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Atlantic slavery and the slave trade: history and historiography.

Daniel B. Domingues da Silva Daniel B. Domingues da Silva History Department, Rice University
and Philip Misevich Philip Misevich Department of History, St. John’s University
https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.371
Published online: 20 November 2018

Over the past six decades, the historiography of Atlantic slavery and the slave trade has shown remarkable growth and sophistication. Historians have marshalled a vast array of sources and offered rich and compelling explanations for these two great tragedies in human history. The survey of this vibrant scholarly tradition throws light on major theoretical and interpretive shifts over time and indicates potential new pathways for future research. While early scholarly efforts have assessed plantation slavery in particular on the antebellum United States South, new voices—those of Western women inspired by the feminist movement and non-Western men and women who began entering academia in larger numbers over the second half of the 20th century—revolutionized views of slavery across time and space. The introduction of new methodological approaches to the field, particularly through dialogue between scholars who engage in quantitative analysis and those who privilege social history sources that are more revealing of lived experiences, has conditioned the types of questions and arguments about slavery and the slave trade that the field has generated. Finally, digital approaches had a significant impact on the field, opening new possibilities to assess and share data from around the world and helping foster an increasingly global conversation about the causes, consequences, and integration of slave systems. No synthesis will ever cover all the details of these thriving subjects of study and, judging from the passionate debates that continue to unfold, interest in the history of slavery and the slave trade is unlikely to fade.

slave trade
historiography

From the 16th to the mid- 19th century , approximately 12.5 million enslaved Africans were forcibly embarked on slave ships, of whom only 10.7 million survived the notorious Middle Passage. 1 Captives were transported in vessels that flew the colors of several nations, mainly Portugal, Britain, France, Spain, and the Netherlands. Ships departed from ports located in these countries or their overseas possessions, loaded slaves at one or more points along the coast of Africa, and then transported them to one or more ports in the Americas. They sailed along established trade routes shaped by political forces, commercial partnerships, and environmental factors, such as the winds and sea currents. The triangular system is no doubt the most famous route but in fact nearly half of all slaves were embarked on vessels that traveled directly between the Americas and Africa. 2 Africans forced beneath the decks of slave vessels were captured in the continent’s interior through several means. Warfare was, perhaps, the commonest, yielding large numbers of captives for sale at a time. Other methods of enslavement included judicial proceedings, pawning, and kidnappings. 3 Depending on the routes captives traveled and the ways they were captured, Africans could sometimes find themselves in the holds of ships with people who belonged to their same cultures, were from their same villages, or were even close relatives. 4 None of this, however, attenuated the sufferings and appalling conditions under which they sailed. Slaves at sea were subjected to constant confinement, brutal violence, malnutrition, diseases, sexual violence, and many other abuses. 5

Upon arrival in the Americas, Africans often found themselves in equally hostile environments. Slavery in the mining industry and on cash crop plantations, especially those that produced sugar and rice, significantly reduced Africans’ life expectancies and required owners to replenish their labor force through the slave trade. 6 By contrast, slave systems centered on less intensive crops and the services industry, particularly in cities, ports, and towns, often offered enslaved Africans better chances of survival and even the possibility of achieving freedom through manumission by purchase, gift, or inheritance. 7 These apparent advantages did not necessarily mean that life was any less harsh. Neither did the prospect of freedom significantly change slaves’ material lives. Few individuals managed to obtain manumission and those who did encountered many other barriers that prevented them from fully enjoying their lives as free citizens. 8 In spite of those barriers, slaves challenged their status and conditions in many ways, ranging from “quiet” forms of resistance—slowdowns, breaking tools, and feigning illness at work—to bolder initiatives such as running away, plotting conspiracies, and launching rebellions. 9 Although slavery provided little room for autonomy, Africans strove to maintain or replicate aspects of their cultures in the Americas. Whenever possible, they married people with their same backgrounds, named their children in their own languages, cooked foods using techniques, styles, and ingredients similar to those found in their motherlands, composed songs in the beats of their homelands, and worshipped ancestral spirits, deities, and gods in the same fashion as their forbears. 10 At the same time, slave culture was subject to constant change, a process that over the long run enabled enslaved people to better navigate the dangerous world that slavery created. 11

This overview may seem rather free of controversy, but it is in fact the result of years of debates, some still raging, and research conducted by generations of historians of slavery and the slave trade. Perhaps no other historical fields have been so productive and transformative over such a short period of time. Since the 1950s, scholars have developed and refined new methods, created new theoretical models, brought previously untapped sources to light, and posed new questions that shine bright new light on the experiences of enslaved people and their owners as well as the social, political, economic, and cultural worlds that they created in the diaspora. Although debates about Atlantic slavery and the slave trade go back to the era of abolition, historians began grappling in earnest with these issues in the aftermath of World War II. Early scholarship focused on the United States and tended to articulate views of slavery that reflected elite sources and perspectives. 12 Inspired by the US civil rights movement, second-wave feminism, and wider global decolonization campaigns, the 1960s and 1970s witnessed the rise of approaches to the study of slavery rooted in new social history, which aimed to understand slaves as central historical actors rather than mere victims of exploitation. 13 Around the same time, a group of scholars trained in statistical analysis sparked passionate debates about the extent to which quantitative assessments of slavery and slave trading effectively represented slaves’ lived experiences. 14 To more vividly capture those experiences, some historians turned to new or underutilized tools, particularly biographies, family histories, and microhistories, which provided windows into local historical dynamics. 15 The significance of the penetrating questions that these fruitful debates raised has been amplified in recent decades in response to the growing influence of transnational and Atlantic approaches to slavery. Atlantic frameworks have required the gathering and analysis of new data on slavery and the slave trade around the world, encouraging scholars from previously underrepresented regions to challenge Anglo-American dominance in the field. Finally, the digital turn in the 21st century has provided new models for developing historical projects on slavery and the slave trade and helped democratize access to once inaccessible sources. 16 This article draws on this rich history of scholarship on slavery and the slave trade to illustrate major theoretical and interpretive shifts over time and raise questions about the future prospects for this dynamic field of study.

Models of Slavery and Resistance

While each country in the Americas has its own national historiography on slavery, from a 21st-century perspective, it is hard to overestimate the role that US-based scholars played in shaping the agenda of slavery studies. Analyses of American plantation records began around the turn of the 20th century . Early debates emerged in particular over the conditions of slavery in the American South and views of the relationship between slaves and owners. Setting the foundation for these debates in the early- 20th century , Ulrich Bonnell Phillips offered an extraordinarily romanticized vision of life on the plantation. 17 Steeped in open racism, his work compared slave plantations to benevolent schools that over time “civilized” enslaved peoples. Conditioned by the kinds of revisionist interpretations of Southern slavery that emerged in the era following Reconstruction, Phillips saw American slavery as a benign institution that persisted despite its economic inefficiency. His work trivialized the violence inherent in slave systems, a view some Americans were eager to accept and, given his standing among subsequent generations of slavery scholars, one that prevailed in the profession for half of a century.

Early challenges to this view had little immediate impact within academic circles. That primarily black intellectuals, working in or speaking to white-dominated academies, offered many of the most sophisticated objections helps explain the persistence of Phillips’ influence. In the face of looming institutional racism, several scholars offered bold and fresh interpretations that uprooted basic ideas about the slave system. Over his illustrious career, W. E. B. Du Bois highlighted the powerful structural impediments that restricted black lives and brought attention to the dynamic ways that African Americans confronted systematic exploitation. Eric Williams, a noted Trinidadian historian, took aim at the history of abolition, arguing that self-interest—rather than humanitarian concerns—led to the abolition of slavery throughout the British Empire. Melville Herskovitz, a prominent white American anthropologist, turned his attention to the connections between African and African American culture. 18 Though many of these works were marginalized at the time they were produced, this scholarship is rightfully credited with, among other things, shining light on the relationship between African and African American history. Turning their attention to Africa, scholars discovered a variety of cultural practices that, they argued, shaped the black experience under slavery and in its aftermath. Even those scholars who challenged or rejected this Africa-centered approach pushed enslaved people to the center of their analyses, representing a radical departure from previous studies. 19

Similarly, works focused on the history of slavery and the slave trade in other regions of the Americas, especially those colonized by France, Spain, and Portugal, were often overlooked. The economies of many of these regions had historically depended on slave labor. The size of the captive populations of some of them rivaled that of the United States. Moreover, they had been involved in the slave trade for much longer and far more extensively than any other region of what became the United States. Researchers in Brazil, Cuba, and other countries often noticed these points. 20 Some of them, like the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre, received training in the United States and produced significant research. However, because they published mainly in Portuguese and Spanish, and translations were hard to come by, their work had little initial impact on Anglo-American scholarship. The few scholars who did realize the importance of this work used it to draw comparisons between the Anglophone and non-Anglophone worlds of slavery, highlighting differences in their patterns of colonization and emphasizing the distinctive roles that Catholicism and colonial legal regimes played in shaping slave systems across parts of the Americas. A greater incidence of miscegenation and slaves’ relative accessibility to freedom through manumission led some scholars to argue that slavery in the non-Anglophone New World was milder than in antebellum America or the British colonies. 21

In the United States, the dominant narratives of American slavery continued to emphasize the absolute authority of slave owners. Even critics of Phillips, who emerged in larger numbers in the 1950s and vigorously challenged his conclusions, thought little of slaves’ abilities to effect meaningful change on plantations. Yet they did offer new interpretations of American slavery, as the metaphors scholars used in this decade to characterize the system attest. Far from Phillips’ training school, Kenneth Stampp argued that plantation slavery more appropriately resembled a prison in which enslaved people became completely dependent on their owners. 22 Going even further, Stanley M. Elkins compared American slavery to a concentration camp. 23 The experience of slavery was so traumatic that it stripped enslaved people of their identities and rendered them almost completely helpless. American slavery, in Elkins’ view, turned African Americans into infantilized “Sambos” whose minds and wills came to mirror those of their owners. While such studies drew much needed attention to the violence of plantation slavery, they all but closed the door on questions about slave agency and cultural production. Emphasizing slave autonomy ran the risk of minimizing the brutality of slave owners, and for those scholars trying to overturn Phillips’s vision of American slavery, that brutality was what defined the plantation enterprise.

It took the revolutionary spirit of the 1960s to move slavery studies in a significantly new direction. Driven by their hard-fought battles for political rights at home, African Americans and others whom the civil rights movement inspired added critical new voices and perspectives that required a rethinking of the American past. Scholars who emerged during this period largely rejected the overwhelming authority of the planter class and instead turned their attention to the activities of enslaved people. Slaves, they found, created spaces for themselves and exercised their autonomy on plantations in myriad ways. While they recognized the violence of the slave system, historians of this generation were more interested in assessing the development of black society and identifying resistance to plantation slavery. Far from the brainwashed prisoners of their owners, enslaved people were recast as producers of dynamic and enduring cultures. One key to this transformation was a more careful analysis of what occurred within slave quarters, where new research uncovered the existence of relatively stable—at least under the circumstances—family life. Another emphasized religion as a tool that slaves used to improve their conditions and forge new identities in the diaspora. The immediate post-civil rights period also saw scholars renew their interest in Africa, breathing new life into older debates about the origins and survival of cultural practices in the Americas. 24

What much of the scholarship in this period shared was the idea that no matter how vicious the system, planter power was always incomplete. Recognizing that reality, slaves and their owners established a set of ground rules that granted slaves a degree of autonomy in an attempt to minimize resistance. Beyond mere brutality, slavery thus rested on unwritten but widely understood slave “rights”—Sundays off from plantation labor, the cultivation of private garden plots, participation in an independent slave economy—that both sides negotiated and frequently challenged. This view was central to Eugene Genovese’s magisterial book, Roll Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made , which employed the concept of paternalism to help make sense of 19th-century Southern slavery. 25 Paternalist ideology provided owners with a theoretical justification for slavery’s continuation in the face of widespread criticism from Northern abolitionists. Unlike in the urban North, Southerners claimed, where free African Americans faced deplorable conditions and had little social support, slave owners claimed to take better care of their “black and white” families. Slaves also embraced paternalism, though toward a different end: doing so enabled them to use the idea of the “benevolent planter” to their own advantage and make claims for incremental improvements in slaves’ lives. Slavery, Genovese argued, was thus based on the mutual interdependence of owners and slaves.

