates to existing research and what new insights it will contribute.

The literature review usually comes near the beginning of your thesis or dissertation . After the introduction , it grounds your research in a scholarly field and leads directly to your theoretical framework or methodology .

A literature review is a survey of credible sources on a topic, often used in dissertations , theses, and research papers . Literature reviews give an overview of knowledge on a subject, helping you identify relevant theories and methods, as well as gaps in existing research. Literature reviews are set up similarly to other  academic texts , with an introduction , a main body, and a conclusion .

An  annotated bibliography is a list of  source references that has a short description (called an annotation ) for each of the sources. It is often assigned as part of the research process for a  paper .  

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What is a Literature Review? How to Write It (with Examples)

A literature review is a critical analysis and synthesis of existing research on a particular topic. It provides an overview of the current state of knowledge, identifies gaps, and highlights key findings in the literature. 1 The purpose of a literature review is to situate your own research within the context of existing scholarship, demonstrating your understanding of the topic and showing how your work contributes to the ongoing conversation in the field. Learning how to write a literature review is a critical tool for successful research. Your ability to summarize and synthesize prior research pertaining to a certain topic demonstrates your grasp on the topic of study, and assists in the learning process. 

Table of Contents

What is the purpose of literature review , a. habitat loss and species extinction: , b. range shifts and phenological changes: , c. ocean acidification and coral reefs: , d. adaptive strategies and conservation efforts: .

• Choose a Topic and Define the Research Question: 
• Decide on the Scope of Your Review: 
• Select Databases for Searches: 
• Conduct Searches and Keep Track: 
• Review the Literature: 
• Organize and Write Your Literature Review: 
• How to write a literature review faster with Paperpal? 

Frequently asked questions 

What is a literature review .

A well-conducted literature review demonstrates the researcher’s familiarity with the existing literature, establishes the context for their own research, and contributes to scholarly conversations on the topic. One of the purposes of a literature review is also to help researchers avoid duplicating previous work and ensure that their research is informed by and builds upon the existing body of knowledge.

A literature review serves several important purposes within academic and research contexts. Here are some key objectives and functions of a literature review: 2  

1. Contextualizing the Research Problem: The literature review provides a background and context for the research problem under investigation. It helps to situate the study within the existing body of knowledge. 

2. Identifying Gaps in Knowledge: By identifying gaps, contradictions, or areas requiring further research, the researcher can shape the research question and justify the significance of the study. This is crucial for ensuring that the new research contributes something novel to the field.

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3. Understanding Theoretical and Conceptual Frameworks: Literature reviews help researchers gain an understanding of the theoretical and conceptual frameworks used in previous studies. This aids in the development of a theoretical framework for the current research. 

4. Providing Methodological Insights: Another purpose of literature reviews is that it allows researchers to learn about the methodologies employed in previous studies. This can help in choosing appropriate research methods for the current study and avoiding pitfalls that others may have encountered. 

5. Establishing Credibility: A well-conducted literature review demonstrates the researcher’s familiarity with existing scholarship, establishing their credibility and expertise in the field. It also helps in building a solid foundation for the new research. 

6. Informing Hypotheses or Research Questions: The literature review guides the formulation of hypotheses or research questions by highlighting relevant findings and areas of uncertainty in existing literature. 

Literature review example 

Let’s delve deeper with a literature review example: Let’s say your literature review is about the impact of climate change on biodiversity. You might format your literature review into sections such as the effects of climate change on habitat loss and species extinction, phenological changes, and marine biodiversity. Each section would then summarize and analyze relevant studies in those areas, highlighting key findings and identifying gaps in the research. The review would conclude by emphasizing the need for further research on specific aspects of the relationship between climate change and biodiversity. The following literature review template provides a glimpse into the recommended literature review structure and content, demonstrating how research findings are organized around specific themes within a broader topic. 

Literature Review on Climate Change Impacts on Biodiversity:  

Climate change is a global phenomenon with far-reaching consequences, including significant impacts on biodiversity. This literature review synthesizes key findings from various studies: 

Climate change-induced alterations in temperature and precipitation patterns contribute to habitat loss, affecting numerous species (Thomas et al., 2004). The review discusses how these changes increase the risk of extinction, particularly for species with specific habitat requirements. 

Observations of range shifts and changes in the timing of biological events (phenology) are documented in response to changing climatic conditions (Parmesan & Yohe, 2003). These shifts affect ecosystems and may lead to mismatches between species and their resources. 

The review explores the impact of climate change on marine biodiversity, emphasizing ocean acidification’s threat to coral reefs (Hoegh-Guldberg et al., 2007). Changes in pH levels negatively affect coral calcification, disrupting the delicate balance of marine ecosystems. 

Recognizing the urgency of the situation, the literature review discusses various adaptive strategies adopted by species and conservation efforts aimed at mitigating the impacts of climate change on biodiversity (Hannah et al., 2007). It emphasizes the importance of interdisciplinary approaches for effective conservation planning. 

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How to write a good literature review 

Writing a literature review involves summarizing and synthesizing existing research on a particular topic. A good literature review format should include the following elements. 

Introduction: The introduction sets the stage for your literature review, providing context and introducing the main focus of your review. 

• Opening Statement: Begin with a general statement about the broader topic and its significance in the field. 
• Scope and Purpose: Clearly define the scope of your literature review. Explain the specific research question or objective you aim to address. 
• Organizational Framework: Briefly outline the structure of your literature review, indicating how you will categorize and discuss the existing research. 
• Significance of the Study: Highlight why your literature review is important and how it contributes to the understanding of the chosen topic. 
• Thesis Statement: Conclude the introduction with a concise thesis statement that outlines the main argument or perspective you will develop in the body of the literature review. 

Body: The body of the literature review is where you provide a comprehensive analysis of existing literature, grouping studies based on themes, methodologies, or other relevant criteria. 

• Organize by Theme or Concept: Group studies that share common themes, concepts, or methodologies. Discuss each theme or concept in detail, summarizing key findings and identifying gaps or areas of disagreement. 
• Critical Analysis: Evaluate the strengths and weaknesses of each study. Discuss the methodologies used, the quality of evidence, and the overall contribution of each work to the understanding of the topic. 
• Synthesis of Findings: Synthesize the information from different studies to highlight trends, patterns, or areas of consensus in the literature. 
• Identification of Gaps: Discuss any gaps or limitations in the existing research and explain how your review contributes to filling these gaps. 
• Transition between Sections: Provide smooth transitions between different themes or concepts to maintain the flow of your literature review. 

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Conclusion: The conclusion of your literature review should summarize the main findings, highlight the contributions of the review, and suggest avenues for future research. 

• Summary of Key Findings: Recap the main findings from the literature and restate how they contribute to your research question or objective. 
• Contributions to the Field: Discuss the overall contribution of your literature review to the existing knowledge in the field. 
• Implications and Applications: Explore the practical implications of the findings and suggest how they might impact future research or practice. 
• Recommendations for Future Research: Identify areas that require further investigation and propose potential directions for future research in the field. 
• Final Thoughts: Conclude with a final reflection on the importance of your literature review and its relevance to the broader academic community. 

Conducting a literature review 

Conducting a literature review is an essential step in research that involves reviewing and analyzing existing literature on a specific topic. It’s important to know how to do a literature review effectively, so here are the steps to follow: 1  

Choose a Topic and Define the Research Question:  

• Select a topic that is relevant to your field of study. 
• Clearly define your research question or objective. Determine what specific aspect of the topic do you want to explore? 

Decide on the Scope of Your Review:  

• Determine the timeframe for your literature review. Are you focusing on recent developments, or do you want a historical overview? 
• Consider the geographical scope. Is your review global, or are you focusing on a specific region? 
• Define the inclusion and exclusion criteria. What types of sources will you include? Are there specific types of studies or publications you will exclude? 

Select Databases for Searches:  

• Identify relevant databases for your field. Examples include PubMed, IEEE Xplore, Scopus, Web of Science, and Google Scholar. 
• Consider searching in library catalogs, institutional repositories, and specialized databases related to your topic. 

Conduct Searches and Keep Track:  

• Develop a systematic search strategy using keywords, Boolean operators (AND, OR, NOT), and other search techniques. 
• Record and document your search strategy for transparency and replicability. 
• Keep track of the articles, including publication details, abstracts, and links. Use citation management tools like EndNote, Zotero, or Mendeley to organize your references. 

Review the Literature:  

• Evaluate the relevance and quality of each source. Consider the methodology, sample size, and results of studies. 
• Organize the literature by themes or key concepts. Identify patterns, trends, and gaps in the existing research. 
• Summarize key findings and arguments from each source. Compare and contrast different perspectives. 
• Identify areas where there is a consensus in the literature and where there are conflicting opinions. 
• Provide critical analysis and synthesis of the literature. What are the strengths and weaknesses of existing research? 

Organize and Write Your Literature Review:  

• Literature review outline should be based on themes, chronological order, or methodological approaches. 
• Write a clear and coherent narrative that synthesizes the information gathered. 
• Use proper citations for each source and ensure consistency in your citation style (APA, MLA, Chicago, etc.). 
• Conclude your literature review by summarizing key findings, identifying gaps, and suggesting areas for future research. 

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The literature review sample and detailed advice on writing and conducting a review will help you produce a well-structured report. But remember that a good literature review is an ongoing process, and it may be necessary to revisit and update it as your research progresses. By combining effortless research with an easy citation process, Paperpal Research streamlines the literature review process and empowers you to write faster and with more confidence. Try Paperpal Research now and see for yourself.  

A literature review is a critical and comprehensive analysis of existing literature (published and unpublished works) on a specific topic or research question and provides a synthesis of the current state of knowledge in a particular field. A well-conducted literature review is crucial for researchers to build upon existing knowledge, avoid duplication of efforts, and contribute to the advancement of their field. It also helps researchers situate their work within a broader context and facilitates the development of a sound theoretical and conceptual framework for their studies.

