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Importance of Taboos

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Taboos: Unveiling Social Norms and Boundaries

In sociology, taboos are social norms that are considered highly forbidden or prohibited within a particular culture or society. These taboos are deeply ingrained and often carry strong moral or religious implications. They serve as a way to regulate behavior and maintain social order. In this article, we will outline and explain the concept of taboos, their significance, and their impact on society.

Defining Taboos

Taboos are a set of cultural rules that dictate what is considered unacceptable, immoral, or impure within a given society. They are often deeply rooted in traditions, customs, and religious beliefs. Taboos can vary widely between cultures and even within different social groups.

Taboos can cover a wide range of topics, including but not limited to sexuality, death, religion , food, and bodily functions. For example, incest, cannibalism, and necrophilia are universally recognized as taboo subjects in most societies.

The Significance of Taboos

Taboos play a crucial role in shaping social behavior and maintaining social order. They serve as a means of regulating individual actions and ensuring conformity to societal norms. By establishing clear boundaries of what is considered acceptable and unacceptable, taboos help to define the moral fabric of a society.

Taboos also serve as a mechanism for reinforcing cultural values and beliefs. They act as a form of social control, discouraging behaviors that may be seen as harmful, immoral, or threatening to the social order. Violating a taboo often carries severe consequences, such as social ostracism, punishment, or even legal repercussions.

The Impact of Taboos on Society

Taboos can have both positive and negative effects on society. On one hand, they help maintain social cohesion by providing a shared set of values and norms . They promote stability and order by discouraging behaviors that may disrupt the social fabric.

However, taboos can also be restrictive and limit individual freedom. They can stifle creativity, hinder social progress, and perpetuate discrimination and inequality . For example, certain taboos related to gender, sexuality, or race can reinforce stereotypes and contribute to marginalization.

Furthermore, taboos can change over time as societies evolve and adapt. What may have been considered taboo in the past may no longer hold the same significance in modern society. For instance, topics such as divorce, homosexuality, or mental health were once heavily stigmatized but are now more openly discussed and accepted in many cultures.

Challenging Taboos

As societies become more diverse and interconnected, there is an increasing tendency to challenge traditional taboos. This can be seen in movements advocating for gender equality , LGBTQ+ rights, and the recognition of mental health issues.

Challenging taboos requires open dialogue, education , and a willingness to question deeply ingrained beliefs. It involves breaking down societal barriers and promoting empathy and understanding. By challenging taboos, societies can progress towards greater inclusivity and social justice.

Taboos are an integral part of every culture and society. They serve as a mechanism for regulating behavior, maintaining social order, and reinforcing cultural values . While taboos can have both positive and negative impacts on society, challenging them can lead to social progress and a more inclusive and accepting world.

Mr Edwards has a PhD in sociology and 10 years of experience in sociological knowledge

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• ARC Journals - Sociolinguistics Study on Taboos
• University of California San Diego - Rady School of Management - Taboos and Identity: Considering the unthinkable
• Learn Religions - What Are Taboos in Religious Practices?
• Academia - Taboo
• BBC - Travel - The origin of the word 'taboo'

taboo , the prohibition of an action based on the belief that such behaviour is either too sacred and consecrated or too dangerous and accursed for ordinary individuals to undertake. The term taboo is of Polynesian origin and was first noted by Captain James Cook during his visit to Tonga in 1771; he introduced it into the English language , after which it achieved widespread currency. Although taboos are often associated with the Polynesian cultures of the South Pacific, they have proved to be present in virtually all societies past and present.

Generally, the prohibition that is inherent in a taboo includes the idea that its breach or defiance will be followed by some kind of trouble to the offender, such as lack of success in hunting or fishing, sickness, miscarriage, or death. In some cases proscription is the only way to avoid this danger; examples include rules against fishing or picking fruit at certain seasons and against walking or traveling in certain areas. Dietary restrictions are common, as are rules for the behaviour of people facing important life events such as parturition , marriage , death, and rites of passage .

In other cases, the danger represented by the taboo can be overcome through ritual . This is often the case for taboos meant to protect communities and individuals from beings or situations that are simultaneously so powerful as to be inherently dangerous and so common that they are essentially unavoidable. For example, many cultures require persons who have been in physical contact with the dead to engage in a ritual cleansing. Many cultures also circumscribe physical contact with a woman who is menstruating —or, less often, a woman who is pregnant —because she is the locus of extremely powerful reproductive forces. Perhaps the most familiar resolution to this taboo is the Jewish practice of bathing in a mikvah after menstruation and parturition.

Taboos that are meant to prevent the sacred from being defiled by the ordinary include those that prohibited ordinary people from touching the head—or even the shadow—of a Polynesian chief because doing so would compromise his mana , or sacred power. As the chief’s mana was important in maintaining the ritual security of the community , such actions were believed to place the entire population at risk.

There is broad agreement that the taboos current in any society tend to relate to objects and actions that are significant for the social order and that, as such, taboos belong to the general system of social control . Sigmund Freud provided perhaps the most ingenious explanation for the apparently irrational nature of taboos, positing that they were generated by ambivalent social attitudes and in effect represent forbidden actions for which there nevertheless exists a strong unconscious inclination. He directly applied this viewpoint to the most universal of all taboos, the incest taboo , which prohibits sexual relations between close relatives.

Other important researchers or theorists on the topic were William Robertson Smith , Sir James G. Frazer , and Wilhelm Wundt ; important books have included Freud ’s Totem and Taboo (1913), Franz Baermann Steiner’s classic Taboo (1956), and Mary Douglas’s enduring Purity and Danger (1966).

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Causes of Conflict: When Taboos Create Trouble

Among the many causes of conflict, taboo issues that arise in negotiation and other realms can be difficult to address. here’s how to identify and broach these hot-button issues..

By Katie Shonk — on July 25th, 2024 / Conflict Resolution

In negotiation, some topics are difficult to even bring up. Such taboo issues can easily become causes of conflict, writes Daniel Shapiro, founder and director of the Harvard International Negotiation Program, in Negotiating the Nonnegotiable: How to Resolve Your Most Emotionally Charged Conflicts (Viking, 2016). Consider these real-life conflict scenarios :

• While negotiating an acquisition that would include key personnel, members of the buyer’s team are concerned about rumors that a top executive from the target firm has a serious drinking problem that impairs his performance. They are reluctant to raise the issue with those from the target firm.
• Teaching a workshop in a Middle Eastern country, an American professor senses rising tension in the room. Later, he learns that he offended his foreign counterparts by exposing the sole of his shoe to those present—a violation of a cultural prohibition.
• Two department heads, Deb and Lina, have been planning a long-term project that their teams will work on jointly. In a meeting to discuss business team building , Deb mocks a politician whom Lina supports. Lina doesn’t speak up for fear of straining their work relationship.

As causes of conflict, taboos can require us to look more closely at hot-button issues and engage in conflict resolution .

What Is a Taboo?

Every taboo has three components, according to Shapiro:

• A prohibition. A taboo specifies particular feelings, thoughts, or actions as being off-limits within a community. For example, curse words may be taboo during a formal negotiation but more acceptable during an office happy hour.
• A punishment for breaking the prohibition. Every taboo has a punishment for violation. A negotiator who asks whether a prominent member of the target firm has a drinking problem—a taboo topic—risks damaging and even ending the negotiation.
• Protective significance. Taboos serve as unwritten social rules that protect us from saying or doing something that offends community values. For example, the common taboo in many workplaces against discussing politics or religion can keep divisive conflict from arising.

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Taboos as Causes of Conflict

Taboos serve a useful function, but can be causes of conflict for at least three reasons, writes Shapiro in Negotiating the Nonnegotiable :

• We are unaware of the taboo. Sometimes we inadvertently offend someone by violating a taboo due to lack of awareness. It was Shapiro himself, for example, who caused a stir by unintentionally exposing the sole of his shoe to his workshop participants in the Middle East.
• We fear discussing the taboo. “To break a taboo can feel frightening—but to avoid breaking it keeps you mired in a conflict.” In families, long-buried painful memories can prolong hurt feelings and tension, for example.
• We have no framework. Taboos vary widely from one context to the next. Because we are likely to lack a systematic framework for dealing with taboo issues, we may be confused about whether to accept, address, or break them.

Navigating Taboos

In Negotiating the Nonnegotiable , Shapiro recommends three conflict-resolution strategies that can help us bring taboos to the surface of our minds and our negotiations.

• Increase your awareness. Because taboos protect important parts of our identities, people often react strongly when taboos they hold dear are violated. Consequently, it is important to try to prepare for the taboos you may encounter and think about how to cope with them. Consider the unwritten rules, off-limit topics, and prohibited emotions (such as anger or sadness) that may govern how others expect you to behave. We also need to become aware of taboos that may constrain our counterpart’s behavior. For example, a cultural taboo might prevent an indigenous tribe from selling land it deems sacred.
• Establish a safe zone. Move “sensitive topics from taboo territory to a safe zone” where they can be “examined without fear of punishment or moral compromise,” writes Shapiro in Negotiating the Nonnegotiable . Identify your reason for discussing the taboo: Do you want to air grievances, clarify points of contention, or share your pain? You might also discuss with your counterpart which issues are off-limits and which you can broach respectfully.
• Make an action plan. Mutually decide whether to accept the taboo, chisel away at it slowly, or tear it down quickly, Shapiro recommends. For example, an indigenous tribe might decide to break its taboo against selling sacred land to use profits from the sale to educate its younger generation about the tribe’s history and customs.

What other causes of conflict have you identified, and how have you addressed them?

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Do taboos play an essential role in culture and society or must we simply get rid of them? Index on Censorship magazine editor Rachael Jolley spoke on the topic at Fritt Ord headquarters in Oslo, Norway, on 21 June at a discussion co-organised by Index, Fritt Ord the Free Word Centre.

Other speakers included Maria Stepanova, poet and editor of the webzine Colta.ru, Moscow, and Pål Johan Karlsen, author and editor-in-chief of the website Psykologisk.no.

Index magazine’s winter 2015/16 issue was on the theme of taboos  and why breaking down social barriers matters. In her talk, Jolley presented a global survey of taboos, discussed their history in certain countries and explored why certain taboos lead to censorship.

“Who decided these are the rules and how do they change?” she asked. “Sometimes it takes a generational shift such as we’ve seen in Ireland with the vote to change the law on gay marriage.”

“There’s a tipping point theory where a body of resistance builds up to such a point that the dam breaks and the public suddenly demands another way is found and an older way is discarded,” Jolley added.