The degree of intimacy between slaves and owners that paternalism implied spoke to another question that occupied scholars writing in the 1960s and 1970s: given the violence of the slave system, why had so few large-scale slave rebellions occurred? For Phillips and those whom he influenced, the benevolent nature of Southern slavery provided a sufficient explanation. But undeniable evidence of the violence of slavery required making sense of patterns—or the seeming lack—of slave resistance. Unlike on some Caribbean islands, where slaves far outnumbered free people and environmental and geographic factors tended to concentrate the location of plantations, conditions in the United States were less conducive to widespread rebellion. Yet slaves never passively accepted their captivity. The literature on resistance during this period deemphasized violent forms of rebellion, which occurred infrequently, and reoriented scholarship toward the variety of ways that enslaved people challenged the domination of slave owners over them. Having adjusted their lenses, historians found evidence of slave resistance seemingly everywhere. Enslaved people slowed the paces at which they worked, feigned illnesses, broke tools, and injured or let escape animals on plantations. Such “day-to-day” resistance did little to overturn slavery but it gave some control to captives over their work regimes. In some cases, slaves acted even more boldly, committing arson or poisoning those men and women responsible for upholding the system of bondage. Resistance also took the form of running away, a strategy that long preceded the famous Underground Railroad in North America and posed unique problems in territories with unsettled frontiers, unfriendly environmental terrain, and diverse indigenous populations into which fleeing captives could integrate. 26

This shift in scholarship toward slave agency and resistance was anchored in the creative use of sources that had previously been unknown or underappreciated. Although they had long recognized the shortcomings of Phillips’s reliance on records from a limited number of large plantations, historians struggled to find better options, particularly those that shed light on the experiences and perspectives of enslaved people. Slave biographies provided one alternative. In the 1970s, John Blassingame gathered an exhaustive collection of runaway slave accounts to examine the life experiences of American slaves. 27 Whether such biographies spoke to the majority of slaves or represented a few exceptional black men became the subject of considerable disagreement. Scholars who were less trusting of biographies turned to the large collection of interviews that the Federal Writers’ Project of the Works Progress Administration conducted with former slaves. 28 Though far more numerous and representative of “typical” slave experiences, the WPA interviews had their own problems. Would former slaves have been comfortable speaking freely to primarily white interviewers about their lives in bondage? The question remains open. Equally pressing was the concern over the amount of time that had passed between the end of slavery and the period when the interviews were conducted. Indeed, some two-thirds of interviewees were octogenarians when federal employees recorded their stories. Despite such shortcomings, these sources and the new interpretations of slavery that they supported pushed scholarship in exciting new directions. Slaves could no longer be dismissed as passive victims of the plantation system. The new sources and approaches humanized them and reoriented scholarship toward the communities that slaves made.

Across the Atlantic, scholars of Africa began to grapple in earnest with questions about slavery, too. Early contributions to debates over the role of the institution in Africa and its impact on African societies came from historians and anthropologists. One strand of disagreement emerged over whether slavery existed there at all prior to the arrival of Europeans. This raised more fundamental questions about how to define slavery. The influential introduction to Suzanne Miers and Igor Kopytoff’s edited volume, Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives , took pains to distinguish African slavery from its American counterparts. It rooted slavery not in racial difference or the growth of plantation agriculture but rather in the context of Africa’s kin-based social organization. According to the coauthors, the institution’s primary function in Africa was to incorporate outsiders into new societies. 29 So distinctive was this form of captivity that Miers and Kopytoff famously deployed scare quotes each time they used the word “slavery” in order to underscore its uniqueness.

Given their emphasis on incorporation, the process by which enslaved people over time became accepted insiders in the societies into which they were forcibly introduced, and their limited treatment of the economically productive roles that slaves played, Miers and Kopytoff came in for swift criticism on several fronts. Neo-Marxists were particularly dissatisfied. Claude Meillassoux, the prominent French scholar, responded with an alternative vision of slavery in Africa that highlighted the violence that was at the core of enslavement. 30 That violence made slavery the very antithesis of kinship, which to many scholars invalidated Miers and Kopytoff’s interpretation. Meillassoux and others also pointed to the dynamic economic roles that slaves played in Africa. 31 Studies in various local settings—in the Sokoto Caliphate, the Western Sudan, and elsewhere—made clear that slavery was a central part of how African societies organized productive labor. 32 This reality led some scholars to articulate distinct slave, or African, modes of production that, they argued, better illuminated the role of slavery in the continent. 33

In addition to these deep theoretical differences, one factor that contributed to the debates was the lack of historical sources that spoke to the changing nature of slavery in Africa. Documentary evidence describing slave societies is heavily concentrated in the 19th century , the period when Europe’s presence in Africa became more widespread and when colonialism and abolitionism colored Western views of Africans and their social institutions. To overcome source limitations, academics cast their nets widely, drawing on methodological innovations from anthropology and comparative linguistics, among other disciplines. 34 Participant observation, through which Africanists immersed themselves in the communities they studied in order to understand local languages and cultures, proved particularly valuable. 35 Yet the enthusiasm for this approach, which for many offered a more authentic path to access African cultures and voices, led some scholars to ignore or paper over its limitations. 36 To what extent, for example, did oral sources or observations of social structures in the 20th century reveal historical realities from previous eras? Other historians projected back in time insights from the more numerous written sources from the 19th century , using them to consider slavery in earlier periods. 37 Those who uncritically accepted evidence from such sources—whether non-written or written—came away with a timeless view of the African past, including as it related to slavery. 38 It would take another decade, during which the field witnessed revolutionary changes to the collection and analysis of data, until scholars began to widely accept the fact that, as in the Americas, slavery differed across time and space.

The Cliometric Debates

Around the same time that some scholars in the Americas were pushing enslaved people to the center of slavery narratives, a separate group of academics trained in economics began steering the focus of studies of slavery and the slave trade in a different direction. While research on planter power and slave resistance allowed historians to infer broad patterns of transformation from a limited collection of local records, this new group of scholars turned this approach upside down. They proposed to assess the underlying forces that shaped slavery and the slave trade to better contextualize the individual experiences of enslaved people. This big-picture approach was rooted in the quantification of large amounts of data available in archival sources spread across multiple locations and led ultimately to the development of “cliometrics,” a radically new methodology in the field. Two works were particularly important to the establishment of this approach: Philip Curtin’s The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census and Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman’s Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery . 39

Philip Curtin’s “census” provided the first quantitative assessment of the size, evolution, and distribution of the transatlantic slave trade between the 15th and 19th centuries . Previous estimates of the magnitude of the transatlantic trade claimed that it involved somewhere between fifteen and twenty million enslaved Africans—or in some cases many times that amount. 40 However, upon careful examination, Curtin found that such estimates were “nothing but a vast inertia, as historians have copied over and over again the flimsy results of unsubstantial guesswork.” 41 He thus set out to provide a new figure based on a close reading of secondary works that themselves had been based on extensive archival research. To assist in this endeavor, Curtin enlisted a technology that had only recently become available to researchers: the mainframe computer. He collected data on the number of slaves that ships of every nation involved in the traffic had embarked and disembarked, recorded these data on punch cards, and used the computer to organize the information into time series that allowed him to make projections for the periods and branches of the traffic for which data were scarce or altogether unavailable. Curtin’s findings posed profound challenges to the most basic assumptions about the transatlantic traffic. They revealed that the number of Africans forcibly transported to the Americas was substantially lower than what historians had previously assumed. Curtin also demonstrated that while the British were the most active slave traders during the second half of the 18th century , when the trade had reached its height, the Portuguese (and, after independence, Brazilians as well) carried far more enslaved people during the entire period of the transatlantic trade. 42 Furthermore, while the United States boasted the largest slave population by the mid- 19th century , it was a comparatively minor destination for vessels engaged in the trade: the region received less than 5 percent of all captive Africans transported across the Atlantic. 43

Curtin’s assessment of the slave trade inspired researchers to flock to local archives and compile new statistical data on the number and carrying capacity of slaving vessels departing or entering particular ports or regions around the Atlantic basin. Building on Curtin’s solid foundation, these scholars produced dozens of studies on the volume of various branches of the transatlantic trade. Virtually every port that dispatched slaving vessels to Africa or at which enslaved Africans were disembarked in the Americas received scholarly attention. What emerged from this work was an increasingly clear picture of the volume and structure of the Atlantic slave trade at local, regional, and national levels, though the South Atlantic slave trade remained comparatively understudied. 44 Historians of Africa also joined in these discussions, providing tentative assessments of slave exports from regions along the coast of West and West Central Africa. 45 The deepening pool of data that such research generated enabled scholars to use quantitative methods to consider other aspects of the transatlantic trade. How did mortality rates differ on slave vessels from one national carrier to another? 46 Which ports dispatched larger or smaller vessels and what implications did vessel size have for participation in the slave trade? 47 Which types of European commodities were most highly sought after in exchange for African captives? 48 As these questions imply, scholars had for the first time approached the slave trade as its own distinctive topic for research, which had revolutionary consequences for the future of the field.

Time on the Cross had an effect on slavery scholarship that was similar to—indeed, perhaps even greater than—that of Curtin’s, especially among scholars focused on the antebellum US South. Inspired by studies that challenged the view of plantation slavery as unprofitable, Fogel and Engerman, with the help of a team of researchers, set out to quantify nearly every aspect of that institution in the US South, from slaves’ average daily food consumption to the amount of cotton produced in the US South during the antebellum era. 49 Consistent with the cliometricians’ approach, Fogel and Engerman listed ten findings that “contradicted many of the most important propositions in the traditional portrayal of the slave system.” 50 Their most important—and controversial—conclusions were that slavery was a rational system of labor exploitation maintained by planters to maximize their own economic interests; that it was growing on the eve of the Civil War; and that owners were optimistic rather than pessimistic about the future of the slave system during the decade that preceded the war. 51 Further, the authors noted that slave labor was productive. “On average,” the cliometricians argued, a slave was “harder-working and more efficient than his white counterpart.” 52

While cliometrics made important contributions to the study of slavery and the slave trade, the quantitative approach came in for swift and passionate criticism. Curtin’s significantly lower estimates for the number of enslaved Africans shipped across the Atlantic were met with skepticism; some respondents even charged that his figures trivialized the horrors of the trade. 53 Although praised for its revolutionary interpretation, which earned Fogel the Nobel Prize in Economic Sciences in 1993 , Fogel and Engerman’s study of the economics of American slavery was almost immediately cast aside as deeply flawed and unworthy of serious scholarly attention. Critics pointed not only to carelessness in the authors’ data collection techniques but also to their mathematical errors, abusive assumptions, and insufficient contextualization of data. 54 Fogel and Engerman, for example, characterized lynching as a “disciplinary tool.” After counting the number of whippings slaves received at one plantation, they concluded that masters there rarely used the punishment. They failed to note, however, the powerful effect that such abuse had on slaves and free people who merely watched or heard the horrible spectacle. 55 More generally, and apart from these specific problems, critics offered a theoretical objection to the quantitative approach, which, they argued, conceived of history as an objective science, with strong persuasive appeal, but which silenced the voices of the individuals victimized by the history of slavery and the slave trade.