Literature review is a crucial component of research writing, providing a solid background for a research paper’s investigation. The aim is to keep professionals up to date by providing an understanding of ongoing developments within a specific field, including research methods, and experimental techniques used in that field, and present that knowledge in the form of a written report. Also, the depth and breadth of the literature review emphasizes the credibility of the scholar in his or her field.  

Before writing a literature review, it’s essential to undertake several preparatory steps to ensure that your review is well-researched, organized, and focused. This includes choosing a topic of general interest to you and doing exploratory research on that topic, writing an annotated bibliography, and noting major points, especially those that relate to the position you have taken on the topic. 

Literature reviews and academic research papers are essential components of scholarly work but serve different purposes within the academic realm. 3 A literature review aims to provide a foundation for understanding the current state of research on a particular topic, identify gaps or controversies, and lay the groundwork for future research. Therefore, it draws heavily from existing academic sources, including books, journal articles, and other scholarly publications. In contrast, an academic research paper aims to present new knowledge, contribute to the academic discourse, and advance the understanding of a specific research question. Therefore, it involves a mix of existing literature (in the introduction and literature review sections) and original data or findings obtained through research methods. 

Literature reviews are essential components of academic and research papers, and various strategies can be employed to conduct them effectively. If you want to know how to write a literature review for a research paper, here are four common approaches that are often used by researchers.  Chronological Review: This strategy involves organizing the literature based on the chronological order of publication. It helps to trace the development of a topic over time, showing how ideas, theories, and research have evolved.  Thematic Review: Thematic reviews focus on identifying and analyzing themes or topics that cut across different studies. Instead of organizing the literature chronologically, it is grouped by key themes or concepts, allowing for a comprehensive exploration of various aspects of the topic.  Methodological Review: This strategy involves organizing the literature based on the research methods employed in different studies. It helps to highlight the strengths and weaknesses of various methodologies and allows the reader to evaluate the reliability and validity of the research findings.  Theoretical Review: A theoretical review examines the literature based on the theoretical frameworks used in different studies. This approach helps to identify the key theories that have been applied to the topic and assess their contributions to the understanding of the subject.  It’s important to note that these strategies are not mutually exclusive, and a literature review may combine elements of more than one approach. The choice of strategy depends on the research question, the nature of the literature available, and the goals of the review. Additionally, other strategies, such as integrative reviews or systematic reviews, may be employed depending on the specific requirements of the research.

The literature review format can vary depending on the specific publication guidelines. However, there are some common elements and structures that are often followed. Here is a general guideline for the format of a literature review:  Introduction:   Provide an overview of the topic.  Define the scope and purpose of the literature review.  State the research question or objective.  Body:   Organize the literature by themes, concepts, or chronology.  Critically analyze and evaluate each source.  Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the studies.  Highlight any methodological limitations or biases.  Identify patterns, connections, or contradictions in the existing research.  Conclusion:   Summarize the key points discussed in the literature review.  Highlight the research gap.  Address the research question or objective stated in the introduction.  Highlight the contributions of the review and suggest directions for future research.

Both annotated bibliographies and literature reviews involve the examination of scholarly sources. While annotated bibliographies focus on individual sources with brief annotations, literature reviews provide a more in-depth, integrated, and comprehensive analysis of existing literature on a specific topic. The key differences are as follows: 

References 

• Denney, A. S., & Tewksbury, R. (2013). How to write a literature review.  Journal of criminal justice education ,  24 (2), 218-234. 
• Pan, M. L. (2016).  Preparing literature reviews: Qualitative and quantitative approaches . Taylor & Francis. 
• Cantero, C. (2019). How to write a literature review.  San José State University Writing Center . 

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9 Tips to Write a Great Literature Review

Students from business schools and MBA aspirants around the world are keen to join the internship. Having an Internship is not enough, documentation of work is also necessary. Internship Research Report is a document that tells what you did during your internship and your productive approach towards the process. An intern needs to create the report carefully. The purpose of a literature review is to make the foundation of any report strong enough. You can define research as a criminal investigation, where you need to prove and justify your approach with tools of research. A literature review is a process of appraising the studies conducted till date on a specific topic. Let us take an example of an intern working for the recruitment of an organization where their job is to analyze the recruitment process of an organization before hiring. Now during their analysis, it’s important for the intern to check how past researchers studied the recruitment process. What were the benefits of the processes they followed? Which strategy helped them understand the job requirements and better assessment of the candidates? This detailed review of the literature would help the intern to work on the current organizational recruitment process and forecast changes if necessary.

While reviewing various sources it is very important that students and researchers look into the following areas of the literature that they wish to review-

• Methodology  – Awareness of methodology, and analysis instruments are necessary for the researcher to get familiar with the way research conducted by researchers. It further guides that research is going in the right direction or not.
• Research Problem  – It gives clarity to the problem being address in the research. The Researcher can compare and contrast the findings of prior researches conducted.
• Research Gap  – Research gap is the missing piece of the puzzle. It’s an area not yet explored by researchers. An example, the number of physically disabled candidates applying for IT jobs and the number of selection of such candidates. Systematic literature reviews help to identify the research gap. If you would be able to cover such a research gap your report will be worthy of the industry.
• Writer’s skills  – A well-written literature review gives an insight into critical thinking and writing abilities to the audience.
• Limiting researcher’s biases  – Human decisions are always affected by psychological biases. Prior research review direct researcher towards an unbiased view.

Writing a literature review is an art. There are certain guidelines that make Review of Literature stronger for any Research-

• Define The Problem Statement  – It’s a herculean task to create the objectives or problem of research. Being a student of a business school, you can consult your mentor or project guide. It must not be too narrow or too wide as prior researches are available. A wide problem statement makes the research tuff to be justified and analyze.
• Locating the Literature Survey  – Online resources like google scholar, Microsoft Academic, Base, Core, Semantic Scholar, ERIC database, and many more can help you to locate and review the related literature. A proper citation must be there in the report.
• Analysis of Literature  – While analyzing literature you need to consider (a) the objective of the study, (b) statistical or analytical techniques used to analyse the literature, (c) result or conclusion of the research made.
• Structure a literature review  – The chapter must start with an introduction that will define why the topic picked, trends of research. Contribution of researchers in the area, and in the end conclusion explains the gap which you wish to fill and further opportunities of the future studies in the area.

With all this extensive information on how to Review the Literature in Research Projects many educationists, students and professionals have benefitted. Giving it away forward we at IILM University help students at every step in their internships where they work on Research Projects and Proposals. This process might sound rigorous initially but once our students master the basics about Research it opens wide horizons of Creativity, growth & Innovation for them. It gives them a professional edge while being a student they get exposure to learning things the right way. There is a lot that goes into Research. A true Researcher Lives his Research every moment. Note that during your placement interviews maximum questions are Project-based where your research skills and your dissertation report speak a lot about your analytical skills. Cracking your interviews with critical research gives you an edge over other students. Only a few Universities stress on a Strong Research Foundation and IILM being one benchmarks its Research Teachings on many platforms Does it end here? No. We keep learning our entire life but to learn it is necessary to read and practice. Keep reading and exploring to uncover the deeper insights about the great findings and researches being done every moment.

For research related guidance, follow my blogs here or write to me at [email protected]

Ashutosh Singh

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A Review of the Literature: Internships and Best Practices .repo-zujusq{display:inline-block;transform:translateY(-0.5rem);margin-left:15px;}

.repo-1h6ne0y{background:#ffffff;text-transform:uppercase;padding-right:1.5rem;}.repo-1h6ne0y:after{content:'';position:absolute;background:#adadad;transform:translatey(-50%);top:50%;left:0;width:100%;height:0.1rem;z-index:-1;} abstract.

Are internships worth doing? What can they add to students’ education and to a political science degree? What does research teach us about effective practices? To answer these essential questions and others, this review of the research literature takes a panoramic look at published work on academic internships and delves into political science scholarship specifically. While this chapter does not center exclusively on studies specific to the discipline, it provides a larger context for understanding the pedagogical value of internships and explores the evidence-based instructional practices that can help students achieve various experiential learning outcomes.

• Van Vechten, Renee ( Editor; University of Redlands )
• Gentry, Bobbi ( Editor )
• Berg, John C ( Editor )

Social & Behavioral Sciences

Political Science

Public Policy

Political Science Internships: Towards Best Practices

American Political Science Association (APSA)

Washington, DC

9781878147668

11 October 2022

• CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 Attribution NonCommercial-NoDerivs

https://educate.apsanet.org/resource/11-05-2021/a-review-of-the-literature-internships-and-best-practices

• college students
• evidence-based instructional practices
• higher education
• internships
• political science
• scholarship

Developing and validating a scale for evaluating internship-related learning outcomes

• Published: 21 March 2018
• Volume 77 , pages 1–18, ( 2019 )

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• Tran Le Huu Nghia 1 , 2 &
• Nguyen Thi My Duyen 3  

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Developed as an integral component of many higher education programs, internships provide a multitude of benefits for participating students. However, there is a lack of tools designed to measure internship-related learning outcomes. Therefore, this article will present the process of constructing and validating a scale that can be used to evaluate students’ internship-related learning outcomes. Content validity of the scale was established with an extensive review of relevant literature, interviews with current interns along with checking the adequacy of the scale content with interns and academics. Construct validity was established with exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses. Through that process, the resulting scale was proven to have achieved construct reliability as well as convergent and discriminant validity. The article discusses the use of the scale, its weaknesses, and implications for organizing internships so that the effectiveness of this form of work-integrated learning can be continuously improved.