Stepanova focused on taboos in Russia, paying special attention to “government-inspired” taboos that were virtually non-existent until a few years ago, but which are now shaped and encouraged by propaganda. Johan Karlsen spoke in defence of the elephant in the room: Why are taboos useful? If we are to co-exist and find inner peace in a dangerous world, we must make space for taboos in our lives, he argued.

Knut Olav Åmås, executive director of the Fritt Ord Foundation, moderated the discussion.

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How Cultural Anthropology Helps Unlock Social Taboos

Design anthropologist adam gamwell talks about seeing the unseeable..

Posted April 21, 2021 | Reviewed by Davia Sills

• The foods we eat are based on cultural assumptions, which are notoriously hard to recognize; anthropology may help us unpack these.
• Food is also fundamentally social: The biggest shifts we've seen in the culinary world aren't technological innovations, but sociological ones.
• Language is polysemous and dynamic; the same words can mean very different things to different groups, and this symbolism is constantly changing.

Applying anthropology to business means asking the big questions. How does communication influence culture? How does language continue to evolve? And what are the hidden assumptions that shape our consumer behavior and attitudes towards food?

These are the questions that design anthropologist Adam Gamwell explores on a daily basis. They are also among the many questions he explores on his popular podcast, This Anthro Life . In this two-part interview, Adam shares this anthropological perspective. In part 1, below, he connects the dots between culture, language, social taboos, and food.

It seems that our attitudes towards the foods we eat are based on cultural views, assumptions, and taboos.

Matt Johnson: Since you have a background in cultural anthropology, sustainability, and food, I’m curious about how to see the connection between these? For example, insects may provide a perfectly nutritious, sustainable source of protein, but the (perhaps unexamined) attitudes towards them may prevent their widespread adoption . How do you see this playing out and are these hindrances things that can be overcome?

Adam Gamwell: What we commonly eat is largely dictated by culture. Insects and sustainability provide an interesting question into how and why people change their minds about what they will and won’t eat. You may ask someone why they eat what they do, and they’ll tell you they try to eat healthily and are mildly aware or feel society should eat more sustainably.

But then ask them if they would ever eat insects—given that they are a healthy and sustainable source of protein—and most people will likely say no thanks. Or sure, I’d at least try it. As anthropologist Margaret Mead put it, what people think, what people do, and what people say they do are entirely different things.

If we’re trying to change behavior, i.e., getting people to focus more on health and sustainability around food, we have to understand not just cultural attitudes today, but also what historical particularisms , as Franz Boas called them, what unique events in history shaped those attitudes. Take quinoa. The golden grain has joined the pantheon of so-called superfoods, nutrient-dense foods that carry with them connotations of health, longevity, naturalness, and maybe the environment . It turns out historically, quinoa went from being one of the sacred crops to Andean South American peoples for thousands of years to being banned and shunned by Spanish colonists and then associated as food for the rural poor. In other words, middle-class and wealthier urban Andeans came to see the food as essentially backward, low class, and socially inferior—the same characteristics they assigned to rural and poor farmers. Food tends to take on the qualities people associate with other groups.

Food is social. Over the past half-century, following cultural trends in healthier eating, sustainable and organic farming, and desires for authenticity and connectedness, quinoa (and many Andean crops that had been deemed inferior) underwent a tremendous amount of cultural reworking. Now it is the poster child of the Peruvian Gastronomy Movement, the darling of superfoodies, a point of cultural pride for rural farming communities, and one of the most important and robust crops for mitigating the effects of a changing climate. This tells us that perceptions, attitudes, and even taboos can change.

So what’s a food sustainability entrepreneur to do? Understand cultural taboos. In the case of eating insects, you can change people’s behaviors if you can successfully nudge people’s associations by 1) Removing the visible ick factor, and 2) Aligning with positive cultural notions of food—sustainability, high protein, nutritious, comfort, etc.

You don’t even need to go all the way to insects to see how this works. As consumers became warier of sugar in sodas and thus became less likely to drink soda, bottling companies started selling diet and sugar-free versions that align with (and influence) changing consumer perceptions of what is good to drink. People could continue to drink their soda without the feelings of guilt or associations of being unhealthy. They’re making the taboo acceptable by changing their form.

It’s amazing how specialized and community-specific language can be—especially when we examine how online communities speak to each other.

Matt Johnson: Each platform and the online community seems to have its own unique communication style—rich with emojis, GIFs, cultural references, and slang which “outsiders'' aren't privy to. How do you see the connection between language (broadly defined) and online culture/subcultures?

Adam Gamwell: Language is a tool for assigning, referencing, and expressing meaning. Creating insider-only language builds community and fosters intergroup cohesion. It’s really no different from any offline community, except members don’t have to be colocalized. Expressing oneself with emojis and memes is just a way to represent belonging to a group.

Why I love emojis, GIFs, and memes, in particular, is because they’re kind of like the digital equivalent to pictography, a form of writing that uses representational, pictorial drawings (think stop signs), and hieroglyphics, a form of writing that uses drawings as phonetic (pronounceable) letters. Memes, by and large, are used for humorous commentary. Emojis add more expressiveness to text. I hope the success and global adoption of these forms of communication help us realize that alphabetic writing is just one of the many creative ways humans express themselves.

The same words—or symbols—can mean radically different things to different groups. And those meanings will change over time too. Emojis were invented in Japan as a way to cut down on bandwidth issues from people sending photos on their mobile phones (sounds ironic today, right?). But they’ve inspired people all over the world and are now accessible on every smartphone. They provide another way to express ourselves beyond letters or characters. What I love about them is that they are intentionally open to interpretation.

And that interpretability is precisely what seems to be annoying so many Gen-Zers about Millennials, who supposedly have ruined emojis and use them wrong. This gets to a fundamental anthropological question—who gets to decide what is the “correct” way to use a language or system of expression and why? The answer directly highlights how we use language to draw boundaries around who belongs in a group and who doesn’t.

This is part 1 of 2 part interview with Adam Gamwell. Part 2 can be found here .

This post also appeared on the consumer psychology blog PopNeuro

Matt Johnson, Ph.D., is a writer, speaker, and professor at Hult International Business School and Harvard University School of Continuing Education. He is the author of Branding That Means Business: How to Build Enduring Bonds between Brands, Consumers and Markets.

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TRADITIONAL TABOOS DEFINED: CONFLICT PREVENTION MYTHS AND REALITIES

Human behaviour is known never to be governed only by rational thinking. African society has often relied on a rich belief system that has saved as a measure to whip people into line. This book by Obediah Dodo explores the taboos and belief system that has saved humanity for ages in restraining and regulating behaviour. It critically examines the usefulness of taboos in the belief system in regulating human behaviour in Zimbabwe. The book further looks at the different taboos that save to restrain regulate and whip into line human behaviour. As clearly outlined in this book, the taboos seemed to have played a variety of roles in society some of which are still being recognized up to this day. Interestingly, the taboos in this book have been presented in an orderly manner and chronologically before they are defined and explained in their literal form so that they benefit everyone who reads the book. The layout tries to accommodate every reader in terms of diversification in culture, traditions, linguistic dialects and levels of literacy. This book is a must read for all those wanting to gain an insight into how human behaviour is shaped by the different taboos and belief systems. It brings to the fore the richness and diversity of culture and its respective place in behaviour modification and regulation. It further places the significance of belief systems in maintaining human identity.

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The present paper aimed at documenting what are considered as taboos and traditional beliefs in the Batoufam and Bansoa communities in West Cameroon. Focused group discussions were realized during village meetings and ceremonies in 16 villages from April to October 2010. We found that half of the respondents are ignorant of traditional beliefs in their area, particularly what is considered as sacred. Four social taboos and nine traditional ceremonies that are specific to each community or common for both communities are mentioned. KEY WORDS: Bansoa and Batoufam, Cameroon, Culture, Taboos, Tradition beliefs.

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The aim of this article is to explore the role of selected cultural practices and assess how they can be a panacea in mitigating the state of social vices in South Africa. The article uses a review of literature methodology. Findings indicate that Africans were hoodwinked by white people to abandon their cultures for western based cultures; African cultures continue to weaken as they succumb to forces of westernization, eurocentrism, modernization, civilization and globalization; Africans have realised that the cultures they abandoned such as virginity testing, sexual mores and taboos; and circumcision could be a panacea in mitigating some of the societal ills such as moral decadence and HIV/AIDS. The article urges for a resuscitation of cultural practices such as virginity testing, thigh sex (ukumetsha), circumcision and teachings that accompanied initiation schools; and societies to undergo an attitudinal and cultural paradigm shift that will consider the invaluable aspects of cultures that can effectuate and facilitate mitigation of social ills in African countries such as South Africa.

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Taboos: their Origins and Impact on Society

This essay about taboos explores their definition, origins, and significance within various cultures. It explains how taboos are deeply embedded social prohibitions based on cultural beliefs or moral judgments, affecting behaviors from dietary choices to social interactions. The origins of taboos are linked to early survival mechanisms and have evolved to support societal structure and reinforce power dynamics, such as those seen in caste systems. The enforcement of taboos can lead to social cohesion or suppression, depending on their application and societal acceptance. The essay also discusses the shifting perceptions of taboos in modern societies due to globalization and changing values, highlighting the tension between traditional beliefs and progressive ideals. Ultimately, the discussion reflects on the role of taboos in maintaining order and the challenges they present to social adaptation and progress.

How it works

Taboos represent a captivating and indispensable facet of human civilization, delineating the boundaries of acceptable conduct across diverse societies worldwide. While commonly associated with proscribed actions, the notion of taboo encompasses a broader spectrum, encapsulating rituals, traditions, and behaviors deemed off-limits or sacrosanct. This discourse delves into the essence of taboos, tracing their genesis, and delineating their functions within varied social frameworks.

Fundamentally, a taboo denotes any action or practice deemed impermissible by prevailing cultural norms or ethical standards. These proscriptions are deeply entrenched within societal structures and are reinforced by communal mores.

Taboos span a spectrum, from dietary restrictions like the avoidance of pork in Islamic and Jewish cultures to social prohibitions such as the avoidance of discussing mortality or sexuality in public spheres. The underlying rationales for these interdictions often pivot on religious, superstitious, health-related, or communal welfare considerations.

The genesis of taboos dates back to antiquity, entwined with humanity’s nascent endeavors to organize communal life. Anthropological theories posit that taboos may have originated as adaptive mechanisms for survival. For instance, dietary proscriptions may have arisen to preclude the consumption of potentially harmful substances. As civilizations progressed, so did taboos, morphing in tandem with evolving moral and ethical paradigms. In myriad cultures, taboos also serve to buttress prevailing power structures, exemplified by the caste system in India, where social comportment is heavily circumscribed by one’s hierarchical status.