Nevertheless, the methodology found followers among historians studying the history of slavery in other parts of the Atlantic. B. W. Higman’s massive two-volume work, Slave Populations of the British Caribbean, 1807–1834 , remains an unparalleled quantitative analysis of slave communities on the islands under British control. 56 Robert Louis Stein’s The French Sugar Business in the Eighteenth Century also makes substantial use of cliometrics and remains a valuable reference for students of slavery in Martinique and Saint Domingue (present-day Haiti). 57 But outside of the United States, nowhere was cliometrics more popular than Brazil, where scholars of slavery, including Pedro Carvalho de Mello, Herbert Klein, Francisco Vidal Luna, Robert Slenes, and others, applied it to examine many of the same issues that their North American counterparts did: rates of profitability, demographic growth, and economic expansion of slave systems. 58 Africanists also found value in the methodology and employed it as their sources allowed. Patrick Manning, for instance, used demographic modeling to examine the impact of the slave trade on African societies. 59 Philip Curtin compiled quantitative archival sources to analyze the evolution of the economy of Senegambia in the era of the slave trade. 60 Jan Hogendorn and Marion Johnson traced the circulation of cowries, the shell money of the slave trade, noting that “of all the goods from overseas exchanged for slaves, the shell money touched individuals most widely and often in their day-to-day activities.” 61

In many ways, the gap between quantitative and social and cultural approaches to slavery and the slave trade that opened in the 1970s has continued to divide the field. Concerned that cliometrics sucked the dynamism out of interpretations of the slave community and reduced captives to figures on a spreadsheet, some scholars responded by deploying a variety of new tools to reclaim the humanity and individuality of enslaved actors. Microhistory, an approach that early modern Europeanists developed to recover peasant and other everyday people’s stories, offered one such opportunity. 62 Biography provided another. By reducing its scale of observation and focusing on individuals, families, households, or other small-scale units of analysis, such research underscored the messiness of lived experiences and the creative and often unexpected ways that slaves fashioned worlds for themselves. 63 But such approaches raised a separate set of questions: do biographical accounts reveal typical experiences? In an era when few slaves were literate and even fewer committed their stories to paper, any captives whose accounts survived—in full or in fragments, published or unpublished—were by definition exceptional. Moreover, given the clear overarching framework that decades of quantitative work on the slave trade had developed, one would be hard-pressed to ignore completely the cliometric turn. As two quantitatively minded scholars noted, “it is difficult to assess the significance or representativity of personal narratives or collective biographies, however detailed, without an understanding of the overall movements of slaves of which these individuals’ lives were a part.” 64 While an emphasis on what might be described as the quantitative “big picture” is not by nature antagonistic toward social and cultural historians’ concerns with enslaved people’s lived experiences, the two approaches offer different visions of slavery’s past and often feel as if they sit on opposite ends of the analytical spectrum.

Women, Gender, and Slavery

In the roughly two and a half decades that followed the major interpretive shifts that Kenneth Stampp and Stanley Elkins introduced into scholarship on slavery, the field remained an almost exclusively male one. With rare exceptions, men continued to dominate the profession during this period; their work rarely probed with any degree of sophistication the experiences of women in plantation societies. While second-wave feminism inspired women to enter graduate programs in history in larger numbers beginning in the 1960s, it took time for published work on women’s history, at least as it related to slavery, to appear in earnest. Revealingly, it was not until 1985 that the Library of Congress created a unique catalog heading for “women slaves.” Yet in the three decades since then, women’s (and later gendered) histories of slavery have been published at an ever-increasing pace. Scholars in the 21st century would struggle to take seriously books written about slavery that fail to show an appreciation for the distinctive experiences of men and women in captivity or more generally across plantation societies.

Several forces worked against the production of studies on enslaved women. If sources detailing slaves’ lives are in general sparse, evidence on women slaves is particularly spotty. Deborah Gray White’s pioneering work, Aren’t I a Woman: Female Slaves in the Plantation South , the first book-length study of enslaved women, triumphantly pieced together fragments of information from Federal Writers’ Project interviews with scattered plantation records to breathe life into the historiography of black women. It revealed the powerful structures that served to constrain enslaved women’s lives in the 19th century United States. As White famously concluded: “Black in a white society, slave in a free society, women in a society ruled by men, female slaves had the least formal power and were perhaps the most vulnerable group of Antebellum Americans.” 65 Yet publishers and academic peers did not immediately take seriously work focused on women slaves. White noted, for example, how colleagues in her department warned her that she would be unlikely to earn tenure writing about such a topic. This environment was hardly the type of nurturing one required for sustained research. 66

Though it was an uphill struggle, an influential group of scholars gradually developed a framework for understanding slavery’s realities for women. Early work focused on the foundational tasks of recovering female voices and using them to challenge standard narratives of the plantation system. It made clear the complex and multifaceted roles of women captives—as mothers, wives, fieldworkers, and domestics—and in the process reshaped scholarly understanding of the dynamics of the plantation enterprise. Social relations within plantation households commanded particular attention. Some scholars emphasized bonds between black and white women whose lives, they argued, were conditioned by a shared and oppressive patriarchal culture. Catherine Clinton, for example, characterized white mistresses as “trapped” within plantation society. “Cotton was King, white men ruled, and both white women and slaves served the same master,” she argued. 67 While she sympathized with the plight of plantation mistresses, Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, another leading figure of American women’s history, offered a contrary view of gendered relations within Southern households, one that highlighted division. Far from sharing common interests with enslaved women, mistresses clearly benefitted from slavery’s continuation. Their status as white and elite took priority over the bonds of womanhood. 68

The first sustained studies of women’s resistance to slavery also appeared in the 1980s. The historiographical pivot toward day-to-day resistance, which more effectively revealed the sophisticated ways that enslaved Africans and their descendants challenged their captivity, also opened a window of opportunity to view women as disruptors of the slave system in their own right. No longer dismissed as, at most, timid supporters of male-led revolts, women were in this period redefined as “natural rebels” who exploited white perceptions of female docility for their own benefit. Enslaved women, for example, were not generally chained onboard slave vessels, which gave them greater opportunities to organize revolts. Those few women who worked in privileged positions within plantation households took on responsibilities that gave them unique access to white families and exposed them to white vulnerabilities. Cooks could theoretically poison their owners, a threat that seemed all too real given the world of violence that underpinned the plantation. And while the coercive realities of slavery rooted every sexual relationship between white men and black women in violence, some scholars pointed to the possibility that women slaves who endured such abuse saw marginal improvements in their material circumstances or the prospects for their children. 69

Within a decade of the publication of Deborah White’s book, scholarship began to shift away from analyses of women and toward investigations of the worlds that men and women made together under slavery. Scholars of Africa brought valuable insights into this issue, drawing on decades of careful research into local constructions of gender and, in particular, the gendered division of labor within Africa. Women, Africanists illustrated, performed many of the most important tasks in agricultural regimes across the continent. 70 Some historians argued that it was their physical rather than biological roles that led slave owners in Africa to prefer and retain female captives, challenging earlier rigid emphases on women’s childbearing capacities. 71 These polarized debates eventually gave way to local and more nuanced analyses that revealed the complex range of contributions that enslaved women made to African societies: Women had children that increased the sizes of households; they cultivated and marketed crops that fed and enriched kingdoms and other less centralized societies; they served as bodyguards to local elites; and they even bought, retained, and traded their own captives. 72 If slavery in Africa was widespread, it was precisely because women had such wide-ranging productive and reproductive value.

These insights had wider implications for the study of the slave trade and the Atlantic World. African conceptions of gender conditioned the supply to Europeans of men and women captives along the coast, illustrating the close relationship between gender issues and economic concerns. 73 Gendered identities that emerged in Africa were adapted and transformed in the Americas depending on demographic, economic, or cultural concerns. 74 Whereas in low-density slave systems, African women and their descendants might follow work regimes that resembled those of their homelands, the gendered division of labor in large slave societies often more closely reflected European attitudes toward women and work. 75 Grappling with such complex realities required historians to dig into local records across a staggering variety of geographic settings. It was in that context that scholars began to broaden their horizons and embrace an increasingly Atlantic orientation—a trend that mirrored broader changes in studies on slavery and the slave trade in the 1990s. 76

The Atlanticization of Slavery Studies

It may seem redundant to identify a shift toward the Atlanticization of slavery studies. Enslaved Africans, after all, were brought to the Americas from across the Atlantic. How, then, could these studies be anything but Atlantic? The reality is that historians have generally looked at the institution through rather parochial eyes, as something limited by regional, national, or cultural boundaries. There were several early and noteworthy exceptions to this trend. Indeed, calls for studies to look at the societies surrounding the ocean as an integral unit of analysis date as far back as the late 1910s. Several scholars took up that call, the most notable perhaps being Fernand Braudel in his 1949 masterpiece, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II . 77 However, in an increasingly polarized world, the idea faced significant resistance and obstacles. Following World War II, Atlanticization could be easily read as a stand-in for imperialism or westernization. It was only toward the end of the Cold War that historians were able to move past these ideological barriers and understand the value of looking at the Atlantic as “the scene of a vast interaction rather than merely the transfer of Europeans onto American shores,” an interaction that was the result of “a sudden and harsh encounter between two old worlds that transformed both and integrated them into a single New World.” 78

This realization deeply shaped subsequent studies of the history of slavery and the slave trade, some of them reviving earlier debates about cultural continuity and change in the African diaspora. One of the most successful examples to focus on the influence of Africans in shaping slavery on both sides of the ocean is John Thornton’s Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World . In it, Thornton argues that slavery was the only form of “private, revenue-producing property recognized in African law.” 79 Consequently, African political and economic elites had significant leverage over the institution, giving them some control over the transatlantic traffic. Thornton’s argument offered a new logic for African participation in the slave trade while also providing a new interpretation of African culture in Africa and the Americas. Although enslaved Africans came from several different regions and societies, Thornton stresses the similarities between their cultures and languages. Based on research on the traffic’s organization, he notes that slave ships rarely purchased captives in more than one port and that they normally sailed along very specific routes. 80 Such an organization favored the transmission of some of the cultural practices enslaved Africans brought with them to the Americas. Nevertheless, Thornton points out, “slaves were not militant cultural nationalists who sought to preserve everything African but rather showed great flexibility in adapting and changing their culture.” 81 His approach thus emphasized the systematic linkages that the transatlantic slave trade forged while leaving space for creolization within slave communities.

Another important contribution that emphasized cultural transformation was Ira Berlin’s Many Thousands Gone: The First Two Centuries of Slavery in North America . 82 Looking to identify the first generations of blacks who chartered their descendants’ fate in mainland North America, Berlin located them among a group he called “Atlantic creoles,” people who traced their beginnings to the earliest encounters between Europeans and Africans on the west coast of Africa, but who ultimately emerged from the world that Europe, Africa, and the Americas collectively created. Cosmopolitan by experience or circumstance, familiar with the commerce of the Atlantic, and fluent in its languages and cultures, these individuals laid down the foundations for black life in the New World. 83 They arrived not as Africans desperate to replicate their culture, or flexible to adapt, but rather as profoundly changed individuals. Although they permeated most of the colonial societies of the Americas, Berlin claims that in mainland North America at least they were soon swept away by subsequent generations born under the expansion of large-scale commodity production, which ended the porous slave system of the early years of European and African settlement. 84

Although these were important contributions, the Atlanticization of slavery studies opened many more avenues to understand the experiences of Africans and their descendants during the years of bondage. It allowed for comparisons between Africans’ trajectories with those of other players in the formation of the Atlantic world. Paul Gilroy’s well-known Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness is in a way a precursor, expressing “a desire to transcend both the structures of the nation state and the constraints of ethnicity and national particularity.” 85 Jack P. Greene and Philip D. Morgan’s edited volume, Atlantic History: A Critical Appraisal , views a handful of European nations—Spain, Portugal, Britain, France, and the Netherlands—as creating this new world centered around the Atlantic, but it also places Africans as well as the indigenous populations of the Americas in comparative perspective. 86 One immediate problem with this approach is that it conflates several hundreds of groups, nations, or peoples into a single category, “Africans,” a term that gained traction only as the slave trade expanded and, consequently, recognized by just a fraction of the people it intended to describe.