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Nghia, T.L.H., Duyen, N.T.M. Developing and validating a scale for evaluating internship-related learning outcomes. High Educ 77 , 1–18 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-018-0251-4

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Field Educator: A Scholarly Journal from the Simmons University School of Social Work

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• Paid Internships: A Review of the Literature
• Volume 13.2 | Fall 2023 |
• Field Finds |

[Editor’s note: Field Finds is a regular feature of Field Educator . These concise literature reviews provide information and guidance to field educators and field instructors. Each review concludes with three discussion questions as inspiration for further thought on the subject matter.]

This edition of Field Finds explores the issue of paid internships. The format for this article differs from that of a traditional literature review, in that it includes a combination of peer-reviewed research and grey literature and information. This novel approach was required because of the limited peer-reviewed research on this subject.

In July, the lead author sent out a query on the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) field directors’ listserv, asking for field directors to contact her to discuss best practices in paid internships. The following review includes the perspectives of and examples from three field directors from across the United States. Critical questions and case studies provide a blueprint for other social work faculty who are interested in generating new ways of engaging in the discussion and implementing paid internships. 

Field education has been named the signature pedagogy by scholars and the Council on Social Work Education since 2008 (Bogo, 2010; Boitel & Fromm, 2014), and is the centerpiece of student learning in social work education. Field education denotes a learning experience that is robust and includes varied and challenging assignments based on social work competencies (CSWE, 2022). In a review of the literature, Slaymaker (2014) examined the question of whether students’ rights are being violated by being required to complete unpaid internships. The author applied the six-point criteria found in the Fair Labor Standards Act (United States Department of Labor, n.d.) to scrutinize social work field practicum experiences. The review determined that within the context of this Act, students’ rights are not being violated because of the robust requirement for student learning in social work field education and the required field seminar class (Dill & Bowers, 2020). 

The background of unpaid internships extends to the beginning of the social work profession. The history of social work is rooted in volunteerism, where predominantly female workers were viewed as well-intentioned volunteers who would “soon be married,” thereby making up for lost wages in their employment (Austin, 1983; Beck Aguilera, et al., 2022). Building on this historical perspective, social work practicums have long been viewed as learning opportunities that do not require financial compensation (Waxman, 2018). Funded internships were rare until the advent of COVID-19, when members of the social work profession began to reflect on its educational and professional structures and obligations. During the pandemic, social work students began to change the dialogue about compensation and fair practices in social work education, including the field practicum. 

Social work students have long struggled with balancing study for their social work degree, unpaid internships, and paid employment. COVID-19 became the tipping point in a discussion that had been bubbling under the surface for many years (Gair & Baglow, 2018). Beck Aguilera et al. (2022) and Cohen (2023) have explored how social work students became increasingly frustrated with the traditional mantra that social work internships have never been compensated and that there was no reason for that to change.

Current Literature

The existing literature on paid internships is limited. Research in the nonprofit sector explores how human services organizations have sometimes used unpaid labor to fill jobs typically taken by paid services as a cost-cutting measure. Canadian researchers have found that some human services organizations use unpaid labor (e.g., volunteers, student interns) in positions that were previously filled by paid employees (Baines et al., 2017). The research showcases the complexity of the debate—organizations are required to cut costs, while at the same time caring for society’s most vulnerable. The use of volunteers or interns to perform regular job duties can enhance the organization’s ability to provide care, but the debate continues about the ethics of using unpaid labor in such a manner (Baines et al., 2017). 

Australian researchers have explored whether extensive field education experiences have a detrimental financial impact on social work students (Johnstone et al., 2016). This study used a sample of 214 BSW and MSW students, and found that balancing paid work and internships had the following effects: Students 1) incurred a deficit in their budget; 2) had to make painstaking budgeting decisions; 3) had to prioritize expenses (e.g., books vs. food); 4) incurred debt; 5) had to work longer hours in paid employment; and 6) had to seek financial support from friends, family, government assistance, and university grants. Another group of Australian researchers conducted an extensive literature review to explore the impact of field education on the emotional and financial well-being of students (Hemy et al, 2016); however, the authors made only scant reference to the idea of paid internships. The combination of financial hardship with the rigor of completing a social work degree and internship, plus working full- or part-time, can lead to emotional burnout and mental health challenges for some students (Bullock et al., 2017; Dill & Murphy, 2022). 

The Evolving Conversation

The power of podcasting and the influence of the student’s voice have converged to create a new dialogue about the use and importance of paid internships. In January 2023, Shimon Cohen interviewed student guests Matt Dargay and Arie Davey on his Doin’ the Work podcast (Cohen, 2023). Dargay and Davey had started an activism program called “Payment for Placements” ( https://www.payment4placements.org ), and the discussion focused on paid internships as part of larger structural elements related to antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion. In the podcast, Cohen and his guests speak to the exponential debt that students of color acquire when obtaining a social work degree. Financial hardship brought on by completing internships is detrimental to students, particularly students of color. Social work education requires that students use their time to complete an unpaid practicum internship, which prevents them from engaging in paid work. The necessity of prioritizing unpaid over paid labor can be a large deterrent for students considering a social work degree program. In the podcast, Dargay and Davey suggest that some academic institutions are overlooking and even denying the reality that paid internships require greater consideration from an educational and research perspective.

That said, some lone academic voices are speaking up about this issue. Professor Christine Morley from Australia, a country at the leading edge of this debate, has recently articulated how social work or other professional internships can lead to financial hardship, poverty, and mental health issues (ABC News, 2023).

Critical Questions to Consider

The argument against paid internships continues to focus on the role of the social work student as a learner versus a paid employee. The historical perspective is that the social work internship should focus exclusively on learning—and offering payment for this learning experience may result in a blurred perspective between that of a student learner and that of a paid employee. Warren Graham, director of practicum education at Stony Brook University in New York, asks the following compelling critical questions about the feasibility of paid internships, and suggests addressing these questions further in future peer-reviewed research and broader discussions in social work education and practice (W. Graham, personal communication, July 31, 2023): 

• How might the cost of paid internships be passed down to clients who are already marginalized and disempowered, and how does that “fit” with the NASW Code of Ethics ? 
• Agencies are struggling to hire qualified, licensed staff. If funds are available, how can they justify paying interns instead of increasing the wages of existing social workers?
• If agencies are responsible for this funding, how might the standards of practicum education and expectations shift for the student? 
• If a student receives funding, will the expectations of being a learner in the field be compromised, as units of service are prioritized to compensate for the cost of intern development?

Graham goes on to share that the Office of Practicum Education at his facility is investigating how faculty can partner with agencies to apply for community development grants, which could include stipends for student learners. He offers the following ideas and resources:

• Investigate grants from state agencies (e.g., Human Resources & Services Administration grants, [ https://www.hrsa.gov/grants ]). 
• Look into more local opportunities (e.g., the New York State Office of Mental Health Dean’s Project Consortium has been instrumental in leveraging state initiatives to support agencies and create stipend opportunities, [ https://omh.ny.gov/omhweb/adults/swebp ]). 

Case Examples

As research catches up with the changing landscape of this discussion, the following two case studies may help field directors find ways they can enhance the idea of paid internships in practice education. 

Case Study 1

The University of Texas at Austin | Steve Hicks School of Social Work, Texas. 

Contact : Tanya Voss, Assistant Dean for Field Education, [email protected]  

Background and Funding

• Since the 2019-20 academic year, the school has secured field-related funding exceeding $1 million, increasing to more than $1.2 million for 2022-23. This translates to each field student receiving an average of $5,860. With added academic scholarships, 78% of BSW and MSSW interns each received an average of $7,500.

Factors Contributing to Funding Success

• Funding expectations were established in the placement development model.
• The university invested in clinical and tenured/tenure-track collaborations for grant-funded training programs.
• Student voices were empowered.
• The university adapted to shifting economic environments.

Development of Placement Partners

• The Community Partnership Development Committee plays a key role in developing new placement partners.
• This committee, comprising volunteer field instructors, school faculty, and staff, conducts site visits to applicant agencies.
• Since 2009, the committee has annually developed around 40 new partnerships, ensuring diversity and relevance in the pool of internships.
• The committee began encouraging internship sites to provide stipends to interns in 2011, leading to an increased prevalence of stipends in the field.

Stipends and Grant-Funded Training Opportunities

• The committee began encouraging internship sites to provide stipends to interns in 2011, which greatly contributed to increased agency-provided funding, e.g., 37% of placements provided stipends averaging $3,600 each.
• Grant-funded training opportunities are made possible through collaborations between clinical field faculty and tenured/tenure-track faculty, resulting in funding for 23% of internships averaging $8600 each from federal, foundation, and local grants. 
• Programs include Title IV-E child welfare education, integrated behavioral health, gerontology, Spanish-speaking services, and AmeriCorps-funded domestic violence prevention, among others. 

Efforts to Promote Paid Internships

• Beginning in 2018, the school actively encouraged students to inquire about stipends during program field fairs and internship interviews.
• Faculty provided coaching on stipend negotiations during placement orientations and advising.
• The pay-for-placement movement gained momentum during the COVID-19 pandemic, amplifying student voices in advocating for funded internships.
• Rising costs of living and higher education, alongside declining funding for public education, emphasize the need for funded internships.
• Field education plays a vital role in tracking field-related funding, implementing mechanisms to encourage paid internships, and empowering student voices.

Case Study 2

St. Edward’s University, Texas. 

Contact : Natalie Beck Aguilera, Field Director, [email protected]

• St. Edward’s University runs a small BSW social work program and has taken steps to address unpaid internships.
• The program has established a fund to provide microgrants to students for internship-related expenses, funded through T-shirt and sweatshirt sales and continuing education workshops.
• The program works with the Student Financial Services Department to extend federal work-study benefits to qualifying students during their internships.
• Seventeen students were paid more than $75,000 for their work during the 2022-23 academic year, the first year the program has successfully organized work-study funding. These efforts are continuing this school year with more students receiving pay through federal work-study programs.
• The program has secured a grant to fund substance-use–related internships through the CSWE’s Substance Use Disorders Education and Leadership Scholars Program. This grant will provide stipends for four BSW students and their field instructors.
• The program collaborates with the Texas Chapter of the National Association of Social Workers to advocate for statewide funding for social work internships through the Texas legislature, although the bill championed by NASW did not pass this legislative session.
• All field agencies are asked if they provide payment/stipends as part of the onboarding process. There are currently eight field sites that provide stipends from the agency to the program’s interns and two that pay an hourly wage. At one field site, interns can be paid through AmeriCorps.
• Continued efforts are needed on a programmatic and governmental level. 