The enforcement of taboos entails a nuanced interplay of legal, religious, and societal dynamics. Violations of taboos often incur stringent repercussions, ranging from social ostracism to legal sanctions. The robustness of these proscriptions underscores their pivotal role in preserving order and equilibrium within communities. Nonetheless, the ramifications of taboos are multifaceted. While they foster conformity and cohesion, they may also stifle innovation and perpetuate social disparities.

In contemporary societies, traditional taboos confront continual scrutiny and renegotiation. Globalization and technological progress have engendered exposure to diverse cultural milieus and ideologies, catalyzing a reexamination of entrenched beliefs. This phenomenon is evident in the gradual erosion of taboos surrounding subjects such as mental health, historically stigmatized. Presently, candid dialogues about mental well-being are more prevalent, mirroring broader societal shifts toward inclusivity and empathy.

Nevertheless, the transition away from conventional taboos is not bereft of challenges. The juxtaposition of progressive ideals against entrenched values can precipitate discord within communities, manifested in contentious debates surrounding issues like same-sex marriage or cannabis decriminalization. These debates underscore the fluidity of taboos and their function in mirroring and shaping societal ethos.

In summation, taboos transcend mere prohibitions; they epitomize the values, anxieties, and intricacies of the societies that uphold them. While pivotal for upholding social harmony, their rigidity may occasionally impede progress. As societies evolve, the imperative lies in striking a balance between reverence for cultural heritage and the imperative for societal evolution and adaptation. Grasping the provenance and utility of taboos is indispensable for navigating the convolutions of human societal dynamics, whether in a professional anthropological capacity or in quotidian social interactions.

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Folkways, Mores, Taboos, and Laws

An Overview of Core Sociological Concepts

ThoughtCo / J.R. Bee

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The social norm , or simply "norm," is arguably the most important concept in sociology.

Sociologists believe that norms govern our lives by giving us implicit and explicit guidance on what to think and believe, how to behave, and how to interact with others.

We learn norms in a variety of settings and from various people, including our family, our teachers and peers at school, and members of the media. There are four key types of norms, with differing levels of scope and reach, significance and importance, and methods of enforcement. These norms are, in order of increasing significance:

Early American sociologist William Graham Sumner was the first to write about the distinctions between different types of norms in his book Folkways: A Study of the Sociological Importance of Usages, Manners, Customs, Mores, and Morals (1906). Sumner created the framework that sociologists still use.

Folkways, he wrote, are norms that stem from and organize casual interactions, and emerge out of repetition and routines. We engage in them to satisfy our daily needs, and they are most often unconscious in operation, though they are quite useful for the ordered functioning of society.

A common example of a folkway is the practice, in many societies, of waiting in line. This practice brings order to the process of buying things or receiving services, allowing us to more easily perform the tasks of our daily lives.

Other examples of folkways include the concept of appropriate dress, the practice of raising one's hand to take turns speaking in a group, and the practice of " civil inattention "—when we politely ignore others around us in public settings.

Folkways mark the distinction between rude and polite behavior, so they exert a form of social pressure that encourages us to act and interact in certain ways. However, they do not have moral significance, and there are rarely serious consequences or sanctions for violating them.

Mores are more strict than folkways, as they determine what is considered moral and ethical behavior; they structure the difference between right and wrong.

People feel strongly about mores, and violating them typically results in disapproval or ostracizing. As such, mores exact a greater coercive force in shaping our values, beliefs, behavior, and interactions than do folkways.

Religious doctrines are an example of mores that govern social behavior.

For example, many religions have prohibitions on cohabitation with a romantic partner before marriage. If a young adult from a strict religious family moves in with her boyfriend then her family, friends, and congregation are likely to view her behavior as immoral.

They might punish her behavior by scolding her, threatening judgment in the afterlife, or shunning her from their homes and the church. These actions are meant to indicate that her behavior is immoral and unacceptable, and are designed to make her change her behavior to align with the violated more.

The belief that forms of discrimination and oppression, like racism and sexism, are unethical is another example of an important more in many societies.

A taboo is a very strong negative norm; it is a prohibition of certain behavior that is so strict that violating it results in extreme disgust and even expulsion from the group or society.

Often the violator of the taboo is considered unfit to live in that society. For instance, in some Muslim cultures, eating pork is taboo because the pig is considered unclean. At the more extreme end, incest and cannibalism are both considered taboos in most places.

A law is a norm that is formally inscribed at the state or federal level and is enforced by police or other government agents.

Laws exist to discourage behavior that would typically result in injury or harm to another person, including violations of property rights. Those who enforce laws have been given legal right by a government to control behavior for the good of society at large.

When someone violates a law, a state authority will impose a sanction, which can be as light as a payable fine or as severe as imprisonment.

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Friday essay: Can you keep a secret? Family memoirs break taboos – and trust

Lecturer in Sociology, The University of Melbourne

Disclosure statement

Ashley Barnwell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

University of Melbourne provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation AU.

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The television premiere of Benjamin Law’s adapted memoirs The Family Law may have had us laughing last night, but a foray into the recent past of the family memoir genre reveals an ethical minefield of sibling conflicts, clashing memories, and unwanted exposés.

In response to biographies scrutinizing his marriage to Sylvia Plath, the poet Ted Hughes said , “I hope each of us owns the facts of his or her own life”. In family memoir such hopes are dashed.

When writers tell the story of their lives they also divulge the experiences of siblings, parents, and lovers. They make the private public, often with a unique spin on events and not always with the consent of those involved.

Given the intimate nature of family life these tangles are perhaps unavoidable. The facts of our lives are always shared.

But life writing still raises important ethical questions. The memoirist’s candid account of family struggles can destigmatise taboo topics – such as divorce, sexuality, and suicide – but at what cost to those whose lives are laid bare? What should come first for a writer, loyalty to the truth of their own experience or respect for the privacy of others?

These questions have troubled a series of high-profile memoirs and autobiographical novels. Writers such as Karl Ove Knausgaard , Hanif Kureishi , Lily Brett , and David Sedaris have upset family members by using personal details in their literary works.

These cases alert us to the difficulty of narrating shared life stories. How do we get to the truth when people remember the past differently and have conflicting investments in how the story is told?

But we might also see the potential social benefit of tell-all family memoirs. By representing the conflicts and silences that families live with writers can introduce more diverse and honest accounts of family life into public culture.

Whose struggle?

By the time literary sensation Karl Ove Knausgaard published the first volume in his six part autobiographical series, My Struggle (2009), several members of his family were no longer speaking to him.

The Norwegian writer’s aim was to describe the banality and drama of his daily life in raw detail. Critics have hailed the result as Proust for the 21st century . Readers have said they feel as though he has written their innermost secrets onto the page. For Knausgaard’s family this is more than just a feeling. It is their reality.

Knausgaard doesn’t pull any punches. While much of the series is devoted to vivid descriptions of ordinary life, like brewing a cup of tea or going for a run, there are also details that most of us would shudder to have on the record.

Gossipy, post-dinner party conversations that he and his wife have about their guests are recounted verbatim. The rancid excrement that stains his incontinent grandmother’s couch, his father’s descent into squalor and alcoholism, the spoken and unspoken insults of his marital rows, the fumbling sexual encounters of his youth, his second wife’s struggle with bipolar, his feelings of frustration and boredom as a parent: it’s all there on the page.

Not surprisingly, when Knausgaard sent copies of the first manuscript to his family, they were unhappy . His paternal uncle tried to halt publication, threatened to sue, and attacked the book in the Norwegian press. Tonje Aursland, Knausgaard’s ex-wife, recorded a radio program about the experience of having her private life exposed in the novel, and then again in all of the media scrutiny that followed.

Knausgaard admits that the series also took a toll on his current marriage. The relentless attention caused his wife, Linda Boström, to have a breakdown , which Knausgaard details in the final episode of My Struggle.

Knausgaard made a decision to publish a tell-all book. He exposes his own struggles to be a good husband, father, writer, brother, and son with disarming candour, sometimes even to the point of self-humiliation.

But the people who share his life did not make this decision. They didn’t know that their words and actions, sometimes at very vulnerable moments, would be published let alone read by millions of people, almost half a million in Norway alone. In a country of five million, that’s roughly one in ten people who know the intimate details of your private life.

The author is well aware of his indiscretion and what it costs him and his family. “I do feel guilty,” he has said , “I do. Especially about my family, my children. I write about them and I know that this will haunt them as well through their lives”. Knausgaard also understands his father’s family’s response to the novels:

I wish this could have been done without hurting anyone. They say they never want to see or talk to me again. I accept that. I have offended them, humiliated them just by writing about this.

Familiar characters

British novelist and screenwriter Hanif Kureishi is less remorseful about using his family as source material. In 2008 his sister published a letter in the Independent titled Keep Me Out of your Novels .

She claims that most of his works use family members as characters. These include his parents in The Buddha of Suburbia (1991), his uncle in My Beautiful Laundrette (1985), his ex-girlfriend in the film Sammy and Rosie Get Laid (1987), and an account of leaving his wife and children for a younger woman in his novel Intimacy (1998).

Yasmin Kureishi is most upset about her brother’s portrayal of her in the 2003 film The Mother . “It made excruciating viewing,” she says, “It was like he’d swallowed some of my life, then spat it back out.”

After reading Intimacy, Tracy Schoffield, Kureishi’s ex-wife, criticised him for thinly veiling the break-up of their marriage as fiction:

He says it’s a novel. But that’s an absolute abdication of responsibility. You may as well call it a fish.

In defence, Kureishi argues that by writing candidly about his life he gives voice to a collective experience:

Why would you vilify me? I’m just the messenger. I’m writing a book about divorce – an experience that many people have had - or separation, children, all that. … That book was a record of that experience. I don’t see why I should be vilified for writing an account of it. … If you’re an artist your job is to represent the world as you see it – that’s what you do.

The same has been said of Knausgaard’s work. He disregards the privacy of his family. But he also challenges the rules of what we can and cannot say. He drags the darkness of our everyday thoughts into the light. In doing so, he de-shames social taboos, or at least offers the truth of what he thinks rather than what he should think. He sees the role of an artist as that of a social truth-teller.

But the tension around family memoirs brings into question the idea that an artist is simply documenting the truth. In some cases families are not upset that their lives are being represented so much as that the representation is, to them, inaccurate.

That’s not what I remember…

Can the memory of one person capture the true complexity of social events? What happens when people recall things differently? Kureishi’s sister and mother insist that he is not simply a messenger. His descriptions of his roots support the identity he desires in the present. Yasmin Kureishi, for example, recollects a very different image of her father than the one her brother paints in The Buddha of Suburbia.