A more adequate approach, favored by the Atlantic framework of analysis, would focus on specific African regions or peoples. Here historians have made some progress, mainly in the form of edited volumes. Linda M. Heywood’s edited book, Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora , looks at how Kikongo and Mbundu speakers, often times grouped under designations such as Angola, Benguela, or Congo in places in the Americas as distant from one another as Havana, Montevideo, New Orleans, Recife, and Port au Prince, culturally shaped the African diaspora. 87 Rebecca Shumway and Trevor R. Getz’s volume attempts a similar approach, centered on the societies of precolonial Ghana, mainly the Asante and Fante. 88 Toyin Falola and Matt D. Childs’s book, by contrast, focuses on a single African people, the Yoruba. 89 Not only were they a sizable group forced into the Atlantic, but they also left an indelible mark in several regions of the Americas. Interestingly, the Yoruba started calling themselves as such, that is, through their language name, only years after the transatlantic slave trade had ended, probably as a result of religious encounters leading up to the colonization of Nigeria. 90 During the period of the slave trade, the Yoruba lived divided into a number of states like Oyo, Egba, Egbado, Ijebu, and Ijesa, located in Southwest Nigeria, and were called outside the region by different terms, such as Nagô in Bahia, Lucumí in Cuba, and Aku in Sierra Leone. 91

Not only did the Atlantic approach contribute to the development of new historical frameworks and perspectives, it also encouraged historians to use traditional sources and methods in more creative and interesting ways. In Freedom Papers: An Atlantic Odyssey in the Age of Emancipation , Rebecca J. Scott and Jean Hébrard trace the paper trail that members of the Tinchant family left behind to reconstruct over multiple generations the saga of an African woman and her family from slavery to freedom. 92 In addition to tracing individuals and families, historians have also paid greater attention to cultural practices embedded in traditions of agriculture, healing, and warfare, which were disseminated around the Atlantic during the period of the slave trade. Judith A. Carney, for example, looked at the African origins of rice cultivation in the Americas, connecting particular rice growing regions in Upper Guinea to their counterparts in places like South Carolina in the United States and Maranhão in Bazil; James H. Sweet examined the intellectual history of the Atlantic world by following the uses and appropriations of African healing practices from Dahomey to Bahia and Portugal; and Manuel Barcia explored the similarities and differences between warfare techniques employed by West African captives, especially from Oyo, in Bahia, and Cuba. 93 Although urban history has a long tradition among historians, most studies have focused on cities and ports in Europe and the Americas. 94 Historians, including Robin Law, Kristin Mann, Mariana Cândido, and Randy Sparks, however, are redressing that imbalance with studies focused on African ports—Ouidah, Lagos, Benguela, and Anomabu—that emerged or expanded during the slave trade era. 95

Finally, although removed from the Atlantic, the very effort of looking at slavery and the slave trade from a broader perspective has influenced studies on these issues in other parts of the world or even within a global framework. Research on the intra-American slave trade has gained a renewed interest with publications like Greg O’Malley’s Final Passages: The Intercolonial Slave Trade of British America, 1619–1807 . 96 The same could be said of the slave trade in the Indian Ocean with works like Richard Allen’s European Slave Trading in the Indian Ocean, 1500–1850 . 97 One central debate that has recently been revived concerns the relationship between capitalism and slavery. 98 Inspired by Eric Williams’s path-breaking work and, more recently, by Dale Tomich’s concept of “second slavery,” which highlights the creation of new zones of slavery in the United States and other parts of the continent during the 19th century , historians, including Sven Beckert, Edward Baptist, and Seth Rockman, are now enthusiastically assessing the connections between the expansion of slavery in that period and the formation of global financial markets and industrial economies in Europe and North America. 99 Clearly, the scholarly potential occasioned by the Atlanticization of slavery studies is still unfolding and should not be underestimated.

Into the Digital Era

The digital revolution sparked a radical change across the historical profession that has had particularly important ramifications for the study of slavery and the slave trade. Despite the major theoretical, methodological, and interpretive differences that divided scholars throughout the 20th century , the means of scholarly communication and dissemination of research during that period remained virtually unchanged: books, journal articles, and very occasionally interviews, opinion pieces, and documentary films enabled scholars to explain their work to each other and, to a much lesser extent, a wider public. The emergence of the internet and its rapid infiltration of academic and everyday life has disrupted this landscape, opening new and once inconceivable opportunities to engage in open-ended inquiry unencumbered by publication deadlines, and to share the fruits of that labor with anyone who has access to the web. The digital turn has also inspired scholars to offer creative visual interpretations of the history of both slavery and the slave trade. Perhaps most importantly, the web has provided a site for the presentation and preservation of digitized archival sources that would previously have been accessible to only those people with the means to visit the repositories that hold them. While the consequences of the digital turn are being actively discussed and debated, it is clear that digital history is here to stay.

Digital projects focusing on slavery and the slave trade emerged in the 1990s and tended to be somewhat rudimentary in both their aims and scope, reflecting the limited capacity of the internet itself and, perhaps more appropriately, scholars’ limited comfort using it. These projects had as their main purpose the collection and presentation of primary sources—scanning and loading onto a web page images of captives, owners, slave ships, and forts that teachers or students had collected for pedagogical purposes. Among the first large-scale initiatives to bring together these scattered materials was Jerome Handler and Michael A. Tuite’s website, The Atlantic Slave Trade and Slave Life in the Americas . 100 Created first as a portal to search through images that Handler had used in lectures, this website grew exponentially over time. From the roughly 200 images organized into ten categories with which the site first launched, it now provides access to 1,280 images arranged under eighteen topical headings. Other digital projects focused on the presentation of scanned archival documents. Libraries and historical societies used the web to advertise their holdings and entice interested viewers to further examine their collections. Many of these sites were free of charge, democratizing access to rare scholarly records—at least for those individuals who had access to the internet.

As the technology associated with digitization has improved, a number of organizations have dedicated vast resources to scaling up digital projects. Though its focus goes well beyond slavery and the slave trade, Google Books has been among the most prominent players in the field. 101 Beginning in the early 2000s, Google quietly began scanning published volumes held in major academic libraries. By 2015 , Google estimated that it had scanned 25 million books—nearly one-fifth of the total number of unique titles ever published. Though copyright laws limit full access to the collection, Google Books is nevertheless unparalleled in its scope and offers unrivaled access to published sources on slavery from the pre-copyright era. Other companies have taken more targeted approaches. The Slavery, Abolition and Social Justice portal, for example, offers access to original archival materials focused primarily, though not exclusively, on the Atlantic World that covers the period between 1490 and 2007 . The project enables users to interface with scans of primary sources and use keyword searches to find relevant materials. 102

As this implies, digitization initiatives have not been limited to the Western world, even if, at times controversially, Western institutions have funded the majority of them. Indeed, one of the enduring consequences of the Atlanticization of slavery scholarship has been the growing dialogue it helped generate between scholars living in or working on areas outside of the Anglo-American world. The British Library’s Endangered Archives Programme is one example: it has supported the digitization of entire archival collections in repositories situated in developing countries, where resources for preservation are extremely limited. 103 Local archivists have become valuable collaborators; young students with interests in digital preservation have gained important training and exposure to scanning methods and technologies. Since the early 2000s, major digital initiatives have been launched or completed in places as wide-ranging as Brazil, Cameroon, Cuba, The Gambia, Sierra Leone, and Saint Helena, with important implications for slavery scholarship. 104 One such example is the Slave Societies Digital Archive , directed by Jane Landers and hosted at Vanderbuilt University, which preserves endangered ecclesiastical and secular documents related to Africans and people of African descent. 105 Since 2007 or so, a truly global conversation about slavery and its long-term effects has been nurtured by more widespread access to relevant archival sources.

The growing sophistication of the internet and its users has transformed digital projects on slavery and the slave trade. Websites now go well beyond mere presentations of scanned primary sources. They tend to emphasize interactivity, encouraging site visitors to search through and manipulate data to generate new research insights. Some projects employ “crowdsourcing,” partnering with the public or soliciting data or assistance from site visitors to further a project’s reach. African Origins , for instance, provides to the public some 91,000 records of captives rescued from slave ships in the 19th century , including their indigenous African names. 106 Historians, with the help of other researchers, particularly those people familiar with African languages, have been identifying to which languages these names belong and thereby tracing the inland, linguistic origins of thousands of slaves forced into the Atlantic during the 19th century . 107 This has helped expand insights into slavery and the slave trade well beyond the limited confines of the ivory tower. Moreover, the internet has the added benefit of providing a space for individuals who are passionate about history but whose careers limit their abilities to publish books and articles to share their knowledge with a large pool of readers.

Few digital initiatives have done more for slavery scholarship than Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database . The Voyages site is the product of decades of collaborative research into the transatlantic slave trade. Building on Curtin’s Census , it now provides access to information on nearly 36,000 unique slave voyages that operated between the 1510s and 1867 . The site is made possible by the basic reality that, given the vast amount of money they laid out, owners and operators of slave vessels carefully documented many aspects of slaving excursions. Some of the details captured in written records lend themselves to coding and quantification: the names of captains and owners; the places to which slave ships went; the numbers of enslaved people loaded onto and forced off of slave ships; the ratios of males to females and adults to children among captives; and the prices paid for enslaved people. The vast amount of data to which the site provides free access has enabled scholars focused on virtually any aspect of the slave trade or slavery to benefit from and contribute to the Voyages project. Among its most important features is the site’s capacity to expand or revise its records based on contributions from users who uncover new or contradictory evidence. 108

Based in part on the Voyages model—or, in some cases, as a critical response to it—since the 2000s, historical research has witnessed the creation and expansion of important digital projects about enslaved Africans and their descendants. Slave Biographies: Atlantic Database Network , a project spearheaded by Gwendolyn M. Hall and Walter Hawthorne from Michigan State University, offers an open access data repository of information on the identities of enslaved people in the Atlantic World. 109 Liberated Africans , developed by Henry Lovejoy at the University of Colorado, Boulder, brings together information about the lives of some 250,000 Africans rescued from slave ships between 1807 and 1896 . 110 Final Passages , a project under development by Greg O’Malley and Alex Borucki at the University of California system, plans to provide a database of the intra-American slave trade to be deployed on the same platform as Slave Voyages . 111 And what to say of Enslaved: People of the Historic Slave Trade , winner of a $1.5 million grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation? The project seeks to bring such digital resources together by focusing on individuals who were enslaved, owned slaves, or participated in slave trading at any time between the beginning and the end of the transatlantic slave trade. 112 It is no doubt the epitome in amassing and interconnecting historical data. Conversations about long-term institutional support for these sites and the data on which they are based—a central and underappreciated aspect of digital history—have also begun to take place in earnest. That they are happening at all is indicative of the revolutionary impact that the digital turn has had on the profession.