The student voice is powering our understanding of paid internships. The tradition of the profession has been to view the field education experience as unpaid, but we have more recently (particularly since COVID-19) begun to view the idea of an unpaid practicum as both financially and emotionally detrimental to our students, possibly resulting in racial injustice. More peer-reviewed research is required on this subject, and student voices and activism should be considered and supported. Playing the Doin’ the Work podcast in a social work classroom may lead to greater understanding and acceptance of the need for change and to considering new models of compensating our social work students. Our colleagues cited in this review are leading by example. 

Discussion Questions

• How can unpaid internships in social work education impact the financial well-being and mental health of students, particularly in terms of racial disparities? What strategies can social work educators consider to mitigate these concerns? 
• What are the ethical implications of paid internships in social work field education? 
• What lessons can be learned from institutions that have secured funding for internships?

ABC News (Australia) (Director). (2023, May 27). Calls for university students to be paid for placements . https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kQVPzdYhyE0

Austin, D. M. (1983). The Flexner myth and the history of social work. Social Service Review , 57 (3), 357–377.

Beck Aguilera, N., Medley, W., Gage, C., & Hutchison, A. (2022). Addressing class in field: Economic justice and unpaid social work practicums. In J. Drolet, M. Bogo, G. Charles, & S. McConnell (Eds.), Transforming social work field education: New insights from practice research and scholarship . University of Calgary Press. https://ucp.manifoldapp.org/projects/9781773854403/resource/tswfe-chapter1  

Baines, D., Cunningham, I., & Shields, J. (2017). Filling the gaps: Unpaid (and precarious) work in nonprofit social services. Critical Social Policy , 37 (4), 625–645. https://doi.org/10.1177/0261018317693128

Bogo, M. (2010). Achieving competence in social work through field education . University of Toronto Press.

Boitel, C. R., & Fromm, L. R. (2014). Defining signature pedagogy in social work education: Learning theory and the learning contract. Journal of Social Work Education , 50 (4), 608–622. https://doi.org/10.1080/10437797.2014.947161

Bullock, G., Kraft, L., Amsden, K., Gore, W., Wimsatt, J., Prengle, R., Ledbetter, L., Covington, K., & Goode, A. (2017). The prevalence and effect of burnout on graduate healthcare students. Canadian Medical Education Journal , 8 (3), e90–108. https://doi.org/10.36834/cmej.36890

Council on Social Work Education (CSWE). (2022). Educational policy and accreditation standards for baccalaureate and master’s social work programs . https://www.cswe.org/accreditation/standards/2022/

Cohen, S. P. (Host) (2023, January). Paid social work internships, Part 1: Payment 4 Placements [Audio podcast]. https://www.podbean.com/ew/pb-d73ba-13766e8

Dill, K., & Bowers, P. (2020). Building a better field seminar. Field Educator , 10 (2). https://fieldeducator.simmons.edu/article/building-a-better-field-seminar / 

Dill, K., & Murphy, E. (2022). The impact of mental health challenges on social work field education. Field Educator , 12 (2). https://fieldeducator.simmons.edu/article/the-impact-of-mental-health-challenges-on-social-work-field-education/

Gair, S., & Baglow, L. (2018). “We barely survived”: Social work students’ mental health vulnerabilities and implications for educators, universities and the workforce. Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work , 30 (1), 32–44. https://doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol30iss1id470

Hemy, M., Boddy, J., Chee, P., & Sauvage, D. (2016). Social work students “juggling” field placement. Social Work Education , 35 (2), 215–228. https://doi.org/10.1080/02615479.2015.1125878  

Johnstone, E., Brough, M., Crane, P., Marston, G., & Correa-Velez, I. (2016). Field placement and the impact of financial stress on social work and human service students. Australian Social Work , 69 (4), 481–494. https://doi.org/10.1080/0312407X.2016.1181769

Slaymaker, R. (2014). Are students’ rights violated in field practicums?: A review of the Fair Labor Standards Act in social work field education. Field Educator , 4 (2). https://fieldeducator.simmons.edu/article/are-students-rights-violated-in-field-practicums-a-review-of-the-fair-labor-standards-act-in-social-work-field-education/

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Literature review of comparative school-to-work research: how institutional settings shape individual labour market outcomes

• Anna Marczuk   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-4096-3816 1  

Journal for Labour Market Research volume  58 , Article number:  19 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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Comparative school-to-work research has long emphasised the role of institutions in shaping youth labour market integration. This paper provides an overview of this research stream, consisting of four main sections. The first section introduces a variety of labour market outcomes of young graduates within Europe and identifies country clusters with higher and lower outcomes; this empirical evidence has so far remained limited in the multivariate oriented research stream. The second section links these labour market outcomes to the institutional settings of the education systems prevalent in the country clusters. By considering a wide country sample, it introduces a reliable country classification of transition regimes (along the OLM–ILM continuum), which has so far been partly inconclusive in research. The third section links labour market outcomes in turn to labour market institutions of the country clusters. This section emphasizes why labour market institutions drive only particular individual outcomes. Finally, the fourth section connects the previous three: it describes how certain institutional complementarities affect the youth labour market integration in the identified European country clusters. The review further identifies theoretical inconclusiveness or data-related desiderata, for which recommendations and solutions are proposed. The paper thus aims to assist both familiar and unfamiliar researchers to access the research stream by offering a comprehensive introduction and clear country classifications, linking research streams, and providing solutions to identified issues.

The transition from school to work is a decisive life event for young graduates. On the one hand, it reveals returns from previous educational investments. On the other, it sets a strong reference point for further career development (Gangl 2003a ). However, transition patterns of young graduates vary strongly between countries. Whereas graduates in German-speaking countries show a smooth transition, with a low incidence of unemployment, their counterparts in Southern Europe experience a more turbulent transition (Fig.  1 ), and even if they find a job, it is mainly temporary and less frequently corresponds to their education than in German-speaking countries (Allen and Van der Velden 2009 ; Shavit and Muller 1998 ).

Youth unemployment rates (%), 2000–2021.

Authors’ own graphic demonstrating mean unemployment rates of 15–25-year-olds for 2000–2021. Source : Eurostat

Comparative school-to-work research has significantly contributed to our understanding of these country-specific transition regimes. This research stream emphasises that individual outcomes are not solely dependent on individual characteristics, but vary across institutional settings. In particular, it addresses how various institutions of education systems and labour markets shape individual labour market outcomes.

Against this background, this paper provides an overview of comparative school-to-work research, with four main sections. The first of these sections presents different labour market outcomes in European countries concerning the transition period ( unemployment risk , search duration ) and job quality ( occupational status , education-job-matching ). The second and third sections introduce the institutional settings of these counties. Particular focus is paid to institutions of education systems ( stratification , vocational specificity ) and of labour markets ( employment protection legislation and income sustaining policies ), respectively. The final fourth section summarises and discusses the previous sections.

This paper makes several contributions to research. First, it provides an extensive review of the research stream by introducing detailed information on countries (both on labour market outcomes and on institutional settings) which has so far been lacking in the multivariate oriented research stream. Second, it provides a theoretical link between the descriptions of the labour market outcomes and various institutions. Third, by including a wide range of countries from both Western Europe as well as Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), it proposes a reliable country classification along the OLM–ILM division, allowing us to identify new and valid country clusters. Fourth, it theoretically and empirically describes the complementarity of educational and labour market institutions, which have thus far mostly been addressed separately. Finally, it identifies theoretical inconsistencies of the research stream and desiderata regarding country samples and data, to which solutions are provided.

1 Transition patterns in Europe

Comparative school-to-work research has its roots in the 1960s (Raffe 2014 ). Studies initially focused on the regional or national level but were later expanded to the international level due to the rise in youth unemployment in the 1980s and the need for proper policy regulations. With the expansion of the European Union in the 1990s, new international data emerged (ECHP Footnote 1 in 1994, PISA Footnote 2 in 2000, EU-LFS Footnote 3 in 2000 and EU-SILC Footnote 4 in 2004), allowing analyses of young people’s transitions into the labour market. These developments progressed transition research from a solely micro-perspective to a macro-oriented one, including a wider range of countries (approximately 10–14). The studies predominantly focused on graduates of secondary education from Western societies (Blossfeld et al. 2006 ; Kogan and Müller 2003 ; Müller and Shavit 1998b ; Smyth et al. 2003 ) or separately from CEE (Kogan et al. 2008 ). However, with the growing expansion of the education system and implementation of the Bologna Reform, scholarly attention shifted to graduates of higher education. Data derived from projects such as CHEERS, Footnote 5 REFLEX Footnote 6 or HEGESCO Footnote 7 enabled separate analyses of transition patterns for highly-educated graduates in Western societies (Allen and Van der Velden 2009 ; Allen and Velden 2011 ) or CEE (Kogan et al. 2011 ; Noelke et al. 2012 ).

The profound analyses of the research stream identified transition regimes between two extreme poles: On the one hand are German-speaking countries, whose graduates experience a smooth transition into jobs that correspond to education, and on the other hand is Southern Europe, whose graduates experience a more turbulent transition pattern (Gangl 2010 ). However, English speaking or Nordic countries have yet to be clearly classified between these two poles. In addition, CEE has been mainly considered separately in research and direct comparisons with Western Societies have been limited. The paper thus fills these gaps by introducing diverse labour market outcomes and institutional settings for a wide range of countries, making direct comparisons and valid country classifications possible.