In the radio documentary Knausgaard’s ex-wife recorded in 2010, Tonje’s Version , she says what annoys her is that her memories will always be secondary to his work of art. People assume they know the truth of what happened in her life because they have read My Struggle.

Doris Brett was so opposed to her sister Lily Brett’s autobiographical renderings of their childhood that she published her own counter-story . Lily Brett has written novels and essays based on her experience of growing up in Melbourne as the daughter of Holocaust survivors .

In Eating the Underworld (2001), Doris claims that her sister wrongly depicts their mother as depressed and sometimes cruel. Doris doesn’t recall her mother screaming in the night. The two sisters seem to remember their mother as two very different women.

When Lily Brett and her father received copies of Eating the Underworld, Lily issued a statement :

There are some things not worth replying to. This book is one of them.

Her father, 85-year-old Max Brett said :

This book by my daughter Doris, is a book of madness. … I recognise very little of our family life in this book.

Doris Brett chalked their public response up as further evidence of the bullying and favouritism she describes in her book.

For Yasmin Kureishi, Tonje Aursland, and Doris Brett the issue is not simply about privacy. They are all willing to tell their own stories in the public eye. Rather they want their life represented accurately, as they remember it. They insist that there is more to the shared story of their family than what is seen through the quixotic eyes of the memoirist. But of course the same question of memory’s unreliability also applies to them.

Tangled lives

With tongue in cheek, David Sedaris addresses the blurring of memory and imagination by describing his family memoirs as “ realish ”. Sedaris has forged a successful career by recounting the foibles of his family life in best-selling collections such as Dress Your Family in Corduroy and Denim (2004).

Along the way, his sister, Tiffany, requested to be left out of his stories. In a 2004 interview with the Boston Globe, she said “I was the only [sibling] who told him not to put me in his books. I don’t trust David to have boundaries”. Like Aursland, she became upset by the consequences of the stories. People read them as fact, and an invitation to discuss her private life.

In 2014, Sedaris came under fire for an essay he published in the New Yorker, Now We Are Five . The essay describes the Sedaris family’s attempt to deal with their grief over Tiffany’s suicide.

A friend of Tiffany, Michael Knoblach, published a letter in the Somerville Journal accusing Sedaris of ignoring her request not to be a subject in his stories and exploiting her death for artistic and monetary gain. (The letter has since been taken down, but a similar version is reposted in the comments here ).

Should Sedaris have published Now We Are Five after his sister’s death? Some may argue that he should have respected her request not to be represented in his stories. On the other hand, the story is also about her parents, and her siblings. It speaks candidly about grief, guilt, and the way death jolts us into reality. Even when faced with estrangement and loss, the life of the family remains intertwined.

The Family Law

Australia’s own David Sedaris, Benjamin Law, has written a memoir about growing up in a large Chinese-Australian family in 1990s Queensland. The Family Law (2010) was adapted for television and premiered on SBS yesterday. Law’s memoir offers a funny take on the everyday quirks of family life, but it also deals with sensitive issues such as his parents’ divorce.

The Family Law is unlikely to draw the kind of scandal that greeted Kureishi or Knausgaard. In a recent keynote at the Asia Pacific Auto/Biography Association’s Conference , Law noted that when he gave his family the manuscript to read before publication, they were mostly concerned with correcting his grammar. Law’s father insisted that audiences are smart enough to know the story is told from only one point of view, and with comedic license.

Law may win our hearts with the help of his siblings. They weren’t to know their teenage travails would be re-staged on national television. It might also be strange for his parents to hear the public weighing in on their divorce. But Law’s story will be a welcome addition to a television landscape that currently doesn’t come close to representing the diversity and richness of Australian families.

Social secrets

In her research about family secrets , sociologist Carol Smart talks about two kinds of families: families “we live with” and families “we live by”. Families we live with are our actual families, which may be ridden with tensions. Families we live by are the ideal versions of happy, cohesive families that Smart says we draw from popular culture.

We tell family secrets, Smart thinks, to bring the reality closer to the ideal. We edit certain experiences from the public eye so our family fits with dominant ideas about what a family should be.

In this context, to reveal a family secret might be to refuse pressures to pretend. To disclose conflicts within families can open up a space to talk honestly about family life, to question social norms, and acknowledge different kinds of relationships. It can be a way of bringing the ideal closer to the reality.

Revealing family secrets can be insensitive and ethically dubious when the teller is not the only one who has to live with the repercussions. But it can also be a way to rethink the reasons why we keep certain things secret in the first place.

For family memoirists, where is the line between rattling social proprieties and respecting others’ privacy? This is not an easy question to answer. And the answer would be different in each case.

But it is worth remembering that the true stories that enrich our public sphere are often drawn from the intimate and shared lives of their authors. It is not only Law who gives generously of his life to bring a new story to Australian viewers this week, but also the supporting cast, his family.

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1.3. Social Norms: Folkways, Mores, Taboo, and Laws

Shanell Sanchez

Social Control Exercise

Assignment : We rely on informal social control to influence people’s behavior, such as giving the stink eye, the cold shoulder, or correcting someone’s behavior to ensure people conform. Think about a time when a parent, guardian, coach, employer, or teacher (agents of social control) used informal social control to respond to your behavior. What did the agent of informal social control do? Provide an example of when informal social control was applied to another person. What were they doing and how was their behavior controlled through informal social control?

Example : Talking on the phone with a work-related matter and kids start bickering over the slime. I was unable to put the phone down, so I relied on hand motions to show them it was unacceptable. There was no need to hang up or say anything at all. The eye actions indicated they were acting inappropriately and their behavior changed.

Norms can be internalized, which would make an individual conform without external rewards or punishments. Four types of social norms can help inform people about behavior that is considered acceptable: folkways, mores, taboos, and law. Further, social norms can vary across time, cultures, places, and even sub-groups. [1]

Think back to your first experiences in school and surely you can identify some folkways and mores learned. Folkways are behaviors that are learned and shared by a social group that we often refer to as “customs” in a group that are not morally significant, but they can be important for social acceptance. [2] Each group can develop different customs, but there can be customs that are embraced at a larger, societal level.

Folkway Example

Imagine sitting in a college classroom with sixty other people around. As a professor who teaches early morning classes, it is always encouraged to eat if hungry. However, everyone must be considerate of those around them. You should not chew loudly. That would be considered rude, and it is against class ‘customs’ to do so. To make it worse, imagine burping without saying ‘Excuse me.’ These would be folkway violations. Remember, this may not be disrespectful in all cultures, and it is very subjective.

Perhaps stricter than folkways are because they can lead to a violation of what we view as moral and ethical behavior. Mores are norms of morality, or right and wrong, and if you break one it is often considered offensive to most people of a culture. [3] Sometimes a more violation can also be illegal, but other times it can just be offensive. If more is not written down in legislation, it cannot get sanctioned by the criminal justice system. Other times it can be both illegal and morally wrong.

More Example

If one attended a funeral for a family member, no one would expect to see someone in bright pink clothes or a bikini. Most people are encouraged to wear black clothing out of respect. Although there may not be specific rules or laws that state the expected attire to wear to a funeral, it would be against what most American society views as right and wrong to attend a funeral in a bikini or be in hot pink leotards. It would be disrespectful to the individual people are mourning. Both mores and folkways are taught through socialization with various sources: family, friends, peers, schools, and more.

A taboo goes a step further and is a very negative norm that should not be violated because people will be upset. Additionally, one may get excluded from the group or society. The nature and the degree of the taboo are in the mores. [4]

Taboo Example

A student once gave the example of a man in their neighborhood in Colorado who had multiple wives and also had ten different children from the women. In most American culture, it is seen as unacceptable to have more than one spouse/partner. However, there are instances where having children with multiple people would not be seen as taboo. Specifically, if a man or woman remarries and then has another child with their new partner. However, again, this is more acceptable today than in the past because of the greater societal acceptance of divorce and remarriage.

If one is religious think of something taboo in that specific religion. How about a sports team in college? Band? Any ideas?

Lastly, and most important to the study of crime and criminal justice, our laws. Remember, a social norm is an obligation to society that can lead to sanctions if one violates it. Therefore, laws are social norms that have become formally inscribed at the state or federal level, and laws can result in formal punishment for violations, such as fines, incarceration, or even death. Laws are a form of social control that outlines rules, habits, and customs a society uses to enforce conformity to its norms.

Law Example

Let us go back to our example of having multiple wives for a moment. It is illegal, a violation of law, to have multiple wives in American culture. It has not always been this way, and it is not true in every country, but in the United States, it was viewed as so taboo, morally and ethically wrong, that there are laws that can punish people for marrying more than one person at a time. However, there may be some people who do not think it is wrong or some groups, but regardless, it is still illegal.

• Goode, E. (2015). Deviant Behavior, (10th ed.). New York: Pearson, Education. ↵
• Augustyn, A., Bauer, P., Duignan, B., Eldridge, A., Gregersen, E., Luebbering, J.E., etc..., (N.D.). Folkway, Encyclopedia Britannica . ↵
• Sumner, W. (1906).  Folkways. ↵
• Sumner, W. (1906). Folkways.   ↵

1.3. Social Norms: Folkways, Mores, Taboo, and Laws Copyright © 2019 by Shanell Sanchez is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Food taboos: their origins and purposes

Victor benno meyer-rochow.

1 School of Engineering and Sciences, Jacobs University, D-28725 Bremen, Germany

2 Department of Biology, University of Oulu, SF-90014 Oulu, Finland

This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0 ), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Food taboos are known from virtually all human societies. Most religions declare certain food items fit and others unfit for human consumption. Dietary rules and regulations may govern particular phases of the human life cycle and may be associated with special events such as menstrual period, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, and – in traditional societies – preparation for the hunt, battle, wedding, funeral, etc. On a comparative basis many food taboos seem to make no sense at all, as to what may be declared unfit by one group may be perfectly acceptable to another. On the other hand, food taboos have a long history and one ought to expect a sound explanation for the existence (and persistence) of certain dietary customs in a given culture. Yet, this is a highly debated view and no single theory may explain why people employ special food taboos. This paper wants to revive interest in food taboo research and attempts a functionalist's explanation. However, to illustrate some of the complexity of possible reasons for food taboo five examples have been chosen, namely traditional food taboos in orthodox Jewish and Hindu societies as well as reports on aspects of dietary restrictions in communities with traditional lifestyles of Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, and Nigeria. An ecological or medical background is apparent for many, including some that are seen as religious or spiritual in origin. On the one hand food taboos can help utilizing a resource more efficiently; on the other food taboos can lead to the protection of a resource. Food taboos, whether scientifically correct or not, are often meant to protect the human individual and the observation, for example, that certain allergies and depression are associated with each other could have led to declaring food items taboo that were identified as causal agents for the allergies. Moreover, any food taboo, acknowledged by a particular group of people as part of its ways, aids in the cohesion of this group, helps that particular group maintain its identity in the face of others, and therefore creates a feeling of "belonging".