All in all, it is no easy task to synthesize decades of research on the history of Atlantic slavery and the slave trade. Although relatively new in comparison to more established fields of Western history, it has grown quickly, amassing a significant body of literature that incorporates some of the most sophisticated methodologies available. Historians have proven so adaptable in their approaches and uses of sources that it is nearly impossible to indicate the direction in which the field is moving. Moreover, in the wake of movements such as Black Lives Matter and Rhodes Must Fall, public interest has turned again to the complex and thorny issue of reparations. Consequently, historians have had an unprecedented opportunity to engage with the public on this question and related ones concerning how societies represent and memorialize the history of slavery. In 2013 , Laurent Dubois noticed in an opinion piece in The New York Times that calls for reparations for slavery and the slave trade in the Caribbean offered an important opportunity to face the multiple ways in which the past continues to shape the present. 113 In the following year, Ta-Nehisi Coates published a cover article in The Atlantic making a powerful case for reparations in the United States. According to him, “until we reckon with our compounding moral debts, America will never be whole.” 114 A leading advocate for public memorializing of slavery, Ana Lúcia Araújo, has recently published a book dedicated exclusively to the issue of reparations for slavery and the slave trade. 115 While the most recent iteration of this debate draws on fresh materials and perspectives, Araújo notes that “since the eighteenth century, enslaved and freed individuals started conceptualizing the idea of reparations in correspondence, pamphlets, public speeches, slave narratives, and judicial claims, written in English, French, Spanish, and Portuguese.” 116 That such issues continue to spark passionate debates and scholarship provides a strong indication of the enduring relevance of slavery’s past to the shaping of the present.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Alex Borucki, David Eltis, Greg O’Malley, and Nicholas Radburn for their comments on earlier versions of this article. All interpretations and conclusions reached here are, of course, the authors’ responsibility.

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section The Atlantic Slave Trade

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The Atlantic Slave Trade by David Northrup LAST REVIEWED: 10 May 2010 LAST MODIFIED: 10 May 2010 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199730414-0053

The slave trade was one of the earliest and the most capital-intensive forms of Atlantic interaction. The largest intercontinental migration in history before the mid-1800s, this forced transportation of enslaved Africans repopulated the Americas and greatly affected cultural and racial mixes there. Europeans had acquired some slaves during the first two centuries of direct contacts with sub-Saharan Africa, but only with the growth of West Indian plantation colonies in the mid-1600s did slaves become the predominant African export. In all periods Africans received vast quantities of European, American, and Asian goods in return. The growing transportation of trade goods, of millions of Africans, and of plantation products gradually tied the Atlantic continents together. The earliest studies of the Atlantic slave trade were by British abolitionists, who emphasized the cruelties of the Middle Passage across the Atlantic as a way of rallying support for ending the trade. While this approach to the subject is still common, modern scholarship has opened up several new areas of study: the slave trade as a business, the participation of African merchants in this business, and the social and cultural consequences of so large an African migration to the Americas. All aspects of studying the slave trade have benefited from efforts to measure the flow of slaves across the Atlantic with greater precision.

Recent scholarship reflects in varying degrees the different conceptions of the slave trade: as a moral outrage, as a successful capitalist enterprise, as part of European imperialism, as a major link in the creation of an Atlantic world, and as the father of New World racism. The complexity of the subject and the influence of so many ethical issues make balanced and objective treatment difficult. Large surveys also differ in their attention to the trade’s different aspects. The introductory works of Rawley 2005 and Thomas 1997 emphasize the role of Europeans in the creation of this transatlantic system. At the forefront of new efforts to compile and use statistics to understand the shape of the Atlantic connections, Eltis 2000 also pays much greater attention to the roles of African rulers and merchants in making the trade possible. Works from historians of Africa such as Lovejoy 2000 , Lovejoy 2004 , and Manning 1990 situate the Atlantic slave trade in the broader context of internal slave trades in sub-Saharan Africa and to the Islamic world. Davis 1984 also connects the Atlantic slave trade to the cultural and commercial context of slavery and racism in the Islamic world but has little to say of its African context. Focused on a single French voyage, Harms 2002 manages to capture in great detail the complex dimensions of the trade.

Davis, David Brion. Slavery and Human Progress . New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.

A book of sweeping scholarship and insight that ties Atlantic slave systems to Muslim origins in the Mediterranean, analyzes racial attitudes about slaves in a broad comparative context, and explores the connections of New World slavery and its abolition to changing ideas of progress.

Eltis, David. The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

An authoritative and stimulating discussion of the origins of the slave trade down to the early 1700s, with exceptional coverage of the African engagement. Though an economic and demographic historian, Eltis argues against a purely economic explanation for the trade in African slaves. The British experience is privileged.

Harms, Robert. The Diligent: A Voyage through the Worlds of the Slave Trade . New York: Basic Books, 2002.

Building on the surviving records of a French slave ship voyage in 1731–1732, Harms provides a compelling account of the complex range of involvement, including the assembly of trade goods and capital, the ship and crew, bargaining for slaves at the African port of Whydah, the slaves’ experiences of the Middle Passage, and their subsequent sale in the French West Indian colony of Martinique.

Lovejoy, Paul. Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa . 2d ed. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

This sophisticated comparative study of the Islamic and Atlantic slave trade within and from Africa reaches important, if controversial, conclusions about the legacies of these trades for Africa.

Lovejoy, Paul, ed. Slavery on the Frontiers of Islam . Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 2004.

These scholarly case studies explore slavery in three different relationships: between Muslims and non-Muslims in West Africa, between black slaves and their Muslim masters in North Africa, and between black slaves and Christian masters in the Americas.

Manning, Patrick. Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades . Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

Although it is not able to make use of the latest data on the Atlantic slave trade, this statistical model estimates the changing demographic impact of Atlantic and Islamic slave trades over several centuries on various regions of Africa as well as overall.

Rawley, James A., and Stephen D. Behrendt. The Transatlantic Slave Trade: A History . Rev. ed. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005.

Updated to reflect the latest statistics on the slave trade, this carefully researched volume organizes its presentation in terms of the nationalities of the slave merchants: Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, French, British, and American. Brazilian and African traders are neglected.

Thomas, Hugh. The Slave Trade: The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440–1870 . New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997.

This eight-hundred-page account is probably the definitive study of the European aspects of the organization and conduct of the slave trade. Thomas displays impressive scholarship in a number of languages and a compelling narrative ability, although his work largely ignores newer research on African involvement and the quantitative aspects of the trade.

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Abolitionism and Africa
Africa and the Atlantic World
African American Religions
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African Retailers and Small Artisans in the Atlantic World
Age of Atlantic Revolutions, The
Alexander von Humboldt and Transatlantic Studies
America, Pre-Contact
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Bacon's Rebellion
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Black Atlantic in the Age of Revolutions, The
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Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History Essays

The transatlantic slave trade.

Necklace: Pendant

Figure: Seated Portuguese Male

Pipe: Rifle

Alexander Ives Bortolot Department of Art History and Archaeology, Columbia University

October 2003

From the seventeenth century on, slaves became the focus of trade between Europe and Africa. Europe’s conquest and colonization of North and South America and the Caribbean islands from the fifteenth century onward created an insatiable demand for African laborers, who were deemed more fit to work in the tropical conditions of the New World. The numbers of slaves imported across the Atlantic Ocean steadily increased, from approximately 5,000 slaves a year in the sixteenth century to over 100,000 slaves a year by the end of the eighteenth century.

Evolving political circumstances and trade alliances in Africa led to shifts in the geographic origins of slaves throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Slaves were generally the unfortunate victims of territorial expansion by imperialist African states or of raids led by predatory local strongmen, and various populations found themselves captured and sold as different regional powers came to prominence. Firearms, which were often exchanged for slaves, generally increased the level of fighting by lending military strength to previously marginal polities. A nineteenth-century tobacco pipe ( 1977.462.1 ) from the Democratic Republic of the Congo or Angola demonstrates the degree to which warfare, the slave trade, and elite arts were intertwined at this time. The pipe itself was the prerogative of wealthy and powerful individuals who could afford expensive imported tobacco, generally by trading slaves, while the rifle form makes clear how such slaves were acquired in the first place. Because of its deadly power, the rifle was added to the repertory of motifs drawn upon in many regional depictions of rulers and culture heroes as emblematic of power along with the leopard, elephant, and python.

The institution of slavery existed in Africa long before the arrival of Europeans and was widespread at the period of economic contact . Private land ownership was largely absent from precolonial African societies, and slaves were one of the few forms of wealth-producing property an individual could possess. Additionally, rulers often maintained corps of loyal, foreign-born slaves to guarantee their political security, and would encourage political centralization by appointing slaves from the imperial hinterlands to positions within the royal capital. Slaves were also exported across the desert to North Africa and to western Asia, Arabia, and India.

It would be impossible to argue, however, that transatlantic trade did not have a major effect upon the development and scale of slavery in Africa. As the demand for slaves increased with European colonial expansion in the New World, rising prices made the slave trade increasingly lucrative. African states eager to augment their treasuries in some instances even preyed upon their own peoples by manipulating their judicial systems, condemning individuals and their families to slavery in order to reap the rewards of their sale to European traders. Slave exports were responsible for the emergence of a number of large and powerful kingdoms that relied on a militaristic culture of constant warfare to generate the great numbers of human captives required for trade with the Europeans. The Yoruba kingdom of Oyo on the Guinea coast, founded sometime before 1500, expanded rapidly in the eighteenth century as a result of this commerce. Its formidable army, aided by advanced iron technology , captured immense numbers of slaves that were profitably sold to traders. In the nineteenth century, the aggressive pursuit of slaves through warfare and raiding led to the ascent of the kingdom of Dahomey, in what is now the Republic of Benin, and prompted the emergence of the Chokwe chiefdoms from under the shadow of their Lunda overlords in present-day Angola and Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Asante kingdom on the Gold Coast of West Africa also became a major slave exporter in the eighteenth century.

Ultimately, the international slave trade had lasting effects upon the African cultural landscape. Areas that were hit hardest by endemic warfare and slave raids suffered from general population decline, and it is believed that the shortage of men in particular may have changed the structure of many societies by thrusting women into roles previously occupied by their husbands and brothers. Additionally, some scholars have argued that images stemming from this era of constant violence and banditry have survived to the present day in the form of metaphysical fears and beliefs concerning witchcraft. In many cultures of West and Central Africa, witches are thought to kidnap solitary individuals to enslave or consume them. Finally, the increased exchange with Europeans and the fabulous wealth it brought enabled many states to cultivate sophisticated artistic traditions employing expensive and luxurious materials. From the fine silver- and goldwork of Dahomey and the Asante court to the virtuoso wood carving of the Chokwe chiefdoms, these treasures are a vivid testimony of this turbulent period in African history.

Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “The Transatlantic Slave Trade.” In Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History . New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2000–. http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/hd/slav/hd_slav.htm (October 2003)

Additional Essays by Alexander Ives Bortolot

Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Portraits of African Leadership: Living Rulers .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Portraits of African Leadership: Memorials .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Portraits of African Leadership: Royal Ancestors .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Trade Relations among European and African Nations .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Ways of Recording African History .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Art of the Asante Kingdom .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Asante Royal Funerary Arts .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Asante Textile Arts .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Gold in Asante Courtly Arts .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ The Bamana Ségou State .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Women Leaders in African History: Ana Nzinga, Queen of Ndongo .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Women Leaders in African History: Dona Beatriz, Kongo Prophet .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Exchange of Art and Ideas: The Benin, Owo, and Ijebu Kingdoms .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Women Leaders in African History: Idia, First Queen Mother of Benin .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Kingdoms of Madagascar: Malagasy Funerary Arts .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Kingdoms of Madagascar: Malagasy Textile Arts .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Kingdoms of Madagascar: Maroserana and Merina .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Kingdoms of the Savanna: The Kuba Kingdom .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Kingdoms of the Savanna: The Luba and Lunda Empires .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Women Leaders in African History, 17th–19th Century .” (October 2003)
Bortolot, Alexander Ives. “ Portraits of African Leadership .” (October 2003)

Related Essays

The Manila Galleon Trade (1565–1815)
Portraits of African Leadership
Religion and Culture in North America, 1600–1700
Trade Relations among European and African Nations
Visual Culture of the Atlantic World
Women Leaders in African History, 17th–19th Century
African Christianity in Kongo
The Age of Iron in West Africa
American Federal-Era Period Rooms
Art of the Asante Kingdom
George Washington: Man, Myth, Monument
Gold in Asante Courtly Arts
Kingdoms of the Savanna: The Luba and Lunda Empires
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Ways of Recording African History
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The Atlantic Slave Trade

Effects on economies, societies and peoples in africa, the americas, and europe.