This section begins with profound descriptions of labour market outcomes for a wide range of countries. This empirical evidence in the school-to-work research is so far limited as most of the studies focus on multivariate results. This section thus classifies countries regarding outcomes related to the job search process (e.g. unemployment risk, search duration) which have been derived from official statistics (such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD] or Eurostat). Information on outcomes related to job quality (e.g. occupational status, education-job-matching) is in turn derived from descriptive results presented by the few studies available in the research stream. This wide-ranging empirical evidence allows us to directly compare the outcomes prevalent in a wide range of European countries and identify clear country clusters, including direct comparisons between Western societies and CEE.

In the following, I first describe country-specific outcomes for graduates with secondary education, followed by descriptions of outcomes for those with tertiary education as the research stream has focused on each educational group separately. Although there is a vast literature on the institutional effects on social inequality with respect to gender (e.g. Hadjar and Buchmann 2016 ; Van Hek et al. 2019 ), migration background (e.g. Heisig and Schaeffer 2020 ; Kogan 2016 ) or social origin (e.g. Bol and Van de Werfhorst 2013 ; Triventi 2013 ), this paper focuses on country-specific transition patterns of the two educational groups (secondary and tertiary educated), irrespective of their sociodemographic characteristics. The aim is to present country-specific transition regimes characterised by high(er) and low(er) labour market outcomes of young graduates.

1.1 Labour market outcomes of graduates with secondary education in Europe

As mentioned above, research on graduates with secondary education indicates a continuum of countries, from German-speaking ones showing advantageous outcomes to Southern European countries’ showing more turbulent transition patterns. All other countries (English speaking, CEE or Nordic countries) lie somewhere between these two poles.

Table  1 illustrates the various indicators for labour market outcomes in these countries. In line with previous research, most graduates from German-speaking countries (mostly represented by Germany, Austria and Switzerland) transition smoothly into employment. This manifests itself in low youth unemployment rates (approximately 4–8%) and a rapid transition into the first significant job (less than 6 months on average, see Table  1 ). These jobs also appear to be highly beneficial. They show a relatively high occupational status (the ISEI Footnote 8 is approximately 40) and strongly correspond to education: the vast majority of graduates have a job that relates to their educational level ( vertical match  = above 90%) or fits their field of education ( horizontal match  = up to 80%).

Southern Europe reflects the opposite scenario, as emphasised by previous research. Studies mostly considering countries such as Spain, Italy and Greece show that long before the financial crisis in 2008, young graduates already faced a high risk of unemployment (up to 25%, see Couppié and Mansuy 2003 ). Although the risk almost doubled in the aftermath of the financial crisis in 2008 and has remained high until now (up to 40%, see Table  1 ), it is evident that graduates in Southern Europe were already disadvantaged before its outbreak. Furthermore, the job search duration is the longest in Europe, with young graduates taking approximately one year to secure their first job. Moreover, when they finally attain employment, it is less frequently linked to their education, especially to their field of education (horizontal matching: 52–55%).

Apart from the two above-mentioned extreme poles, I identify the following country clusters, as indicated by Table  1 .

Nordic countries such as Sweden, Finland and Norway, together with the Netherlands and Denmark, form a relatively homogenous group Footnote 9 . Although some studies classify Denmark and the Netherlands as part of the German-speaking cluster (Gangl 2010 ), the findings presented in Table  1 reveal that these countries do not reach the same advantageous level in all outcomes as in German-speaking countries but rather show similarities with their Nordic neighbours (SE, FI, NO). This is especially true for the unemployment rates of secondary educated (max 8% in German-speaking countries vs. up to 14% in Nordic countries, NL and DK) or horizontal matching (up to 80% in German-speaking vs. up to 70% in Nordic countries, NL and DK).

The group of English-speaking countries (such as the UK or Ireland) together with Belgium and France – in research referred to as Western European countries – somewhat resembles the pattern of Southern Europe. Although the labour market disadvantage of these graduates is less pronounced than those in Southern Europe regarding unemployment rates (10–20%), search duration (3–7 months) or horizontal matching (up to 60%), it is clearly closer to Southern Europe than to German-speaking countries.

Regarding CEE, this country group cannot be subsumed under one category. Instead, I identify a north–south division within CEE that corresponds to the above-mentioned poles. Landlocked countries (predominantly the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia) show relatively comparable outcomes to the German-speaking group, whereas their Baltic neighbours are closer to the Western and Southern European group. In particular, countries situated around the Baltic Sea, such as Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia and, to a certain extent, Poland, show disadvantageous returns regarding search duration (up to 9 months) and vertical (approximately 80%) and horizontal matching (50%). These returns are, in turn, higher in their landlocked neighbours (a search duration of less than 6 months and over 90% or around 70% for vertical and horizontal matching, respectively), showing comparable outcomes with the German-speaking group.

1.2 Labour market outcomes of tertiary graduates in Europe

The transition patterns regarding the highly educated resemble the transition patterns of their secondary education counterparts (see Table  1 ), revealing a similar continuum of countries between the German–Southern Europe division.

Again, university graduates in German-speaking countries have a low risk of unemployment (up to 6%) and experience a smooth transition into their first job (only 4 months on average). In addition, these jobs correspond with a high occupational status (almost 70 ISEI), and frequently match their educational level (up to 85%) or field of study (up to 88%). Relatively few graduates work beneath their educational level (overeducated group: 17–19%). As with those who have a secondary education, the tertiary educated in Northern countries are similar to the German-speaking group, with comparable overeducation rates (up to 22%) and horizontal matching (up to 92%), but a slightly lower occupational status (around 58 ISEI) and vertical matching (73–80%) than those in German-speaking countries.

On the other extreme pole is Southern Europe , where the transition from school to work is more turbulent and jobs are of a lower quality. In addition to relatively high unemployment rates (up to 35%) and a long search duration (7–12 months), every third graduate works below his or her educational level. In addition, the occupational status is, on average, the lowest in Europe (below 60 ISEI) and fewer graduates have a job requiring an HE degree (57–67%) or a particular field of study (less than 80%). As shown for the secondary educated, similar job characteristics emerge within the Western European group, although this applies more to English-speaking countries than to France or Belgium (see Table  1 ).

CEE is also not a homogenous group when regarding the tertiary educated. Once again, a north–south division is evident in the former Soviet countries: Whereas landlocked countries show similar outcomes regarding search duration (up to 4 months), occupational status (up to 62 ISEI) and matching (75–87%), and even lower overeducation rates (max. 13%) than the German-speaking group, Baltic countries more closely resemble the disadvantageous situation of Southern Europe, particularly regarding the relatively high overeducation rates (up to 25%), relatively low occupational status (ISEI less than 60), and matching rates (62–81%).

In summary, the country pattern for university graduates resembles the pattern for secondary graduates, revealing a continuum of countries between German-speaking nations and those of Southern Europe. Although the Northern and especially the landlocked CEE countries are closer to the German-speaking group, Western Europe and Baltic CEE countries are more similar to the southern group. These differences are frequently linked to the institutions in the education systems in these countries. The following section introduces the main theoretical frameworks on the institutional effects on individual outcomes and subsequently describes country characteristics according to these institutions.

2 The role of education systems

2.1 how do educational institutions shape labour market outcomes.

Studies addressing the role of institutions of education systems predominantly focus on vocational specificity and stratification of education Footnote 10 (Allmendinger 1989 ; Hannan et al. 1999 ; Kerckhoff 2001 ; Müller and Shavit 1998a ). These institutions influence individual outcomes due to educational signalling (Spence 1973 ) Footnote 11 . The principal aspect of this theory is the imperfect information of employers who seek signals of productivity of job seekers. School-to-work research uses this approach as a mechanism behind institutional effects. Accordingly, institutions shape the informational value (signalling) of educational credentials, which drives the labour market outcomes of young graduates.

The stratification of the education system (Allmendinger 1989 ; Kerckhoff 2001 ) defines the extent to which graduates are sorted by performance into different educational levels or programmes (tracking). In highly stratified systems, graduates follow different educational paths and employers rely strongly on certificates as these signal differences in job applicants’ performance. This high signalling of education leads to higher labour market outcomes. In contrast, in less stratified systems, graduates follow similar educational paths and job applicants differ little regarding educational attainment. To distinguish between them, employers must focus on other characteristics of the candidates aside from educational level or field of study (e.g. grades, work experience). This low educational signalling results in lower educational outcomes. Empirical studies support these assumptions: Graduates in countries with high stratification show more advantageous labour market outcomes, such as a lower risk of unemployment (Gangl 2003b , c ), higher occupational status (Gangl 2002 ) and higher education–job matching (Levels et al. 2014 ). Many studies emphasise that stratification increases the gap between graduates of lower and higher education regarding occupational status (Andersen and Van de Werfhorst 2010 ; Bol 2013 ), earnings (Van de Werfhorst 2011a ) and vertical matching (Marczuk 2021 ). This indicates that stratification affects the signalling of educational level , leading to a stronger differentiation in vertical outcomes on the labour market (occupational status, earnings, etc.).