Years ago a student asked me the following question: "Why don't all animals eat the same kinds of food?" This may have sounded a stupid question, but it is not as trivial an enquiry as one might have thought initially. Afterall, to grow and survive, animals all need the same basic things: carbohydrates, protein, fats, some minerals and water." So, why do we have this diversity of food specialists on Earth? Why are there herbivores, carnivores, detritovores, insectivores, fungivores, coprophages, xylophages and many more?

Although it is true that all heterotrophic organisms need the same fundamental food stuffs, it is easy to understand that on account of their different sizes, different anatomies, and different habitats, different species must make use of different food sources to satisfy their needs. A cat would happily devour the meat of an antelope and a lion would not reject a mouse, but both are not built for these kinds of food items. A tree-dwelling leaf-eater does not graze on the ground and a grazer does not climb trees. Pond snails may love lettuce, but they can never leave their watery realm. Moreover, it is a "Law of Nature" that, where there is an underexploited resource, it usually does not take long before such a resource is 'discovered' and used by some organism. Yet, intense competition for one and the same kind of food by two species ultimately would lead to the extinction of one of them or it would result in the two species occupying different niches, either in connection with the food itself or the timing of feeding [ 1 , 2 ].

It is, thus, easy to understand why different species of animals with different anatomies and habitat preferences should use different food items, but food specialists within a species also occur and it is then less obvious why individuals of one and the same species should exploit different resources. It becomes really tricky, when some adults of the same gender, species, and overall physical built nevertheless vary in relation to their food preferences. Intraspecific competition may be involved, differences in hunting and/or collecting skills and strategies, acquired through learning or chance discovery, could be the reason, and there could even be an outwardly not visible physiological basis for such kinds of behaviour. Yet, no ecologist or zoologist would use the term "food taboo" to describe intraspecific food preferences of this kind in animals, but in connection with humans we do use the term "food taboo". We use it (or refer to "prohibitions") to distinguish the deliberate avoidance of a food item for reasons other than simple dislike from food preferences. In non-human mammals, dominant individuals may force weaker ones to accept less sought-after food items, and a possible liking for these originally reluctantly accepted food items may in turn develop [ 2 , 3 ]. Some aspect of this scenario may also apply to human societies, because food taboos can be imposed on individuals by outsiders, or by members of the kinship group to manifest themselves through instruction and example during upbringing [ 4 ].

Probably food taboos (as unwritten social rules) exist in one form or another in every society on Earth, for it is a fact that perhaps nowhere in the world, a people, a tribe, or an ethnic group, makes use of the full potential of edible items in its surroundings [ 5 - 10 ]. One of many examples, although an especially well-studied one, involves the Ache people, i.e., hunters and gatherers of the Paraguayan jungle. According to Hill and Hurtado [ 6 ], the tropical forests of the Ache habitat abound with several hundreds of edible mammalian, avian, reptilian, amphibian and piscine species, yet the Ache exploit only 50 of them. Turning to the plants, fruits, and insects the situation is no different, because only 40 of them are exploited. Ninety eight percent of the calories in the diet of the Ache are supplied by only seventeen different food sources.

Although mere avoidance of potential food (for whatever reason) does not in itself signify a food taboo, it is easy to see how regular avoidance can turn into a tradition and eventually end up as a food taboo [ 7 , 8 , 10 ]. But what is it that leads to the regular avoidance? Social anthropological research on eating and food taboos (cf., reviews [ 7 - 11 ]) has frequently invoked utilitarian [ 7 - 9 ] and magico-religious motives [ 10 ] or seen the dichotomy between positive and negative rites as a basis for food taboos [ 11 , 12 ]. A functionalist's explanation of food taboos as mechanisms for conserving resources as well as a person's health, have been less popular (cf., [ 13 ]), although there is good evidence in support of both [ 14 - 19 ]. Yet even rituals and taboos based on spiritual, religious, and magic ideation must have had a "history" and somehow 'got going' [ 7 - 11 , 20 - 23 ]. Therefore, given that food taboos can involve plants as well as animals, solids as well as liquids, hot as well as cold categories, wet and dry items, etc. [ 7 - 9 , 12 - 15 ], this review, rather than attempting to provide a complete list of food taboos operating in human societies, will instead present examples of food taboos in selected human groups that illustrate some of the wide spectrum of food taboo origins. The five examples chosen reflect the author's own cultural background (Jewish dietary laws), or are based on original field research by the author in Central Australia, Papua New Guinea, and India, or refer to other persons' published work (e.g., food taboos of the Orang Asli by [ 24 ]).

Based on the authors own experience, observations, recordings, and interactions with locals, examples of Jewish dietary laws and Hindu practices form the basis of examples 4 and 5. Research stays in India of 2 months (Meghalaya and Nagaland) and three weeks (Karnataka and Goa) during sabbaticals in 1990 and 2005 as well as a Brahmin Indian wife further helped gathering the necessary information for the section on Hindu food taboos.

Field work by the author in Papua Niugini of several weeks each in 1972 (Onabasulu and neighbouring tribes), 1998, 2002, and 2004 (Kiriwina), during which the author stayed with the locals in their villages or homesteads and then studied the locals' entomophagic practices as well as food taboos, forms the basis for the information given in example 2. Information in the field was always gathered from more than one informant (although it has to be mentioned that the informants were all males). Examples 1 and 3 (Orang Asli and Mid-West Nigerian food taboos) were chosen from the literature available, because they illustrated yet other aspects and reasons for food taboos, not covered in the earlier mentioned examples. Thus, the selection of the examples represents a mixture between emic experiences from within a culture and etic approaches, i.e., results of field work amongst cultures other than the author's own and research carried out by additional investigators on yet further cultural entities. The reason for the selection of the examples was twofold: to demonstrate the existence of very different possible food taboo reasons and to re-ignite interest in this important field of inter-disciplinary research.

Example 1: The Orang Asli food taboos

The term 'Orang Asli' describes a variety of aboriginal tribes, nowadays confined to the forests and forest fringes of West Malaysia. Food taboos amongst these people have been recorded by Bolton [ 24 ]. In the context of this review, the Orang Asli were chosen as an example of a people, in which food taboos appear to serve a double-purpose: the spiritual well-being of individuals and resource partitioning.

Human flesh is never eaten and animals, which the Orang Asli have kept as pets or have reared, are also protected. They can be sold, though, or given away to others, who then would have no qualms of consuming them. An animal that is capable of feeding on a human being will not be eaten as it conceivably could contain some "humanness" in it.

Small lizards and leeches are considered to be unclean to the jungle Orang Asli. Should a leech, for example, accidentally drop into the cooking pot, all its contents will be regarded as contaminated and thrown away. Poisonous and harmful animals are also taboo, but the dangers that result from eating certain species are frequently less real or physiological than spiritual/psychological. Thus, the crow is thought to be poisonous and is rarely eaten. Likewise, any small, crawling animal living in or on the soil, is usually left alone for fear it might be dangerous.

Since all animals are considered to possess spirits, many Orang Asli will start their weaned children of more than 4 years of age on small animals: fish, frogs, toads, small birds and water snails. When the child gets a bit older, rats and mice can be added to the list of edible species.

At 20 years of age the human spirit is deemed to be strong enough to successfully compete with the spirits of small monkeys, bat species, cats, anteaters, deer, turtle, larger birds, and even the Malayan bear. Later in age snakes, gibbons, and bigger animals, including the elephant, no longer remain taboo.

Pregnant women have strict food taboos to observe and must restrict themselves to rats, squirrels, frogs, toads, smaller birds and fishes, that is animals which are small and thought to possess "weak" spirits. Moreover, rodents may be eaten only if caught by the pregnant woman's husband or a near relative and she must eat the whole rodent by herself. Fish must also be caught by a near relative (but never with a spear or with the help of explosives).

After childbirth, the mother normally eats gruel for a week and for 6 weeks thereafter has to eat on her own. She continues to observe food taboos, but her husband, who observed the same food restrictions as his pregnant wife, is then no longer bound by them. Special 6-day food taboos may be "prescribed" by a medicine man for any sick person that seeks his advice.

Although the food taboos of the Orang Asli are not totally absolute, men are always ready to remind the younger women and children of the dangers of breaking them and of eating meat of new and unfamiliar species.

Example 2: Food taboos of Papua New Guinea tribals

In Papua New Guinea ('Niugini" in Pidgin-English) with her multitude of peoples and cultures, food taboos are particularly varied. The example chosen illustrate that many food taboos are designed to protect humans from health hazards real and assumed. Yet, a tendency by some section of the society to safeguard exclusive rights to certain food items is also obvious.

Onabasulu and neighbouring tribes with institutionalized homosexuality, like the Kaluli and others, regard with great suspicion any organism that lives or burrows in the soil [ 25 ]. Even harmless earthworms are detested. Illnesses are thought to frequently stem from the wrong food intake: stomach ache sufferers must avoid juicy fruits, such as watermelons, pawpaw, cabbage and the introduced pineapple.

Women are thought to be permanently in this 'sickly' and 'runny' state, because of recurring menstruations and are not allowed fresh meat, juicy bananas and all fruits of the forest of red colour. If a menstruating woman eats a fresh animal caught in a trap, it is thought that future traps will not fall; if the animal was caught with a dog, it is feared that the dog will lose its ability to find scent. Similarly, bananas and pandanus: if a menstruating woman happens to eat some of these fruits, it is believed that the trees will then cease to bear. A woman herself must leave the communal longhouse and move to a shack some distance away for the duration of her period. If she should cook or step over food, those who eat it, particularly her husband, will become "ill with cough and possibly die" [ 26 ]. Mature women must not eat fish and when pregnant are not even permitted eggs. Young unmarried men receive the best food and have to obey the smallest number of food taboos. When married, they, like their wives, can no longer eat fresh, but only smoked meat.

In the Kiriwina (Trobriand) Islanders, pregnant women, too, have a considerable amount of food taboos to observe: fishes that lead a cryptic life or like to attach themselves to corals are not to be eaten by a pregnant woman, because this might cause her to have a complicated birth. Similar beliefs are attached to bananas, pawpaws, mango, and other fruits; they are thought to either cause a hydrocephalus, club-foot, distorted belly or give rise to other deformities in the newborn [ 27 , 28 ].

In addition to these food taboos, different ones, affecting men, also exist. If the men intend to go fishing for sharks, they not only have to abstain from sexual intercourse for a while, but they also have to fast ( posuma ) and drink a large quantity of saltwater beforehand. Flatfish, including soles and stingrays, as well as a considerable number of other species of fish are taboo, and during the turtle season no garden work is to be carried out.