Edited by: Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley L. Engerman
With contributions by: Martin A. Klein and Jan Hogendorn
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Language: English
Publisher: Duke University Press
Copyright year: 1992
Main content: 423
Published: April 30, 1992
ISBN: 9780822382379

The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe

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J. R. McNeill; The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe. Hispanic American Historical Review 1 February 1994; 74 (1): 136–137. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-74.1.136

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The essays in this volume arise from a conference on the Atlantic slave trade held at the University of Rochester in 1988. Most of the prominent scholars of the Atlantic slave trade in North America were present, although not all contributed to this book. Of the contributions, 9 of the 14 have already been published in Social Science History . Three of the other 5 are drawn from (or elaborated from) monographs now in print. So while readers will find it convenient to have all these papers under one cover, they will find very little in this volume that is genuinely new. Readers of the HAHR , moreover, will be disappointed to find virtually no reference to Hispanic America or to Spain. The book also has a good index, no bibliography, and a shortage of maps.

The volume is divided into three parts, preceded by a general introduction written by Inikori and Engerman. The introduction aims to identify gainers and losers from the slave trade, and ends with the unsurprising conclusion that in net terms Europe and North America benefited and tropical Africa lost. Latin America is not considered. The assessment and the accounting methods will be familiar to readers of Inikori’s work (cited 18 times in the first nine pages here).

Part 1 deals with slavery and the slave trade in Africa. It includes four pieces, treating the Western Sudan, the abolition question in Northern Nigeria, the Angolan trade, and demographic impacts across Africa. These pieces are the work of accomplished Africanists, and they present an unsentimental vision of the subject. Part 2 features four chapters devoted to the proposition that slavery and the slave trade provided capital and other advantages that assisted either Britain or New England in achieving industrialization or simply economic growth. Each is a gloss on the Eric Williams thesis of a half-century ago. Curiously, Engerman, who has argued against this view, is left out: part 2 is unanimous.

Part 3 is a grab bag, with chapters on the Dutch slave trade, Antigua in the 1720s, dehydration as a cause of death on the Middle Passage, salt retention as an essential for survival on that passage, and finally the relationship between abolition and racism in Britain and France. The piece on the Dutch slave trade by J. Postma touches on Spanish America briefly but still more than any other chapter in this book; greater detail is available in Postma’s monograph The Dutch in Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600-1815 (1990). The two chapters on dehydration and salt retention complement each other well and offer a new vision of the Middle Passage; they are the most original contributions in the book. Biologically informed history of this sort provides more new insight than any of the other approaches in the volume, and promises a “usable past” in the sense that health problems today (such as hypertension among descendants of Middle Passage survivors) may prove easier to confront with a knowledge of relevant history.

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The Transatlantic Slave Trade

Introduction.

2. New England
3. Boston, Massachusetts
4. New York, New York
5. The Mid-Atlantic
6. Virginia
7. Richmond, Virginia
8. The Carolinas
9. Charleston, South Carolina
10. The Deep South
11. Savannah, Georgia
12. New Orleans, Louisiana
13. Conclusion
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Cite this report Equal Justice Initiative, "The Transatlantic Slave Trade" (2022).

Text copied.

A National Legacy: Our Collective Memory Of Slavery, War & Race

Chapter 1 Origins Intro

The European Influence on Africa

The barbarity of the middle passage, slavery in the americas.

2. New England Intro
New England Trafficking
A Trafficking-Based Economy
Industries Reliant on Enslaved Labor
Laws Limiting Freedom
3 Boston Intro
The Port of Boston
Controlling Enslaved People
Profiting from Trafficking
After Abolition
4 New York City Intro
Trading on Wall Street
Laws Targeting Black People
An Economy Founded on Slavery
Post-War Racial Discrimination
5 Mid-Atlantic Intro
A Hub for Human Trafficking
Work of Enslaved People
Separating Families
Controlling Black People
A Legacy of Racial Bias
6 Virginia Intro
Tobacco Drives Trafficking
Legislating Hereditary Enslavement
Laws Controlling Lives
The Domestic Slave Trade
7 Intro Richmond
A Trafficking Hub
An Enslavement-Based Economy
Suppressing Black Resistance
Center of the Domestic Slave Trade
8 Intro Carolinas
Trafficking for Rice and Indigo
North Carolina Trafficking
Resistance to Enslavement
9 Intro Charleston
“Carolina Gold”
Centrality of African Culture
Wealth Through Exploitation
10 Intro Deep South
Spanish and French Trafficking
Enslavement Conditions
Trafficking Surges in the 18th Century
Illegal Transatlantic Trafficking
11 Intro Savannah
Trafficking in Savannah
Urban Enslavement
“The Weeping Time”
Legacy of Enslavement
12 Intro New Orleans
A City Built on Trafficking
Brutal Conditions
Resistance and Violent Response
Conclusion TST Intro

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Acknowledgments

The enslavement of human beings occupies a painful and tragic space in world history. Denying a person freedom, autonomy, and life represents the worst kind of abuse of human rights.

Many societies tolerated and condoned human slavery for centuries. But in the 15th century, an expanded and terrifying new era of enslavement emerged that has had a profound and devastating impact on human history.

The abduction, abuse, and enslavement of Africans by Europeans for nearly five centuries dramatically altered the global landscape and created a legacy of suffering and bigotry that can still be seen today.

After discovering lands that had been occupied by Indigenous people for centuries, European powers sent ships and armed militia to exploit these new lands for wealth and profit starting in the 1400s. In territories we now call “the Americas,” gold, sugar, tobacco, and extraordinary natural resources were viewed as opportunities to gain power and influence for Portugal, Spain, Great Britain, France, Italy, Germany, and Scandinavian nations.

Europeans first sought to enslave the Indigenous people who occupied these lands to create wealth for foreign powers, resulting in a catastrophic genocide. Disease, famine, and conflict killed millions of Native people within a relatively short period of time.

Determined to extract wealth from these distant lands, European powers sought labor from Africa, launching a tragic era of kidnapping, abduction, and trafficking that resulted in the enslavement of millions of African people.

Between 1501 and 1867, nearly 13 million African people were kidnapped, forced onto European and American ships, and trafficked across the Atlantic Ocean to be enslaved, abused, and forever separated from their homes, families, ancestors, and cultures.

The Transatlantic Slave Trade represents one of the most violent, traumatizing, and horrific eras in world history. Nearly two million people died during the barbaric Middle Passage across the ocean. The African continent was left destabilized and vulnerable to conquest and violence for centuries. The Americas became a place where race and color created a caste system defined by inequality and abuse.

In the “colonies” that became the United States, slavery took on uniquely appalling features. From New England to Texas, Black people were dehumanized and abused while they were enslaved and denied basic freedoms. Legal and political systems were created to codify racial hierarchy and ensure white supremacy. Slavery became permanent and hereditary, defined by race-based ideologies that insisted on racial subordination of Black people for decades after the formal abolition of slavery.

Millions of Black people born in the U.S. were subjected to abuse, violence, and forced labor despite the young nation’s identity as a constitutional democracy founded on the belief that “all men are created equal.” Racialized slavery was ignored, defended, or accommodated by leaders while the new nation gained extraordinary wealth and influence in the global economy based on the forced labor of enslaved Black people.

The economic legacy of the Transatlantic Slave Trade—including generational wealth and the founding of industries that continue to thrive today—is not well understood.

New England, Boston, New York City, the Mid-Atlantic, Virginia, Richmond, the Carolinas, Charleston, Savannah, the Deep South, and New Orleans were shaped by the trafficking of African people, but few have acknowledged their history of enslavement or its legacy.

This report is a first step in helping people understand the scope and scale of the devastation created by slavery in America and the Transatlantic Slave Trade’s influence on a range of contemporary issues. It seeks to initiate more meaningful and truthful conversations about the history of slavery in America and how we can effectively address its legacy.

At a time when some believe we should avoid any discourse about our history that is uncomfortable, we believe that an honest engagement with our past is essential if we are to create a healthy and just future.

Bryan Stevenson, Executive Director

Maya Angelou

In this Chapter

T he enslavement of people has been a part of human history for centuries. Slavery and human bondage has taken many forms, including enslaving people as prisoners of war or due to their beliefs, 1 See David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of Slavery in the New World (Oxford University Press, 2006), 27, 32; Jack Goody, “Slavery in Time and Space,” in Asian and African Systems of Slavery , ed. James L. Watson (Berkley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), 25-27, 32-35. but the permanent, hereditary enslavement based on race later adopted in the U.S. was rare before the 15th century.

Many attributes of slavery began to change when European settlers intent on colonizing the Americas used violence and military power to compel forced labor from enslaved people. Indigenous people became the first victims of forced labor and enslavement at the hands of Europeans in the Americas. However, millions of Indigenous people died from disease, famine, war, and harsh labor conditions in the decades that followed. 2 Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), 42-54.

Committed to extracting profit from their colonies in the Americas, European powers turned to the African continent. To meet their ever-growing need for labor, they initiated a massive global undertaking that relied on abduction, human trafficking, and racializing enslavement at a scale without precedent in human history. Never before had millions of people been kidnapped and trafficked over such a great distance.

The permanent displacement of 12.5 million African people to a foreign land, with no possibility of ever returning, created an enduring legacy and shaped challenges that remain with us today. 3 David Eltis and David Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2010), 23.

Europe had no contact with Sub-Saharan Africa before the Portuguese, seeking wealth and gold, sailed down the western coast of Africa and reached the Gold Coast (modern-day Ghana) in 1471. 4 Junius P. Rodriguez, ed., The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, Volume I (Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO, 1997), 307-08. Initially focused on obtaining gold, Portugal established trading relationships and built El Mina Fort to protect its interests in the gold trade. 5 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 89.

The convergence of European powers in Sub-Saharan Africa set in motion a devastating process that fused sophisticated labor exploitation, international commerce, mass enslavement, and an elaborate race-based ideology to create the Transatlantic Slave Trade. 6 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 21, 99; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 81-82, 84, 87, 89, 109.

Over the following decades, the Spanish, English, French, Dutch, Danish, and Swedes began to make contact with Sub-Saharan Africa as well. Portugal soon converted El Mina into a prison for holding kidnapped Africans, and European traffickers built castles, barracoons, and forts on the African coast to support the forced enslavement of abducted Africans.

German and Italian merchants and bankers who did not personally traffic kidnapped Africans nonetheless provided essential funding and insurance to develop the Transatlantic Slave Trade and plantation economy. 7 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 87-89 Italian merchants were essential in the effort to extend the sugar plantation system to the Atlantic Islands off the west coast of Africa, like São Tomé, and financial capital from Genoa was instrumental in expanding Portugal’s ability to traffic Africans. 8 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 84-89, 104, 109.

By the 1600s, every major European power had established trading relationships with Sub-Saharan Africa and was participating in the transportation of kidnapped Africans to the Americas in some way. During this time period, several thousand Africans were kidnapped and trafficked to mainland Europe and the Americas, but the volume of human trafficking soon escalated to horrific proportions. 9 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 21, 99; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 81-82, 84, 87, 89, 109.

An engraving of trafficked Africans arriving in Virginia in 1619.

Hulton Archive/Getty Images

Led again by the Portuguese, European powers began to occupy the Americas in the 1500s. In the 16th and 17th centuries, using land stolen from Indigenous populations in the Americas, Europeans established plantations that relied on enslaved labor to mass produce goods (primarily sugar cane) for trading and sale. 10 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 81, 97. The cultivation of sugar for mass consumption became a driving force in the growing trafficking of human beings from Africa. 11 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 103, 107-09.