The vocational specificity of educational programmes also shapes individual labour–market outcomes. An educational system is vocational specific (Kerckhoff 2001 ; Müller and Gangl 2003 ) if it provides training in specific skills for a particular occupation – either school-based or as a combination of school and apprenticeship-based training (the ‘dual system’). In these systems, employers rely on skills provided in education as they are strongly vocational and easily applicable to the job (Marsden 1999 ; Müller and Shavit 1998a ). This high signalling of skills makes credentials crucial for the job placement process, resulting in higher labour market outcomes of graduates. Many studies have tested these assumptions by mainly using indicators for the vocational specificity of secondary education. They emphasise that the effect of specificity varies according to outcomes. Vocational specificity shows advantageous effects on outcomes regarding transition, such as a lower risk of unemployment (Gangl 2003b ; Shavit and Muller 2000 ; Van der Velden and Wolbers 2003 ) and temporary employment (de Lange et al. 2013 ) or a faster speed of entry (Bol and Van de Werfhorst 2013 ; Wolbers 2007 ). However, studies show that higher specificity lowers the occupational status of graduates (Shavit and Muller 2000 ; Wolbers 2003 , 2007 ). This is related to the trade-off effect of vocational specificity proposed by Shavit & Müller ( 2000 ): Although graduates with secondary education are protected from unemployment or low-skill employment ( safety net ), they face lower opportunities for jobs with higher occupational status as these jobs are reserved for graduates with tertiary education ( diversion ). Some studies also find a negative effect of specificity on horizontal matching (Wolbers 2003 ; Levels et al. 2014 ; Marczuk 2021 ). Marczuk ( 2021 ) suggests considering horizontal matching only in jobs corresponding to the educational level (vertical matching): In line with the diversion reasoning, specificity might lower horizontal matching for those with a secondary education when higher status-jobs are included (positions designed for those with a tertiary education).

The next section describes the institutional settings of European countries regarding both stratification and vocational specificity and links them to the individual labour market outcomes presented in the previous section.

2.2 Education systems in European countries

Research applying the theoretical concepts of stratification and vocational specificity of secondary education divides countries into those with highly evolved stratification and specificity and those where these features are markedly less present. Whereas most studies draw a distinction between occupational labour markets (OLM) and internal labour markets (ILM) (Marsden 1990 , 1999 ), others refer to qualification and organisational spaces (Maurice et al. 1986 ). The OLM model (or qualification spaces) is characterised by high educational signalling due to a highly specific and stratified education system. In this model, training takes place in the education system and certificates are highly valued by employers. In the ILM model (or organisational spaces), educational signalling is low due to more generally-oriented programmes and the less pronounced stratification of education systems. In this model, education takes place in the labour market itself ( on-the-job training ) as skills signalled by credentials are less useful to employers.

Research has so far emphasised that German-speaking countries clearly represent the OLM model, whereas Southern Europe show characteristics of ILM (Gangl 2010 ; Müller and Shavit 1998a ). However, the classification of countries in between this continuum has not always been conclusive: for example, Saar et al. ( 2008 ) classify Nordic countries (FI and SE) as ILM, whereas Marczuk ( 2021 ) categorises them into the OLM group; some English speaking countries are either classified as OLM (Kerckhoff 1995 ) or clearly as ILM (Gangl 2010 ). This is partly related to the different country samples and due to the different indicators for institutional settings used in the studies. To derive clear country classifications, I rely on in-depth qualitative descriptions of country-specific institutions presented in previous studies of the school-to-work research. However, I complement this information by quantitative data derived from official statistics (OECD employment outlook, Eurostat). Using the same measurement of institutional settings for wide range of countries allows to identify reliable country classifications along the OLM–ILM continuum. In this respect, stratification is measured by low tertiary graduation rates as high stratification selects students into different educational tracks and fewer students reach tertiary level. In addition, I also consider the tracking index proposed by Bol and Van de Werfhorst ( 2013 ), although not all countries are covered there (e.g. CEE). Vocational specificity is in turn represented by two indicators: the share of students in school-based vocational upper secondary education (as opposed to general education) and by the share of students in apprenticeship-type vocational education (dual-system), although the information is not available for all countries (e.g. CEE). To measure the vocational specificity of higher education, I rely on qualitative descriptions derived from previous studies (e.g. Kivinen and Nurmi 2014 ; Reimer et al. 2008 ) because – to my knowledge – official statistics barely provide this information. All these measures allow us to propose a reliable classification of countries along the OLM–ILM continuum.

As already mentioned, research emphasises that German-speaking countries clearly represent the OLM model. The advantageous labour market situation of graduates is linked to the high educational signalling driven by high specificity and high stratification (Müller and Shavit 1998a ). Germany, and Austria, and partly Switzerland, Footnote 12 offer a highly tracked school system (Bol and Van de Werfhorst 2013 ): Students are sorted early into different academic or vocational tracks after 4 to 6 years of elementary school, which determinates their future educational chances for higher or vocational education. This results in relatively low tertiary education rates, especially in Germany and Austria (Eurostat 2022 ). Furthermore, these systems are characterised by extensive vocational training. In addition to purely school-based learning, all German-speaking systems show high shares of apprenticeship-based training (the ‘dual system’) at the upper secondary level (OECD 2021 ), where students learn both in schools and on the job. Regarding the tertiary level, these systems reveal high proportions of universities of applied sciences (Leuze 2010 ), with high rates of specific or professional fields of study (Reimer et al. 2008 ) and study-related work experience (Kivinen and Nurmi 2014 ).

The education systems of Northern countries resemble the OLM pattern of the German-speaking group. However, regarding secondary education, Denmark offers an extensive apprenticeship-based training (the ‘dual system’), whereas this is less evolved in the Netherlands, Sweden and Finland, where school-based training is more prevalent (OECD 2021 ; Smyth et al. 2003 , p. 43). In addition, tracking in all Northern countries is less pronounced compared to German-speaking countries (Bol and Van de Werfhorst 2013 ; Shavit and Muller 1998 ; Smyth et al. 2003 ) revealing higher tertiary education rates (Eurostat 2022 ). This might partly explain why labour market outcomes in Northern countries are lower than those in German-speaking countries, as described in the former section.

In contrast, English-speaking countries follow the ILM model (Gangl 2010 ). The education system involves far less tracking (Smyth et al. 2003 ) and students complete a long period of elementary school that predominantly leads to higher education, which is why these countries are revealed to have high tertiary education rates (Eurostat 2022 ) and low tracking (Bol and Van de Werfhorst 2013 ). This low stratification is accompanied by high shares of general programmes in secondary education (OECD 2021 ): students learn more general skills with a wide range of subjects in predominantly school-based education (Shavit and Muller 1998 ; Smyth et al. 2003 ). Tertiary education consists mostly of traditional universities of general scope (a multi-faculty structure) (Kim and Kim 2003 ; Leuze 2010 ) with high shares of general fields of education (Reimer et al. 2008 ) and less access to study-related work experience (Kivinen and Nurmi 2014 ). These institutional settings in English-speaking countries are linked to lower educational signalling and more turbulent transition patterns (Müller and Shavit 1998a , p. 12). Similar institutional settings reveal countries such as France and partly Belgium, being however, slightly more stratified (with lower tertiary education rates, see Eurostat 2022 ) and possessing higher shares of vocational school-based programmes at the secondary level (OECD 2021 ), which might explain their more advantageous outcomes (of university graduates) compared to English-speaking countries, as presented in the previous section.

In summary, there is a division between OLM and ILM models, with German-speaking countries representing one group and Western European countries (English-speaking, France, and Belgium) the other. However, this division does not fully apply to Southern Europe. Although it shows strong characteristics of the ILM model, with general training in both secondary and tertiary education (Marczuk 2021 ; OECD 2021 ; Passaretta and Triventi 2015 ), low stratification and relatively high tertiary education rates (Eurostat 2022 ) Footnote 13 , labour market outcomes in Southern Europe are even more disadvantageous than in ILM Western countries, as shown in the previous section. This is due to the higher labour market regulation in Southern Europe (Gangl 2010 ) Footnote 14 : Strict regulations protect those already employed, making it more difficult for new entrants to find a job. The negative effect of more general and less stratified education is thus amplified by strict labour market regulations (Gangl 2010 ), leading to even lower labour market outcomes compared to other ILM countries.

Particular Central and Eastern European countries differ strongly in institutional settings. On the one hand, landlocked countries such as the Czech Republic and Hungary (and partly Slovakia) have the highest tracking within CEE, low educational expansion and offer apprenticeship-type training (Kogan 2008 ). This resembles the education systems of German-speaking countries, although to a lesser extent due to the comparatively less evolved dual system (OECD 2021 ). The Baltic countries such as Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia (and partly Poland), on the other hand, have lower tracking, higher educational expansion (Eurostat 2022 ) and offer predominantly general education at upper secondary level (OECD 2021 ). These differences in education systems might partly explain why individual outcomes in landlocked countries are higher than in Baltic countries.

This section identifies country-specific transition regimes. Figure  2 reveals the above-described country classifications. Both secondary and tertiary graduates in German-speaking countries show the highest labour market outcomes. This is linked to their high specificity and highly stratified education system (OLM model). Relatively similar patterns can be seen in Denmark and, to a lesser extent, in the remaining Northern countries. In contrast, in Southern and Western Europe (English speaking countries & FR, BE) these institutional settings are merely evolved (ILM model), resulting in lower labour market outcomes. Central and Eastern Europe does not display a uniform pattern: Landlocked countries (CZ, HU, SK) show higher labour market outcomes due to highly evolved institutional settings comparable with German-speaking systems. Countries around the Baltic Sea (EE, LV, LT and PL) reveal lower outcomes due to a lack of these strong institutional settings. As shown by the case of Southern Europe, along with less evolved educational institutions, there are labour market institutions that make the transition more turbulent. These institutions form another relevant context which shapes individual outcomes, which will be described in the next section.

Educational institutions in European countries.