Food unfit for human consumption in one village because of taboos, may, however, be traded for the permitted item from others, who observe other taboos. For example, the socially excluded inhabitants of the village of Boitalu are the only people on the Kiriwina Islands that can eat wild pig and wallaby (a small species of kangaroo).

Particularly strict taboos govern what chiefs are permitted to eat. In the northern part of Kiriwina they may eat only fried or roasted things, stewed and boiled food being banned. In the south, however, the village chiefs are the only ones allowed to violate against the flatfish and stingray taboo.

Example 3: Food taboos in Mid-West Nigeria

The continent of Africa, because of its size, presents an enormous variety of food taboos. In many parts fresh milk is avoided by adults, although for the Masai, Fulbe, Nuba and other East African groups this commodity is thought to represent a particularly wholesome food for young men and warriors [ 29 ]. Observations on food taboos of the inhabitants of mid-west Nigeria were chosen as they represent a particularly good example of a people, in which food taboos appear to have been imposed on society mainly to serve the interests of the 'strongest' section, i.e., the reification of social hegemonies of the society: in particular the menfolk [ 30 ].

In the mid-west state of Nigeria, meat and eggs are not usually given to children, because parents believe it will make the children steal [ 30 ]. Gizzards and thighs of ducks are eaten by the elderly; children can only have the lower legs or sometimes the head. Frequently coconut milk and liver is taboo for children, because it is believed that "the milk renders them unintelligent, whereas the liver causes abscesses in their lungs" [ 30 ].

In some parts of Ishan, Afemai, and Isoko Divisions pregnant women avoid snails, whereas pregnant women of the Asaba Division are neither allowed to eat eggs nor drink milk, "because it is feared the children may develop bad habits after birth" [ 30 ]. Woen tribals of the Ika Division are forbidden to consume porcupine as that is thought to cause a delay in labour. Interestingly, the opposite (an easy delivery) is expected from some pregnant Urhobo women, who have consumed food leftovers from a rat. Following delivery, young mothers in parts of Benin and Ishan Divisions must not consume oil or fresh meat and in parts of Ishan, palmnut soup is forbidden for 30 days postpartum.

Men have fewer food taboos to observe, but nevertheless some also exist. Snail consumption may weaken a warrior's strength and to kill and eat some legendary animals that have helped a particular tribe in the past during intertribal warfare is totally forbidden. Thus, in some areas the partridge or bush fowl is not eaten; in others it is some water reptile or the porcupine or even the sheep that are protected by the food taboo. Beans are one of the plant species that are not eaten, because they are believed to cause stomach disorders.

Example 4: The Hindu food taboos

The Hindu food taboos were chosen as example nr. 4 to illustrate how, in this case, the spiritual aspect dominates all food taboos. The concept of re-incarnation and the sanctity of life lies at the root of these food taboos, but resource conservation and safe-guarding health play a role as well.

In the Vedic Hindu Society there is a subdivision into 4 castes on the basis of labour: Brahmin (priestly), Kshatriya (defence), Vaisya (agriculture and business), and Shudra (menial labour). Lord Krishna compared the community to a human body, in which the Brahmin caste represents the head, and the others the arms, legs and bowels. Brahmins never handle any meat, fish, or eggs let alone eat any of these foods. A Brahmin cannot even imagine bringing such foods into the house. Furthermore, many orthodox Brahmins abstain from cooking or eating onion and garlic as they are said to increase passions like anger and sex drive. Milk and milk products are consumed, but said to be very sacred as the cow is held in the highest regard as "a holy mother".

Although the people belonging to the three other castes sometimes partake in fish, eggs, and even meats (normally only chicken, goat, or mutton), these are never to be cooked or eaten during religious occasions, marriages, times of mourning, breaking religious fasts, pilgrimages, and similar times. Certain special religious festival days (as well as Mahatma Gandhi's Day) are declared by the Indian Government as "Meatless Days" when no meat is sold anywhere. In castes, in which meat-eating does occur, widows are tabooed from eating meat, fish, or eggs so as to keep their passions low. On the l1th day after New Moon and Full Moon (Ekadasi) many Hindus abstain from eating grain, which otherwise is their staple food. Pregnant women are restricted from eating pawpaw and jackfruit as substances in these fruits are feared to have abortive influences.

During any religious ceremony (and for a Brahmin, every day is governed by strict religious schedules) the offering of food to the gods always precedes food intake. Food, thus, becomes sanctified and is called 'Prasad' (i.e., God's Mercy), which is then partaken. This practice follows from the ancient scripture "Bhagavad Gita" [ 31 ], in which the Lord says: "If one offers Me with love and devotion a leaf, a flower, fruit, or water, I will accept it" (Text 26) and "...all that you do, all that you eat, all that you offer and give away as well as austerities that you may perform, should be done as an offering unto Me" (Text 27). "In this way you will be freed from all reactions to good and evil deeds and by this principle of renunciation you will be liberated and come to Me" [ 31 ].

Hindus do believe that plants also have life, though in a more sedate and sedentary form. The use of plants as food is considered less sinful than taking the lives of animals, but they must not be broken or harvested after dark. The saying "You are what you eat" is explicitly mentioned in the Bhagavad Gita (Chapter 17: [ 31 ]): "Foods in the mode of goodness increase the duration of life, purify one's existence and give strength, health, happiness and satisfaction. Such nourishing foods are sweet, juicy, fattening, and palatable. Foods that are too bitter, too sour, salty and pungent, dry and hot, are liked by people in the modes of passion. Such foods cause pain, distress, and disease. Food cooked more than three hours before being eaten, which is tasteless, stale, putrid, decomposed and unclean, is food liked by people in the mode of ignorance". Thus, although this powerful message does not contain precise instructions to "do" or "not to do", it describes the effects of different kinds of food and leaves the final choice to the individual. The non-selected foods may therefore be declared food taboos by society.

The Situation with regard to liquids is fairly similar. Intoxicants are plainly said to put a person's mind off the natural course and, hence, puts the person into more passion and ignorance. Alcohol and narcotics are, therefore, forbidden and will not enter the household of a traditional Hindu family.

Example 5: The Jewish dietary laws

Jewish dietary laws, containing some of the sentiments found also in the Hindu food taboos, have been chosen to illustrate how food taboos with origins steeped in religion, promotion of health, and protection of life combine to create a set of rules that foremost and for all unite a people and create group-cohesion.

On the day of the Atonement (Yom Kippur) no Jew will eat or drink anything for 24 hours (and on the ninth of the month of 'Av' many will fast again). During the first nine days of the month of 'Av', as an expression of mourning, no meat whatsoever is eaten. On Pessah (Passover) nothing that is leavened (in other words ordinary bread) is consumed or enters a Jewish home.

Certain kinds of food have become associated with particular seasons or festivals: the matzah has become the bread of affliction on Pessah; 'gefillte fish' is a common dish on the Shabbat eve; a Rosh Hashanah (the Jewish New Year) without apples and honey is impossible to imagine, and hamantaschen and kreplach are foods symbolical of the feast of Purim [ 32 ]. Yet, all through the year a Jew is conscious of his/her Jewishness through complex dietary laws, collectively termed 'kashrut'. Milk or milk-products (i.e., 'Milchiges' in Yiddish) must never be consumed together with meat (i.e., 'Fleischiges' in Yiddish). Plates, pots, cutlery, and other utensils used in connection with meat-containing foods must be kept separate at all times from those used with other foods.

To be classified as permitted (i.e., kosher), an animal must both chew the cud and have a cloven hoof, birds have to have wings, and aquatic organisms must possess both fins and scales [ 33 ]. Shrimps, oysters, lobsters, creatures that creep on the ground, reptiles and worms found in fruits or vegetables are all prohibited. To ingest blood of any animal is strictly forbidden, and to be fit for consumption "beast and fowl must be slaughtered according to the law and if they are not of a domesticated species their blood must be covered with earth after slaughter" [ 34 ].

An animal that has died naturally is considered unfit for consumption as is a torn or mauled animal. Also prohibited is the sinew of the thigh ( gid hanasheh ) of any animal. The only permitted way of slaughter is with "an exceedingly sharp knife without the slightest notch so as to make the taking of a life as painless a procedure as possible" [ 35 ]. Slaughtering an animal and its young on the same day is prohibited and there is also a requirement to release a parent bird before taking the chicks [ 36 ]. As one of the seven Noachidic Laws, the prohibition to eat flesh of a living animal applies to Jew and non-Jew alike. The rabbinical attitude towards hunting animals for pleasure is entirely negative [ 35 ].

Interpreting the biblical record, mankind was not allowed to eat any meat at all until after "the Flood", although as part of the holy sacrifice of animals to God the consumption of kosher meat had been allowed [ 37 , 38 ]. Later, when the entire Jewish people became considered a "kingdom of priests", the priestly rules in relation to the consumption of "clean" (kosher) meat were extended to the whole community. Even then, only special persons can actually take an animal's life. It has to be a 'Shohet', the Jewish ritual slaughterer, whose appointment depends on the possession of a rabbinical certificate, and on Shabbat or other holy days no killing can take place.

Not always are the dietary laws clear and explicit and there is often room for interpretation, especially with regard to insects as food. Popularly considered 'trefah' (unfit for human consumption) locusts and scale insects are an exception and some Jewish scholars firmly believe that in the passage [ 33 ] "examine beast, fowl, locusts, and fish to determine whether they are permitted...", the term locusts stands for insects generally, while others apply it to just four species of locusts. Jewish dietary laws apply to everyone in the community, so that no exceptions for children, women or old folk are permitted, as long as a human life is not endangered. The protection of human life, however, overrides all dietary discipline and for priests and dealings with priests additional dietary rules apply.

Christian 'Seventh Day Adventists' have adopted many of the Jewish/Biblical dietary laws, but while to the Jew there is a place for wine, coffee, and tea (at least for those old enough to have been given complete religious responsibility), Seventh Day Adventists declare all intoxicating and addictive drinks prohibited. Gluttony and drunkenness are, of course, also forbidden to Jews.

General remarks

Different workers have different opinions on what constitutes a "food taboo". Generally speaking, a taboo prohibits someone from doing something, e.g., "touching a sacred person, killing a certain animal, eating certain food, eating at certain times" [ 39 ]. Taboos represent "unwritten social rules that regulate human behaviour" [ 14 ] and define the "in-group" [ 20 ]. According to Barfield [ 40 ] there may be as many as 300 reasons for particular avoidances (amongst them not wanting to look like a food item, special place of food item in myth or history, food item perceived as dirty, predatory, humanlike etc.), which can magnify effects of seasonal or other restrictions on nutritional intake and may put women at nutritional risk during critical periods in their reproductive cycle.