Europeans initially relied on Indigenous people to supply this labor. 12 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 95-100. But mass killings and disease decimated Indigenous populations in what historian David Brion Davis called “the greatest known population loss in human history.” 13 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 98.

The Indigenous population in Mexico plummeted by nearly 90% in 75 years. In Hispaniola (modern-day Haiti and Dominican Republic), the population of Arawak and Taino people fell from between 300,000 and 500,000 in 1492 to fewer than 500 people by 1542, just five decades later. 14 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 98. Without Indigenous workers, plantation owners in the Americas grew desperate for a new source of exploited labor. 15 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 95-102.

Driven by the desire for wealth, these European powers shifted from acquiring gold and other goods in Sub-Saharan Africa to trafficking in human beings. Over the following centuries, Europeans demanded that millions of Africans be trafficked to work on plantations and in other businesses in the Americas. 16 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 99-102.

Slavery had existed in Africa prior to this point, but this new commodification of human beings by European powers was entirely unique and it drastically changed the African concept of enslavement. 17 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 99-102.

Although some African officials and merchants acquired wealth through the export of millions of people, the Transatlantic Slave Trade devastated and de-stabilized societies and economies across Africa. The scale of disruption and violence contributed to long-term conflict and violence on the continent while European powers were able to amass massive financial benefits and global power from this dehumanizing trade. 18 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 100.

The Iberian powers of Spain and Portugal and their colonies in Uruguay and Brazil were responsible for trafficking 99% of the nearly 630,000 kidnapped Africans trafficked from 1501 to 1625. 19 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 23, tbl. 2. Over the next 240 years, England, France, the Netherlands, Scandinavia, the Baltic States, and their colonies joined the Iberians in actively trafficking Africans. Almost 12 million kidnapped Africans were trafficked from 1625 to 1867. 20 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 23, tbl. 2. Ships from Portugal and its colony Brazil alone were responsible for trafficking 5,849,300 kidnapped Africans during this time period. 21 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 23, tbl. 2.

Ships originating in Great Britain were responsible for trafficking more than a quarter of all people taken from Africa from 1501 to 1867. 22 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 23, tbl. 2. From 1726 to 1800, British ships were the leading traffickers of kidnapped Africans, responsible for taking more than two million people from Africa. 23 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 23, tbl. 2.

A painting of kidnapped Africans aboard a trafficking ship.

Dea/G. Dagli Orti/Getty Images

From 1626 to 1867, ships from North America were responsible for trafficking at least 305,000 captured people from Africa. In the two years before the U.S. legally ended the international slave trade in 1808, a quarter of all trafficked Africans were carried in ships that flew the U.S. flag. 24 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 34. Rhode Island’s ports combined to organize voyages responsible for trafficking at least 111,000 kidnapped Africans, making it one of the 15 largest originating ports in the world. 25 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 39.

The horrific conditions of the Middle Passage meant that of more than 12.5 million Africans kidnapped and trafficked through the Transatlantic Slave Trade, only 10.7 million survived the journey. 26 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 19.

Eighty percent of the people who embarked for the Americas between 1500 and 1820 were kidnapped Africans, who far outnumbered European immigrants. 27 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , xvii.

Almost two million Africans died during the Middle Passage—nearly one million more than all of the Americans who have died in every war fought since 1775 combined. 28 Department of Veteran’s Affairs, America’s Wars Fact Sheet , May 2021, https://www.va.gov/opa/publications/factsheets/fs_americas_wars.pdf ; Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , xvii, 18-19.

Numbers like this can help to quantify the scope of the harm, but they fail to detail the horrific and torturous experience of those who perished and the trauma that 10.7 million Africans who survived the weeks-long journey carried with them.

An exhibit at EJI’s Legacy Museum in Montgomery, Alabama, features more than 200 sculptures by Ghanaian sculptor Kwame Akoto-Bamfo memorializing those who died during the Middle Passage.

Human Pictures

Some enslaved people were taken from the coast of West Africa and sold to European slave traders. For most captives the experience of Transatlantic trafficking began weeks, months, or even years before they ever saw the coast. Driven by the increasing external demand from white enslavers and traders, African kidnappers traveled inland and kidnapped people from their villages and towns. In the 18th century, 70% of Africans trafficked in the Transatlantic Slave Trade were free people who had been “snatched from their homes and communities.” 29 Sowande M. Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea: Terror, Sex, and Sickness in the Middle Passage (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2016), 63. They were most often forced to walk, bound together in a coffle, for dozens or even hundreds of miles until they reached the coast. 30 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 63, 136; Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 87.

At the coast, kidnapped Africans were forced into barracoons, slave pens, and dungeons within prison castles to await the ships that would take them across the Atlantic. Kidnapped Africans were forced to board slave trading ships that stayed docked—sometimes for months—until they had loaded enough human cargo to make the passage sufficiently profitable for the enslavers. 31 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 67, 99-101; Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , xvii, 160; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 100. Records do not establish an exact death toll, but scholars estimate the mortality rate among those confined in barracoons and on board docked trading ships “equaled that of Europe’s fourteenth-century Black Death,” which claimed at least 40% of Europe’s population. 32 Alice M. Phillips, ed., “The Black Death: The Plague, 1331-1770,” John Martin Rare Book Room, Hardin Library for the Health Sciences, University of Iowa, 2017, http://hosted.lib.uiowa.edu/histmed/plague/ .

Countless Africans perished before they even began the Middle Passage. 33 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , xvii; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 100.

Ottobah Cugoano was a young child when he was “snatched away from [his] native country, with about eighteen or twenty more boys and girls.” 34 Ottobah Cugoano, “Narrative of the Enslavement of Ottobah Cugoano, a Native of Africa; Published by Himself in the Year 1787,” in The Negro’s Memorial; or, Abolitionists Catechism; by an Abolitionist (London: Hatchard and Co., Piccadilly, and J. and A. Aroh, Conhill, 1825), 120. The kidnappers brandished “pistols and cutlasses” and threatened to kill the children if they did not come with them. 35 Cugoano, “Narrative of Enslavement,” 121. For Ottobah and millions like him, the trauma of familial separation would be inflicted repeatedly in the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Ottobah’s “hopes of returning home again were all over” 36 Cugoano, “Narrative of Enslavement,” 122-23. as he was marched to the coast and placed in a prison until a white slave trader’s ship arrived three days later. “[I]t was a most horrible scene,” Ottobah later recounted. 37 Cugoano, “Narrative of Enslavement,” 124.

Ottobah Cugoano

“Narrative of the Enslavement of Ottobah Cugoano,” 124.

African captives were forced to undergo invasive and dehumanizing examinations before they boarded enslavers’ ships. Women, men, and children were stripped naked, prodded, and molested to determine if they were “prime slaves” capable of performing hard labor and having children. 38 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 73-85.

Rob Culpepper

Traders invasively groped the breasts, buttocks, and vaginal areas of women and young girls, allegedly to assess their childbearing ability. 39 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 73-78, 85. Men and boys were similarly molested around the groin, scrotum, and anus. 40 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 85. One white trafficker later testified the process was similar to what he would do to “a horse in this country, if I was about to purchase him.” 41 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 85.

Captives were then assigned a number and loaded onto ships, separated by gender and tightly packed into the holds under conditions that were noxious and extreme. Men were typically “locked spoonways” together, naked and forced to lie in urine, feces, blood, and mucus, with little to no fresh air. 42 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 105; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 92-93. Alexander Falconbridge, a white surgeon who participated in the slave trade, later testified that captives “had not so much room as a man in his coffin, neither in length or breadth, and it was impossible for them to turn or shift with any degree or ease.” 43 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 105.

An illustration of the Brookes, a British ship used to traffic enslaved people.

Library of Congress

Trafficked Africans were forced to lie chained and manacled for weeks during the journey, unable to stretch out or stand except during limited time on deck. The foul conditions were a breeding ground for disease and vermin; some captives suffocated from the lack of air below deck. 44 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 103-08; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 92-93. On some ships, the mortality rate was as high as 33%. 45 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 92-93; Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 18-19.

About 15% of kidnapped Africans—nearly two million people—died during the Middle Passage.

African women and girls suffered similarly horrific conditions in the hold—and they were uniquely terrorized by the crew. Forced to be naked and segregated from the men, they lived in constant fear of being raped or assaulted by white sailors, who subjected them to sexual violence and flogged those who resisted. 46 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 138-48; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 90-93.

Sexual assault of African women was so commonplace that Alexander Falconbridge later testified that sailors were “permitted to indulge their passions among them at pleasure.” 47 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 138-44. Young girls were similarly subjected to violence. One surviving account details the experience of “a little girl of eight to ten years” who was repeatedly raped by a ship’s captain over three consecutive nights. 48 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 144.

White sailors engaged in sexual violence without any fear of consequences or accountability. 49 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 138-48; Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 90-93.

Some African women faced a second level of terror—the inability to protect their small children who were brought on board with them or born during the voyage. 50 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 151-54. Many African women were forcibly separated from their infants when they were kidnapped from their homes or when they were sold to white traffickers but some women carried small infants with them. Babies were of little value in the market across the Atlantic, and so abusive sailors used them to manipulate, control, and terrorize their mothers. 51 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 151-54. One account details a sailor who “tore the child from the mother, and threw it into the sea” when the newborn would not stop crying. 52 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 151.

Enslaved women and young girls were systematically subjected to sexual abuse and violence by traffickers and enslavers.

Another account from a white trafficker reports that a woman and her nine-month-old were purchased and placed onboard a ship. The baby “would not eat,” so the captain “flogged him with a cat o’ nine tails” in front of his mother and other captives on the ship. 53 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 152-53. When he noticed that the baby’s feet were swollen, the captain ordered his crew to submerge the baby’s legs in boiling water, causing “the skin and nails [to come] off.” 54 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 153. The baby still would not eat, so the captain flogged him at each meal time for several days before finally “[tying] a log of mango, either eighteen or twenty inches long, and about twelve or thirteen pound weight, to the child by a string round its neck,” beating the baby again, and dropping the baby to the ground, killing him. 55 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 153. His mother—powerless to save her baby—was beaten until she agreed to throw her baby’s body overboard. This act of terror was intentionally committed in view of other captives to strike fear and maintain control. 56 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 153-54.

Cruelty and terrorism were common on trafficking vessels operated by Europeans. Sailors inflicted brutal punishments for even minor offenses as a reminder of their control. 57 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 131-37. One account from a white sailor reported that eight to 10 captives were brought to the top deck one night “for making a little noise in the rooms.” 58 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 136-37. Sailors were then ordered to “tie them up to the booms [horizontal poles extending from the base of the mast], flog them very severely with a wire cat [a whip with multiple tails of wire], and afterwards clap the thumb-screws upon them, and leave them in that situation till morning.” 59 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 136-37. The same sailor said the use of the thumb-screws—a device that crushed fingers via pressure—was so violent and harmful that it resulted in “fevers” and even death on occasion. 60 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 136-37.

For more serious offenses, sailors inflicted even greater violence. One captive woman who was accused of aiding (but not actively participating) in an attempted revolt against the kidnappers, was strung up on the deck by her thumbs in view of the other captives. As a warning to them, she was flogged and knifed to death. 61 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 158.

An illustration published in an 1833 anti-slavery periodical shows traffickers throwing enslaved people overboard.

The threat of being flogged with a cat o’ nine tails [a multi-tailed whip with lashes often tipped with metal or barbs] or placed in the thumb-screws hung over each captive. 62 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 186-87. Consuming more than their meager allotment of food could lead to whipping and torture. 63 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 118-24. Captives were forced onto the deck and made to “dance” for exercise under threat of flogging. As one eyewitness observed, “Even those who had the flux, scurvy, and such edematous swelling in their legs, as made it painful to them to move at all, were compelled to dance by the cat.” 64 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 92-93. Failure to eat one’s rations likewise resulted in abuse, whipping, or torture in the thumb-screws until the kidnapped African agreed to eat. 65 Mustakeem, Slavery at Sea , 118-24, 186-87.