Source: Author’s diagram based on the literature review and own calculations derived from official statistics: Stratification is measured by tertiary education rates for 20–35 year olds (Eurostat 2022 ) and by the tracking index proposed by Bol and Van de Werfhorst ( 2013 ); vocational specificity is measured by the share of students enrolled in general and vocational upper secondary education and in apprenticeship training in vocational upper secondary education (OECD 2021 ). Although all countries offer both general and vocational education (and to a certain extent apprenticeship-based training), the graph classifies countries according to their most dominant characteristic, e.g. Whereas German-speaking countries provide high shares of school-based training, they are classified as dual systems, because their dual shares are the highest in Europe; English speaking countries are classified as general systems because they show higher shares of general education compared to their shares of vocational education. The latter also applies to baltic CEE (OECD 2021 ), although official statistics do not provide information on the shares of dual systems in these countries, which are classified by some studies as vocational specific (Kogan 2008 )

It is worth noting that Fig. 2 reveals a positive correlation between both institutional settings: the higher the vocational specificity, the higher the stratification, or vice versa (although this applies less to Northern countries). This positive correlation might result from the threshold between secondary and tertiary education Footnote 15 : On the one hand, general secondary education is meant to prepare for entry into tertiary education (Unesco 2012 ), thus high shares of general education result in high educational expansion (and thus low stratification). On the other hand, higher shares of vocational programmes (especially with an extensive dual system) are associated with low tertiary education rates because vocational secondary education is meant to prepare for entry into the labour market instead of continuing education at the tertiary level (Unesco 2012 ). These strongly evolved institutional characteristics result in higher labour market outcomes of both the secondary and tertiary educated (for a study addressing the school-to-work transition of both educational groups, see Marczuk 2021 ). Footnote 16

3 Labour market institutions

3.1 how does the labour market shape individual labour market outcomes.

In addition to the institutions of the education system, a wide research stream has focused on the effects of various labour market characteristics on individual labour market outcomes.

Numerous studies analysing the effect of educational institutions have considered the characteristics of the labour market to control for other contextual factors. Whereas the majority focus on cyclical factors, mostly using the change in gross domestic product (GDP) or the youth unemployment rate of a country (e.g. de Lange et al. 2013 ; Gangl 2003a ; Gebel and Giesecke 2016 ), some also consider the size of labour market sectors (e.g. Kogan et al. 2011 ; Marczuk 2021 ; Verhaest et al. 2017 ).

Apart from these labour market characteristics , many studies explicitly address the effect of labour market institutions . Although trade unions, active labour market policies and the minimum wage are moderately addressed in transition research (for a short review, see Gebel 2017 ), the most prominent labour market institution considered is the employment protection legislation (EPL). This institution describes regulations regarding employers’ hiring and firing practices. The effect of this institution follows an insider–outsider logic (Lindbeck and Snower 1989 ): A strictly regulated labour market protects employees (insiders) and makes dismissals more difficult. This, in turn, diminishes the opportunities to hire new labour (outsiders) and has a particularly negative effect on the integration of young people into the labour market who, as recent graduates, are clearly outsiders.

Empirical findings reveal that labour market regulation indeed raises the risk of unemployment (Breen 2005 ; de Lange et al. 2013 ), prolongs the transition period (Wolbers 2007 ) and increases the risk of temporary employment for young graduates (Passaretta and Wolbers 2016 ). In short, labour market regulation affects outcomes regarding the chance of obtaining a (permanent) job, as emphasised by insider–outsider theory. However, research addressing outcomes related to job quality reveals less conclusive findings. Some studies find a positive effect of EPL on the risk of overeducation (Di Pietro 2002 ; McGuinness et al. 2018 ) and explain it by the greater difficulty of dismissing mismatched workers. Others identify negative effects on overeducation (Gangl 2004 ) or mismatch (Assirelli 2015 ; Verhaest et al. 2017 ) by arguing that employers may be risk averse in more regulated settings, leading to a better fit between the applicant’s education and job. Thus, the insider–outsider assumptions regarding EPL are suitable when considering the chance of getting (or keeping) a job, but less so when considering the quality of the job (matching, overeducation).

Among the various types of EPL, employment and income-sustaining policies form another relevant labour market institution. They address the preconditions for and the duration of unemployment benefits. The effect of sustaining policies on individual outcomes is explained by search and matching theory (Barron 1975 ; Mortensen 1973 ), according to which, candidates continue to search for a job as long as the search costs do not exceed the wages of the currently available jobs. When candidates face high job search costs, they are keen to accept jobs that do not meet their (wage) expectations. These search costs are, in turn, lowered by high income-sustaining policies as they compensate for wage deficits during unemployment. Consequently, unemployment benefits grant workers more time to find a job that suits their preferences. Indeed, research has found that higher unemployment benefits prolong the unemployment duration (Farber and Valletta 2015 ; Lalive 2007 ) and this longer search period leads to jobs with higher wages or stronger matching (Gangl 2004 ; Nekoei and Weber 2017 ). However, most of the studies do not use country macro indicators when measuring sustaining policies but instead rely on the duration of unemployment benefits at the individual level. In addition, comparative transition research considers sustaining policies as a complementary institution to EPL: the main assumption behind this complementarity is that sustaining policies provide unemployment benefits covering the costs of a long search duration caused by strict EPL (Bukodi et al. 2008 ; Estévez-Abe et al. 2001 ). Thus, sustaining policies complement EPL rather than having an autonomous effect on youth transition into labour market. The following section describes country characteristics regarding employment protection legislation and its complementarity effect by sustaining policies.

3.2 Labour market institutions in European countries

This section presents country-specific settings concerning institutions along the axes of EPL and sustaining policies. It leans on the existing country classifications regarding the two labour market institutions proposed by Saar et al. ( 2008 ) and Estévez-Abe et al. ( 2001 ). However, the contribution of this chapter is in linking these institutional settings to the individual outcomes elaborated in Sect.  1 and providing more insights about the country clusters. As argued above, the focus is on the effect of institutional settings on the transition period of youth (unemployment rate, duration of unemployment, temporary contracts) which is shown to be affected by labour market settings rather than job quality (e.g. matching, overeducation).

In the right upper corner of Fig.  3 are Nordic countries such as Finland, Norway and Sweden, together with Belgium and France. In these countries, both institutional settings are highly evolved, which affects labour market outcomes. On the one hand, the strict EPL makes labour market entry more difficult for young graduates (outsiders), as evidenced by the relatively high rates of youth unemployment (15–20% for FR & BE, 20–25% for Nordic countries, see Table  1 ), which frequently lasts longer than one year, especially for unemployed youth in France and Belgium (27–35%). In addition, employers more frequently assign short-term contracts (up to 58%), which makes it easier to fire employees that is highly restricted by EPL. On the other hand, the high sustaining policies provide financial security during these long search periods and allow job seekers to find jobs that suit their preferences. Although to a lesser extent, German-speaking countries (such as Germany or Austria) also show similar institutional settings. However, despite showing strict EPL, their unemployment rate and job finding duration are some of the lowest in Europe (see Table  1 ).

Similar to the group described above, Southern European countries (except for Spain) also show strict EPL and turbulent entry patterns that subsequently manifest in the highest youth unemployment in Europe (up to 40%). In addition, their unemployment frequently lasts over a year (for up to 56% of unemployed youth) and the contracts assigned are frequently of a short time (up to 56%). However, unlike in France, Belgium or Nordic countries, the turbulent transition period is not compensated for by high unemployment benefits as the sustaining policies are low in Southern Europe. This institutional gap is filled by family support (Bernardi et al. 2000 ; Gangl 2010 ), suggesting that family plays a significant role as a relevant institution when state support is scarce.

Apart from the two main models with strict EPL described above, other country groups reveal low EPL. In Denmark and the Netherlands (see the upper left corner in Fig.  3 ) the low protections of already employed insiders allow for flexible hiring and firing practices and thus a smoother transition into the labour market for young graduates (outsiders). This manifests in low youth unemployment (approximately 10%) and short unemployment spells (below 18% search for longer than a year). In addition, the generous income-sustaining policies provide security for employees in the event of a sudden job loss provoked by the weak EPL.

Flexible hiring and firing practices also take place in English-speaking countries due to low EPL (see the lower left corner of Fig.  3 ). This manifests itself in relatively low youth unemployment (below 15%), shorter unemployment spells (21% search for longer than a year) and a lower share of temporary contracts (15–29%). However, in the case of a sudden job loss, the unemployment benefits offer less support compared to Denmark or the Netherlands due to weak sustaining policies, which might make the further career path more turbulent.

Labour market institutions in European countries.

Source: Authors’ own diagram based on the classifications by Saar et al. ( 2008 ) and Estevez-Abe et al. ( 2001 )

Central and Eastern European countries show quite weak sustaining policies whereas they differ in EPL: the smooth transition in landlocked countries (search duration is less than 6 months, max. 13% youth unemployment) might be related to a weaker EPL and easier firing and hiring practices. These practices are stricter in Baltic countries, which might explain their more turbulent transition pattern (search duration is up to 9 months, up to 20% youth unemployment). Whereas the smooth transition pattern in landlocked countries requires less state support, as in English-speaking countries, the turbulent pattern in Baltic countries is not supported by sustaining policies, similar to Southern Europe.

In summary, this section describes the role of institutions of the labour market in driving labour market outcomes. Among the many labour market characteristics, EPL is a central institution that delays the transition of youth (outsiders) into the labour market. Whereas in some countries the longer transition is compensated for by high sustaining policies (some Nordic countries or Belgium and France), in others it is weakly evolved and must be covered by family financial support (e.g. Southern Europe and perhaps Baltic countries). This section also emphasizes that EPL drives the transition into first jobs (unemployment risk and length, search duration) due to the insider–outsider protection or search costs. Job quality, in turn, might be more strongly related to educational signalling, which is driven more by education systems than by labour market institutions. The next section connects both sides and describes how the institutions of the education system complement the institutions of the labour market in affecting the transition into the first job in addition to job quality.

4 Putting the pieces together: complementarities between education systems and labour markets in Europe

Several studies describe the complementarity of EPL with vocational specificity shaping individual outcomes (Andersen and Van de Werfhorst 2010 ; Barbieri et al. 2016 ; Breen 2005 ; Brzinsky-Fay 2017 ; Leuze 2010 ; Scherer 2005 ). Accordingly, high specificity compensates for the negative effect of EPL on outsiders (graduates) entering the labour market owing to stronger educational signalling. Thus, having strong educational signalling may prevent young people from turbulent transitions, even in highly regulated labour markets. This is particularly the case in German-speaking countries, which explains their smooth transition into beneficial jobs despite the strong insider protection regulated by a strict EPL.