If the avoidance of a certain food item provides the food avoider with an immediate result, for instance absence of an allergic reaction, we can assign a proximate cause to the food item in question. However, if the consequences of a food taboo are not immediately visible and may take months, years, or even generations to manifest themselves, we have to speak of ultimate causes. For researchers of food taboos, the often unsurmountable difficulty is that proximate and ultimate causes of food taboos may overlap [ 17 ] and, in fact, cannot always be separated.

It can be seen from these remarks that a discussion of food taboos is possible in a variety of ways with a variety of foci. By using the examples given above in this paper, the author wishes to highlight certain reasons, which seem to have been involved in the establishment of food taboos in those cultures examined (but may have been at the root of food taboos in other cultures as well). Discussing the examples in this way, a kind of classification results that might well be generally applicable to societies (not part of this investigation), in which food taboos exist.

Food taboos for certain members of the society and to highlight special events

Any interpretation of food taboos has to consider the region they operate in, the era or circumstances they came into existence, or, in other words, the food history of a people [ 7 , 8 , 41 , 42 ]. Desert locusts, having been common and sustained ancient Israelites in a dry land, are not taboo, but why should other insects be taboo? Rational explanations are not always possible and what to one group is strictly taboo, to another may be perfectly acceptable [ 43 ]. Some food taboos evolved in connection with attempts to steer or control man's destiny [ 44 ] and attempts to put some "order" into the occurrence of and reason(s) behind food taboos must realize that food taboo categories are not clear-cut. Food taboos, based on religious beliefs for example, may have a health-related root and taboos restricting certain foods to men may be an expression of male dominance or differences in skills between the sexes.

Taking a look at the ubiquity of food taboos, we notice that sometimes taboos affect all sections of the population at all times: Jewish dietary laws [ 45 ] and the basic Hindu regulation of "no meat, no fish, no eggs" are cases in point. Occasionally, ubiquitous food taboos become suspended or are enforced periodically as with the Friday for the Catholic Christians, when no meat but fish only is to be consumed and the pre-Easter weeks of lent, when meat of warm-blooded animals should not be eaten. The annual Yom Kippur with its total ban of food and liquid intake as a periodical food taboo event (cf., definition of the word taboo [ 39 ]) also comes to mind, but this total stop of food and liquid intake is a special case.

Frequently, food taboos affect males or females, leaders or subjects, children or widows and widowers differently; in other words they are distributed unevenly. Food taboos, as we have seen in the examples of the Orang Asli in Malaysia [ 24 ], mid-west state Nigerians [ 30 ], or parts of the Congo [ 46 ], may change throughout a person's lifetime with age in a predictable manner, as accepted and expected by society.

Food taboos frequently accompany 'coming-of-age' or initiation ceremonies [ 47 ]; they can also be prescribed at times of drought, flooding or lunar and solar eclipses, and many more events. Thus, one of the aims of food taboos is to highlight particular happenings, making them memorable. In fact, the vast majority of all food taboos come under this group of "specific events" and one of its various sub-categories. Food taboos at menstruation, during and after pregnancies, on the sickbed in times of illness, in times of mourning, in preparation for a wedding, or before combat are commonly encountered [ 48 ]. Persons of Asian descent traditionally perceive health in connection with the bodily balance of 'hot and cold' and, thus, when under the influence of disease or pregnancy, would avoid food items considered 'hot', which may even include iron tablets [ 49 ].

Food taboos to protect human health

When a particular taboo is regarded as God-given, as a form of instruction or command from the "Supreme" and thus play a role in the cultural or religious belief system [ 14 ], then it is usually seen as part of a 'package' to protect the believers, to safeguard them against evil [ 20 - 23 ]. To doubt, even to ask any questions about the reasons behind the taboo is seen as blasphemous. Likewise, in tribes with totem beliefs, it follows that it has to be taboo to eat the totem animal, as otherwise it could take revenge and adversely affect the whole tribe [ 42 ]. However, irrespective of the God-given rules or advice, people must have noticed changes in the behaviour of persons that consumed certain food items. Such behavioural and/or emotional consequences of certain foods must have been recognizable not only to the consumer of the food, but also to her/his company and could have been the origin of such seemingly God-given guidelines. For instance, food items involved in IgE-mediated allergies (like, for instance, shrimp: [ 50 ]) should have been easily identifiable and then could first have led to their avoidance and, secondly, to a total ban of them.

Eating to regulate emotions has been listed as one of the five classes of "emotion-induced changes of eating" by Macht [ 51 ] and IgE-mediated atopic diseases are known to be associated with depression [ 52 ] and suicide rate [ 53 ]. An increase of unsaturated fatty acids in the diet has been found to be correlated with decreased violent behaviour [ 54 ] and an exposure to sunflower seeds [ 55 ] and colorants derived from the fungus Monascus ruber [ 56 ] can cause asthma attacks. Finally, low glycaemic meals have been reported to improve memory and ability to sustain attention [ 57 ], features that might not have gone unnoticed by our forebears in earlier times and could have led to the avoidance or recommendation not to consume certain food items.

As scientists we are obliged to probe, to scrutinize, to question and although many food taboos do not appear to have a health-related, 'rational' explanation, some clearly have become established, because of the aim to protect the health of an individual (and this would equally apply to Modena's recently suggested "anti-taboo" concept in choosing food denominations: [ 58 ]). Taboos of the Hindu related to collecting fruits and breaking plants after sunset go back to times when no artificial lighting was available and, therefore, it must have been outright dangerous to pick fruits at night. Consequently, it would make perfect sense to taboo the collecting of fruit after dark. Nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, cramps, and maybe death, whether rightly or wrongly, were frequently considered to be some of the after-effects of ingesting certain foods [ 41 ].

In some cases the threat to a person's health may be obvious and demonstrable with modern medical, chemical, and other analytical techniques, but of course it was not always like this. Amazon and coastal fishermen, for example, declare mostly carnivorous, especially piscivorous, fishes taboo: we know now that their place high in the food pyramid renders them particular rich in contaminants and toxins [ 17 ]. Alcohol, another example, is an addictive poison and as such is taboo for children of most societies. Snakes and other venomous or dangerous creatures had better be left alone as the risk of procuring them for food can outweigh their nutritional value. A utilitarian reason to despise swine, as it competes with humans for food and water in dry lands, has been put forward by Harris [ 7 ], but pork is taboo to many people, because pigs tend to harbour masses of sickness-causing parasites. Moreover, it is claimed that pig meat contains substances, which have been linked to high blood pressure, atherosclerosis, rheumatism, arthritis, boils, asthma and eczema. Apparently, soldiers fighting in North Africa during World War II began to increasingly suffer from toxic ulcera of the legs as long as there was pork in their diet. When their food was pork-free, the ulcera disappeared [ 59 ].

Food taboos during pregnancy and food changes over the course of the menstrual cycle

Declaring certain foods taboo because they are thought to make a person sick, is also the basis for the many food taboos affecting pregnant women. Largely linked with the realms of mind and 'psyche', the taboos of not eating cryptic fish amongst the Trobriand Islanders or watermelon and other fruits amongst the Onabasulu are actually meant to protect the health of the pregnant woman and her offspring and thought to ease the process of birth-giving, even if modern nutritionists completely disagree. Likewise, the rule of the Orang Asli that young people can only cope with small animals like snails, mice and rats as food, because their spirits are also small and for that reason are not likely to do much harm to a small child's spirit, is designed to protect human life.

Yet, it is often pregnant and lactating women in various parts of the world that are forced to abstain from especially nutritious and beneficial foods (Mexico: [ 60 ]; Indonesia: [ 61 ]; Korea: Lee H.-I., pers. comm.). Although it is not clear why and how exactly these restrictions came to be accepted (see below), pregnant women do not always adhere to them. Amongst the Lese-women of the Ituri forest of Africa, women cope with these restrictions by either secretly discounting them or by eating prophylactic plants that supposedly prevent the consequences of eating the tabooed foods [ 62 ]. Flaunting taboos has also been reported by Alvard [ 63 ], who then suggested that food taboos would be of little value to nature conservation (but see the evidence to the contrary by Colding and Folke [ 14 ]).

The fact that women throughout the world (with few exceptions) display a slightly but significantly reduced calorific intake around the time of ovulation has been noted for a long time and formed the topic of a recent review by Fessler [ 64 ]. He used the term "periovulatory nadir" for the phenomenon and concluded that it was linked to increased locomotor activity, interest in wanderlust, "a desire to meet new people (particularly men)". Regrettably, it is not known if specific food items are being avoided, perhaps even subconsciously, at the time of the periovulatory nadir.

Food taboos as an ecological necessity to protect the resource

As hinted upon earlier and demonstrated in several studies, most notably [ 14 - 19 ], food taboos frequently seem to have an ecological background, which according to Harris [ 7 ] is based on utilitarian principles. On the one hand, they may lead to a fuller utilization of a resource and on the other they can lead to its protection. If North West American Inuit and Nootka Indians both hunt and eat the whale, it makes good ecological sense when the Tlingit Indians of the same region regard the giant sea mammal as taboo and look for food on land [ 65 ]. Some ecological consequence can also be ascribed to the custom amongst the Ka'aor Indians of the northern Maranhao (Brazil) of allowing only menstruating women, pubescent girls, and parents of newborns to consume the meat of tortoises [ 66 ] and the fact that amongst the indigenous people of Ratanakiri (Cambodia) different food taboos operate even between neighbouring villages [ 67 ]. Of 70 existing examples of species-specific taboos, identified and analysed by Colding and Folke [ 14 ], 30% were found to prohibit the use of species listed as threatened by the IUCN Red Data Book.

In the same vein, if women and children, as in the Orang Asli, eat only small animals while older people also consume bigger species, a measure like this would distribute ecological pressure more evenly across a greater number of consumable species. This can lead to a situation, in which females are only permitted plants and insects as food, while the menfolk are free to ingest meat, egg, and fish [ 7 ]. The regulations amongst the Canadian Netsilik [ 68 ] that sea-mammal and terrestrial mammal must never be eaten on the same day and amongst Jews that milk and milk-containing foods cannot be consumed together with meat, have an ecological ring. Clearly, sustainability of a resource is served by the taboo not to eat the young and its parent and by the Hindu custom of not totally finishing a plate, so that there is always some plant material left over for Nature (e.g., seeds). To safeguard a resource for a time of crisis may be the reason, why certain fishes of the Amazon are not normally eaten, but spared [ 69 ].