Estévez-Abe et al. ( 2001 ) provide a theoretical framework which addresses the complementarity of labour market and education system institutions. In particular, the authors explain why education systems provide general or specific skills by arguing that it depends on the protection of skills regulated by labour market institutions.

The starting point of this argument is that investment in specific human capital is riskier because specific skills are not easily transferable between industries or companies. However, this investment is less risky if LM-institutions are highly evolved. On the one hand, generous sustaining policies cover search costs and thus allow a longer search for jobs that match specific skills (especially within the same industry). On the other hand, due to insider protection, EPL guarantees continued employment in jobs matching specific skills (particularly in the same company). Thus, if at least one of the labour market institutions is highly evolved, the investment in specific skills is less risky, allowing education systems to provide vocational specific education (Estévez-Abe et al. 2001 ).

This is true for German-speaking or Northern countries (and to a certain extent France and Belgium) where strict EPL and/or sustaining policies protect the vocational-specific skills offered in education systems. That is why the training takes place in the education system and employers use these skills in their companies (OLM). These countries show, on the one hand, a rather turbulent transition (due to strong labour market institutions), but on the other a high level of education–job matching (due to specific education). However, in German-speaking countries, the transition into labour markets is smooth due to the dual system and high stratification that provoke strong educational signalling, which makes hiring skilled graduates less risky.

Conversely, if both labour market institutions are less evolved, the investment in vocational skills is not protected and education systems provide general education that is transferable between companies or industries (Estévez-Abe et al. 2001 ). That is why, in English-speaking countries, the weak labour market institutions are complemented by general educational systems and training takes place on the job (ILM). Therefore, these countries show a smooth transition (due to weak labour market intuitions) but lower education–job matching (due to general education).

Although this theoretical framework was designed predominantly for Western societies, it is less applicable to Southern or Central and Eastern Europe. Despite strict EPL and the protection of specific skills, the education system in Southern Europe or Baltic countries does not provide specific but rather general education, resulting not only in a turbulent transition pattern but also in low education–job matching. Landlocked Eastern European countries, in turn, show on average weak labour market institutions but specific education. This might be related to the history of these countries and the changes after the fall of the Iron Curtain (Kogan et al. 2008 ): Although the education systems have maintained their Soviet tradition of specific education, the shift from controlled to liberal governance has weakened labour market institutions. This leads to a rather smooth transition (due to low EPL) and high matching between education and jobs in landlocked countries (due to high vocational specificity).

5 Discussion

This paper introduced and systematised the main findings of the comparative school-to-work transition research and offers several contributions.

First, by describing both labour market outcomes and institutional settings for a wide range of Western and Central and Eastern European countries, it provides a clearer classification of transition regimes: As emphasised by previous studies, we learned that graduates in German-speaking countries experience advantageous outcomes due to highly stratified and specific education while these outcomes are lower in Southern Europe due to less evolved education institutions. However, Sects.  1 and 2 provide a country classification that places all other countries in between these two poles: whereas Northern and especially landlocked CEE countries are closer to the German-speaking group, English speaking countries and France, Belgium and in particular Baltic CEE countries are more similar to Southern Europe. Considering a wide range of countries allowed us to identify these reliable country clusters, which thus far have been differently classified or rarely considered in previous research.

Second, by connecting both educational systems and labour markets – addressed separately in previous studies – this study sheds light on how they complement each other and which outcomes in particular they affect: By extensively reviewing the findings of previous studies, we learned that labour market institutions influence outcomes related to transitioning into the labour market (unemployment risk and length, search duration, etc.) due to insider protections and search costs (see Sect.  3 ). Education systems, on the other hand, shape both the transition pattern and job quality (overeducation, matching, etc.) due to educational signalling (see Sect.  2 ). These differentiations emphasise the importance of considering particular labour market outcomes when analysing a particular institution, in addition to highlighting that both the education system and labour market should be considered when addressing transition patterns (see Sect.  4 ). Complementarities of institutions are crucial – it is never one institution but rather a conjunction of several institutions that drives individual outcomes.

Third, the overview allows us to identify research desiderata regarding country samples. The examinations of the country samples of previous studies revealed that some European countries were barely considered, e.g. small German-speaking countries (Luxembourg, Liechtenstein), islands of Southern Europe (Cyprus or Malta) or other CEE countries (e.g. Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania). Although these CEE countries could reveal the diverse heritages of Soviet influences, small countries or islands might show different institutional logics of education systems as they are more closely linked to the labour market on the regional level. In addition, considering candidate EU countries (Turkey and other Balkan countries) or countries outside Europe (especially rare comparisons with the Asian, Latin American or African continents) might, in turn, lead to a revision of the existing classifications and theoretical models given the homogenisation attempts of secondary or tertiary education proposed by the Lisbon or Bologna Process in Europe.

Fourth, relevant limitations regarding the available data are worth mentioning. Most of the micro-level survey data do not differentiate between general and vocational specific programmes of secondary education. This is a clear limitation considering the importance of the vocational education and training (VET) graduates in the research stream. To our knowledge, only EU-Labour Force Survey data (2000 and 2009) or Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) data (2011) provide this information in addition to a variety of labour market outcomes. Moreover, macro-level country data provide few indicators addressing vocational specificity, especially regarding work experience during education. Such indicators are rarely offered for the secondary stage, whereas indicators regarding higher education are not available. The ‘European Tertiary Education Register (ETER)’ project Footnote 17 might fill the latter gap, providing data on the characteristics of tertiary education institutions in Europe such as size, subject structure, programme orientation, etc. However, this platform is still evolving and at present does not cover all higher education institutions in European countries.

It is also worth noting that the presented research stream is limited to the transition into the first job after graduation. Research focusing on further career development shows that, with time, the signalling of specific education falls and other signals (job experience) become more relevant (Gangl 2010 ). Thus, general transferable skills might be advantageous for further career development whereas specific skills hinder adaptation to new jobs or technologies (Brunello and Rocco 2015 ; Hanushek et al. 2017 ). Research also emphasises the disadvantages of highly evolved educational institutions: although they shape smooth paths into the labour market, higher stratification or vocational specificity increases social inequality in educational attainment regarding social origin, migration background or gender (Bol and Van de Werfhorst 2013 ; Heisig and Schaeffer 2020 ; Van Hek et al. 2019 ).

Lastly, despite the strong contribution of transition research emphasising the role of institutions, individual actions are extremely complex, and this research only reveals generalised processes within complex countries. Although the above-identified country clusters show clear similarities, they are not identical regarding institutional settings or labour market outcomes; for example, Switzerland shows slightly different educational or labour market institutions within the German-speaking cluster, which also applies to Spain within Southern Europe or to Poland within the Baltic cluster. These generalisations allow us to paint an understandable picture from complex settings; however, the within heterogeneity is not meant to be neglected here.

Data availability

Not applicable.

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In the following I refer to Finland, Norway or Sweden as Nordic countries, whereas when additionally considering Denmark and the Netherlands, I call this country group Northern countries.

Along with stratification and vocational specificity, the standardisation of the education system is another educational institution. However, this concept was rather considered in small case studies (Allmendinger 1989 ; Kerckhoff 2001 ), while it is less established in analyses using a wider country sample. Due to its limited application within comparative transition research and the lack of descriptions for a wide range of countries, it will not be further addressed in this review.

For further empirical evidence using other theoretical explanations for the role of education, such as the human capital theory (Becker 1962 , 1993 ), the job queue theory (Thurow 1978 ) or credential mechanisms (Collins 1979 ), see e.g. Bills et al. ( 2017 ); Bol ( 2015 ); Van de Werfhorst ( 2011a , b ).

Switzerland is divided into different language areas and cantons: The largest area comprises the German-speaking cantons. There is also the smaller French-speaking, Italian-speaking and the very small Romansh-speaking part of Switzerland. Due to federalism, the education system is primarily the responsibility of the cantons. However, the structure of whole education systems is not so strongly differentiated between cantons (SERI 2024 ), which is why school-to-work research does not differentiate the language areas within Switzerland, considering it a German speaking country. Accordingly, Switzerland is placed here in the German speaking cluster: although slightly less stratified, it shows the highest vocational specificity of all considered German-speaking countries.

This applies less to Italy, which has lower tertiary education rates than other Southern countries; however, these low rates partly stem from high dropout rates at Italian universities (Barone and Ortiz 2011 ).

Spain is an exception, revealing a less regulated labour market.

Given the progressive educational expansion in Europe (Eurostat 2020a ), approaches of hybridisation of secondary vocational with higher education are becoming currently more common. These dual study tertiary education programmes combine school and work based training and thus imitate the approach of dual systems of secondary education (DAAD 2024 ). However, these trends predominantly take place in the highly specific German systems, which is in line with the above proposed classifications along the OLM–ILM line.

Marczuk ( 2021 ) additionally proposes a complementarity model of these educational institutions affecting the transition of both educational groups: Whereas stratification closes whole labour market sectors for graduates of a particular educational level (e.g. sectors for Professionals designed for tertiary educated vs. sectors for Service and Support Workers designed for secondary educated), vocational specificity closes jobs within these sectors for graduates of particular field of education (e.g. School teachers for tertiary graduates from Education vs. Child care workers for secondary graduates from Education).

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Marczuk, A. Literature review of comparative school-to-work research: how institutional settings shape individual labour market outcomes. J Labour Market Res 58 , 19 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12651-024-00375-w

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• School-to-work transitions
• Institutional settings
• Education system
• Labour market
• Comparative research
• Complementarities of institutions