Food taboos in order to monopolize a resource

Declaring a food item taboo for one section of the population, can of course, lead to a monopoly of the food in question by the remainder of the population [ 7 ]. For purely egoistic reasons men may declare meat and other, to them, delicacies taboo "for others". That this is the main reason for some food taboos affecting mainly women and children, is suspected by [ 30 ]. Traditional healers in Nigeria sometimes attribute childhood ailments to breaking the food norms [ 70 ] and in Senegal women and children, but not men, must avoid poultry products. That this can lead to a shortage of adequate supplies of essential nutrients especially in the most vulnerable group of the rural population is self-understood [ 71 ].

The fact that in many societies alcohol-drinking women are poorly respected (while for men alcohol consumption is regarded as normal), in essence, seems little different from the Australian aboriginal practice that native honey (a rare and sweet delicacy) is seen as something fit only for the old and wise men. Amongst the Bolivian Siriono, there are "hundreds of food taboos", but they apply only very loosely to the elderly, who can break the taboos. This ensures their welfare and survival when no longer able to hunt for the 'right food' [ 72 ].

Food taboos as an expression of empathy

Empathy, i.e., feeling for and with the poor animal that is to have its life terminated for the selfish reason of devouring it, is yet another powerful reason for certain food taboos to have come into existence. In many societies, pet animals enjoy a greater degree of protection and are more likely to be given "taboo" status than individuals that are unfamiliar and "unrelated". It is almost as if "humanness" rubs off and the pet becomes regarded as an "honorary human".

Hindu religious thought with its belief of re-incarnation even goes a step further and basically does not distinguish between human and animal with regard to their souls – only the packaging is seen to differ. It follows that by eating an animal, a Hindu could indeed, to put it bluntly, be eating a deceased relative. And that -with few exceptions where endocannibalism was the accepted practice and parts of a human corpse were ritually consumed as in certain tribes of Papua Niugini- is almost everywhere a taboo [ 73 - 75 ].

Food taboos as a factor in group-cohesion and group-identity

Finally, it ought to be mentioned that any food taboo, acknowledged by a particular group of people as part of its ways, aids in the cohesion of this group, helps that group stand out amongst others, assists that group to maintain its identity and creates a feeling of "belonging". Thus, food taboos can strengthen the confidence of a group by functioning as a demonstration of the uniqueness of the group in the face of others.

Food taboos and food habits can persist for a very long time and can be (and have been) made use of in identifying cultural and historical relationships between human populations [ 76 , 77 ]. It has, for instance, been suggested that the food taboos of both Jews and Hindus reflect not the nutritional needs, but the explicit concerns of the pastoral peoples' that they once were [ 78 ].

In our increasingly international world, it is essential that we know and understand food taboos of societies other than and in addition to our own. In a world, in which many persons still go hungry, it is important to realize that numerous societies impose restrictions on what is acceptable as food and that in most cases the full food potential of a given environment is not being made use of. Food restrictions can affect the nutritional status of a community or a subsection within it. There may be sound reasons for prohibiting certain food items as we have demonstrated in this paper, but declaring some food items taboo can equally well be a form of suppression by a more dominant sector of the society. To explore the operating food taboos from historic, hygienic, and social perspectives must be the aim of any study that deals with the problem of community food culture [ 10 , 14 , 79 , 80 ]. In the words of Drewnowski and Levine [ 80 ]: "There is a need for further discussions of the economics of food choice".

Competing interests

The author declares that he has no competing interests.

Author's contributions

The single author of this paper (VBM-R) is responsible for every aspect of the research, the conclusions, and the writing of the paper.

Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank his companions, helpers, guides, and informants in the field as well as Dr. Sulochana D. Moro for expert information on Hinduism and Indian food taboos. Some of this research was made possible through grants from the Australian National University (Canberra, Australia) and the University of the West Indies (Kingston, Jamaica). Jacobs University Bremen kindly allowed the author time off from teaching for two brief research visits to Papua New Guinea in 2002 and 2004.

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Trump says he won’t tax your tips, OT or Social Security. Why critics see ‘gimmicks’ and a ‘sham’

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The last time Donald Trump was president, he delivered a massive tax cut , touting the many benefits of the 2017 law. But a slew of nonpartisan reviews found it mostly benefited the wealthy, expanded the federal deficit enormously and didn’t deliver promised economic benefits to the middle class.

Perhaps recognizing that his previous tax cut lacked populist appeal, the former president has spent the summer reeling off new tax-cut proposals — promising to exempt tips, Social Security benefits and overtime pay from federal taxes.

Trump used a rally Thursday in Tucson to roll out the latest proposal, to stop taxing overtime pay.

“People who work overtime are among the hardest-working citizens in our country,” the Republican presidential nominee said. “And for too long, no one in Washington has been looking out for them.”

He said his proposal meant “police officers, nurses, factory workers, construction workers, truck drivers and machine operators” would finally “catch a break.”

Tax and policy analysts from across the ideological spectrum quickly lambasted the Trump proposal, saying it would make an already massive federal budget deficit even larger. It wasn’t immediately clear how much eliminating the three taxes would cost the U.S. Treasury, though one group said the Social Security tax ban alone would deny the government $1.6 trillion over a decade.

Several critics said the proposals amounted to pandering to working-class voters whose support could tip the balance in several states. Offering breaks to those who earn tips and overtime felt like a “sham,” they added, coming from a man whose Labor Department failed to protect worker tips and enacted policies that made millions of employees ineligible for overtime pay.

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“Trump has a long anti-overtime record,” Heidi Shierholz, senior economist at EPI Action, a labor-oriented advocacy group, said in a statement. “While president, he stripped overtime protections from millions by refusing to defend the Obama-era overtime rule in court and instead publishing his own, much weaker rule.”

By shifting the income eligibility level at which the Labor Department requires workers be paid overtime, Trump helped push an estimated 3.2 million workers out of the category designated to get the extra pay, usually at time-and-a-half, Shierholz’s analysis showed.

An additional 5.2 million workers were subject to losing overtime payments from businesses that could misclassify them as managers or executives, a frequent maneuver employed by businesses, Shierholz said. And rules proposed by Project 2025 — written for a new Trump administration by Trump allies and former aides, but which the former president insists he will not follow — “would strip overtime protections from at least 8 million [additional] workers,” Shierholz said.

The promise to exempt tips from taxes also rings hollow to some employee groups. That’s because of another action by Trump’s Labor Department, which approved regulations that allowed businesses to “pool” tips, to be shared among employees, but without assuring the money wouldn’t go to management.

The Service Employees International Union said Trump-appointed bureaucrats cost workers an estimated $5.8 billion in tips each year. That “departs from long-standing practice and precedent and threatens the economic security of millions of working people and their families,” the union told the Labor Department.

After an outpouring of 375,000 comments, many of them from outraged restaurant servers and bartenders, Congress approved a bill amending the Fair Labor Standards Act. It made clear that employers could not keep tips earned by their workers.

The Trump campaign did not respond to a request for comment Friday. It has not rolled out detailed summations of the tax-cut proposals, including how the government would make up for the lost revenue or cut programs to make the changes “deficit neutral.”

J. Bradford DeLong, a UC Berkeley economist, said the twin economic crises of the Great Recession and the COVID-19 pandemic made deficit spending warranted. “But that time has come to an end,” DeLong said via email.

“So the first question to ask of any promises about a tax cut is now: Is this going to be financed by cutting spending, and if so, on who, or is this to be financed by raising taxes on somebody else, and if so, on who?” DeLong said. “And if you do not cut spending and do not explicitly raise other taxes, then ultimately inflation will collect the taxes in a very unpleasant and destructive way.”

DeLong said it appeared Trump and his advisors had not thought through such questions, which he called “profoundly unserious” behavior.

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Douglas Holtz-Eakin , president of the center-right American Action Forum, said it seemed Trump cooked up his policy proposals on the fly, testing their popular reception at his rallies, without a sober assessment of their effect on the economy and the federal budget.

“He’s looking for the populist appeal,” said Holtz-Eakin, who once headed the Congressional Budget Office and advised President George W. Bush. “These are gimmicks and horrible ideas. Some pointy head like [me] can worry about the impact and the numbers. That’s not his problem.”

Not long after Trump called for an end to taxes on tips, Vice President Kamala Harris also said she would end tips on gratuities. The Democratic presidential nominee said she would simultaneously push for an increase in the federal minimum wage, now at $7.25 and unchanged since 2009.

Harris’ team said it was aware of concerns that high-income individuals might try to mischaracterize their income as tips, to lower their tax liability.

A campaign official who declined to be named to discuss internal policy discussions said: “As president, she would work with Congress to craft a proposal that comes with an income limit and with strict requirements to prevent hedge fund managers and lawyers from structuring their compensation in ways to try to take advantage of the policy.”

Holtz-Eakin said Harris, like Trump, also had made proposals — like a proposed $25,000 in down-payment assistance to first-time homebuyers and a $50,000 tax deduction for small businesses — that potentially could expand the deficit. He accused her and Trump of not taking the U.S. debt crisis seriously.

In the first seven months of this fiscal year, spending on net interest hit $514 billion, surpassing the amount that went to national defense. It was also more than the U.S. spent on Medicare.

“Yesterday, for the first time in U.S. history, interest costs exceeded a trillion dollars in a year,” Holtz-Eakin said, noting that the fiscal year ends on Sept. 30. “And the year’s not over, so hold on.”

The nonpartisan Tax Foundation estimated that Trump’s proposal to end taxes on Social Security benefits would increase the budget deficit by $1.6 trillion over 10 years and accelerate the insolvency of the Social Security and Medicare trust funds.

Trump’s continuation of his 2017 cuts — including on corporate tax rates and capital gains — would be another budget buster. In last week’s debate, Harris protested that the result would be “a tax cut for billionaires and big corporations, which will result in $5 trillion to America’s deficit.”

The Tax Foundation essentially concurred , saying that Trump’s tax cuts (prior to the most recent proposed reductions) would decrease federal tax revenue by $6.1 trillion over 10 years, and somewhat more modestly, when factoring in possible economic growth.

Harris has proposed increasing taxes on capital gains and other sources. Still, the Tax Foundation estimated her tax and spending proposals would increase deficits by $1.5 trillion over the next decade. That shortfall could grow to $2.6 trillion, considering the economic impacts of her policies, the nonprofit said.

Holtz-Eakin called the spiraling debt “appalling,” adding: “It is a paramount threat to the U.S. economy and to national security. Everybody who’s looked at it carefully has come to the same conclusion. But it’s hard work to deal with it, and [the candidates] don’t want to do the work.”

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James Rainey has covered multiple presidential elections, the media and the environment, mostly at the Los Angeles Times, which he first joined in 1984. He was part of Times teams that won three Pulitzer Prizes.

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