These excruciating conditions lasted for weeks and sometimes for months. A typical voyage took five or six weeks; some took two or three months. 66 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 160. Longer voyages led to higher mortality rates among the kidnapped Africans on board. 67 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 160.

When the ships landed in ports across North and South America, the kidnapped Africans who survived the Middle Passage were subjected to a renewed round of examinations and molestation by enslavers before they were sold again and forced to do hard labor that often resulted in their untimely deaths. 68 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 92-93, 107-17; Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 6, 16, 159-61. Around 80% of kidnapped Africans transported across the Middle Passage were forced to work on sugar plantations under incredibly dangerous conditions that led to high mortality rates. 69 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 6.

Olaudah Equiano

Of the enslaved men, women, and children who survived the Middle Passage, approximately 90% arrived in the Caribbean or South America. 82 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , xix. The Portuguese, Spanish, French, British, and Dutch controlled slavery in the Americas, and each followed different political, legal, and cultural practices. 83 Eltis and Richardson, Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade , 21-23. Due in part to these differences, the evolution of slavery in the Americas varied across the region, as did the social construction of race and racial hierarchy.

There is no value in comparing the relative “harshness” of slavery across the Americas; the brutality and inhumanity of slavery was universal. Moreover, conditions in the South American and Caribbean colonies were horrific—the vast majority of enslaved people in these colonies worked on sugar plantations, which were notoriously harsh environments. Work on these plantations was “life-consuming,” with long hours of gang labor—often beginning at 5 a.m. and working until dusk—and extremely hazardous work conditions. Plantations in Brazil had higher mortality rates and lower life expectancies than plantations in the U.S. 84 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 92-93, 107-119.

Factors specific to each European power and its colonies distinguished the experiences of enslaved men and women across the Americas. In the North American colonies and later the U.S., white people were in the majority everywhere except in South Carolina and Mississippi. 85 Kathryn MacKay, “Statistics on Slavery,” Weber State University, accessed September 2, 2022, https://faculty.weber.edu/kmackay/statistics_on_slavery.htm . But in South America and the Caribbean, nonwhite people regularly exceeded 80% of the population. 86 Steven Mintz, “Historical Context: American Slavery in Comparative Perspective,” The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, accessed September 6, 2022, https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-resources/teaching-resource/historical-context-american-slavery-comparative-perspective ; Robert J. Cottrol, The Long Lingering Shadow: Law, Liberalism, and Cultures of Racial Hierarchy and Identity in the Americas (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2013), 39.

In the months leading up to the 1794 revolution in Haiti, white Europeans made up just 5% of the population and there were as many free people of color as there were Europeans. 87 Franklin W. Knight, “The Haitian Revolution,” American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (February 2000): 108. Iberian control in South America was challenged by the growing number of enslaved people, who often demanded their freedom in exchange for fighting Indigenous people who resisted European colonizers. 88 Cottrol, Long Lingering Shadow , 34. In these colonies, the threat of rebellion against the minority white population was critical in shaping society.

In contrast, the exceptionally large white majority in North America meant that rebellions by enslaved people, while far more common than most people realize today, did not represent as great a threat to white rule. 89 Cottrol, Long Lingering Shadow , 60, 86. As a result, while the fear of rebellions profoundly shaped the legal and cultural landscape of North America, 90 See, e.g. , Walter Johnson, River of Dark Dreams (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2013), 14, 18-21, 33 (discussing the impact of the Deslondes rebellion in Louisiana). British colonists rarely were forced to make legal or political concessions to enslaved people.

Geographic and demographic variations also distinguished how race and racial hierarchy developed in North America. For example, during the first century of Portuguese colonization in Brazil, there were very few Portuguese or white women, 91 D. Wendy Greene, “Determining the (In)Determinable: Race in Brazil and the United States,” 14 Mich. J. Race & L. 143, 150 (2009). which meant that despite anti-miscegenation laws passed in Portugal, there were high rates of interracial sex between white men and women of African descent in Brazil. 92 Greene, “Determining the (In)Determinable,” 150. By 1822, more than 70% of Brazil’s population “consisted of blacks or mulattoes, slaves, liberto, and free” people of color. 93 Greene, “Determining the (In)Determinable,” 151.

Today, Brazil is home to the largest population of African descendants outside the African continent. 94 Greene, “Determining the (In)Determinable,” 150.

In most South American and Caribbean colonies, large populations of free people of color emerged and “elaborate human taxonomies” based on race and caste were developed. 95 Herbert S. Klein and Ben Vinson III, African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean , 2d. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 200-12. A different racial hierarchy evolved in North America, where free people of color represented a very small fraction of the population. 96 Aaron O’Neill, “Black and Slave Population of the United States from 1790 to 1880,” Statista , June 21, 2022, https://www.statista.com/statistics/1010169/black-and-slave-population-us-1790-1880/ . There, a single, rigid color line separated two racial groups: Black and white. 97 Klein and Vinson, African Slavery in Latin America , 195.

Finally, the legal codes that governed enslaved peoples’ lives—laws on manumission, the status of enslaved people as humans or property, marriage and family formation, and racial classification—varied by region and the colony. 98 Klein and Vinson, African Slavery in Latin America , 207-14. These laws demonstrate the complex racial hierarchies in the region.

Throughout the region, racial discrimination was codified in laws that barred free Black people from “hold[ing] political office, practic[ing] prestigious professions (public notary, lawyer, surgeon, pharmacist, smelter) or enjoy[ing] equal social status with whites.” 99 Ann Twinam, Purchasing Whiteness: Pardos, Mulattos, and the Quest for Social Mobility in the Spanish Indies (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015), 52. But in 1795, the Spanish Crown made it possible to purchase whiteness—people of color with mixed ancestry could “apply and pay for a decree” that converted their legal status to white. 100 Ann Twinam, “Purchasing Whiteness: Race and Status in Colonial Latin America,” Not Even Past , September 1, 2015, https://notevenpast.org/purchasing-whiteness-race-and-status-in-colonial-latin-america/ . These laws sparked “vigorous and serious debate concerning the civil rights of those of mixed descent” in some countries. The 1812 constitution of the Spanish Empire further expanded opportunities for mixed-race citizens, including desegregating universities a century and a half before the U.S. 101 Twinam, “Race and Status.”

Evan Milligan

In French colonies, the “Code Noir” passed by Louis XIV in 1685 shaped an entirely different landscape. The code mandated execution for an enslaved person who struck their enslaver, 102 Article XXXIII, “The Code Noir (The Black Code),” LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY: EXPLORING THE FRENCH REVOLUTION , accessed October 17, 2022, https://revolution.chnm.org/d/335 . but it also granted free people of color the same rights as any “persons born free,” 103 Articles LVIII and LIX, “The Code Noir.” prohibited enslaved parents from being sold separately from their children, 104 Article XLVII, “The Code Noir.” deemed free the child of a free woman and an enslaved man of color, 105 Article XIII, “The Code Noir.” and fined an enslaver who had a child with an enslaved woman unless he married and freed the woman and her child. 106 Article IX, “The Code Noir.”

Critically, under the Code Noir, free people of color dramatically increased their numbers. In Louisiana, which spent decades under French control, there were 18,647 free Black people by 1860—almost 3,000 more than in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi combined. 107 Laura Foner, “The Free People of Color in Louisiana and St. Domingue: A Comparative Portrait of Two Three-Caste Slave Societies,” Journal of Social History 3, no. 4 (Summer 1970): 407 n.1 (citing U.S. Bureau of the Census, “Negro Population in the United States, 1790-1915” (Washington, 1918), 57).

The British and their descendants in North America made race the central aspect of laws governing slavery and the lives of enslaved and free Black Americans. 108 Klein and Vinson, African Slavery in Latin America , 203 (“Especially following the Haitian Revolution, British, French, Dutch, and North American legislation became ever more hostile to freedmen.”). A stark “black-white binary” reflected and reinforced the centrality of race in all areas of American life. 109 Klein and Vinson, African Slavery in Latin America , 201.

As a result, while the particular experience of slavery depended on region and time period, enslavement in the U.S. became a rigid, racialized caste system that inexorably tied enslavement to race.

The system of enslavement that emerged in North America was legitimated by an elaborate set of laws enforced through terror and violence and used to justify and codify the permanent, hereditary, and unending slavery of Black people for generations.

From the first arrival of kidnapped Africans in the English colonies that would become the United States, the institution of enslavement was foundational to the economy of every major city on the Eastern Seaboard. The history of these regions cannot be fully understood without acknowledging the role enslavement played in creating their economies, laws, and political and cultural institutions and the innumerable ways this legacy shapes these communities today.

The Role of the Christian Church

The British Library

Olaudah Equiano’s autobiography, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano , is a firsthand account of the Transatlantic Slave Trade that provides a critical perspective into the horrors of trafficking.

Olaudah was 11 years old when he and his sister were kidnapped from their home in the Eboe region of the Kingdom of Benin (likely, modern-day Nigeria) while their parents worked in the field. 70 Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, vol. I (London, 1789) 4-5, 48-49. Separated from his sister, he was trafficked over many months through various households before eventually being taken to the ocean and forced to board a docked slave ship. 71 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 49-71.

Overwhelmed with terror, Olaudah was placed below decks, where he was knocked back by the crying of his fellow captives and “the loathsomeness of the stench,” which made it impossible to eat anything. When he refused food from the slave traders, they violently flogged him. 72 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 73-74. Olaudah witnessed repeated “brutal cruelty” from the slave traders, including hourly whippings for anyone who refused to eat. 73 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 73-75.

When the slave ship set sail for Barbados, Olaudah spent weeks below decks.

The closeness of the place, and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration, from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died, thus falling victims to the improvident avarice, as I may call it, of their purchasers.

This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable; and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell, and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women, and the groans of the dying, rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable. 74 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 78-80.

Olaudah details an incident when, having caught fish for themselves, the white traffickers threw the extra fish they did not eat overboard, rather than give it to the kidnapped Africans. 75 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 80-81.

He witnessed at least three kidnapped Africans attempt suicide by trying to jump off the ship and drown in the ocean rather than be subjected to a life of enslavement. One of the three men was caught and whipped “unmercifully.” 76 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 81-82.

After weeks at sea, the ship arrived in Barbados, where Olaudah and the other captives were taken to a “merchant’s yard, where we were all pent up together like so many sheep in a fold, without regard to sex or age.” 77 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 83-85. He was held there a few days before seeing buyers “rush” into the yard and grab the enslaved people they wanted to purchase, tearing apart families and loved ones who had survived the Middle Passage together. 78 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 86-87. Olaudah wrote:

I remember in the vessel in which I was brought over, in the men’s apartment, there were several brothers, who, in the sale, were sold in different lots; and it was very moving on this occasion to see and hear their cries at parting. O, ye nominal Christians! might not an African ask you, learned you this from your God, who says unto you, Do unto all men as you would men should do unto you?

Is it not enough that we are torn from our country and friends to toil for your luxury and lust of gain? Must every tender feeling be likewise sacrificed to your avarice? Are the dearest friends and relations, now rendered more dear by their separation from their kindred, still to be parted from each other, and thus prevented from cheering the gloom of slavery with the small comfort of being together and mingling their sufferings and sorrows? Why are parents to lose their children, brothers their sisters, or husbands their wives? Surely this is a new refinement in cruelty, which, while it has no advantage to atone for it, thus aggravates distress, and adds fresh horrors even to the wretchedness of slavery. 79 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 86-88.

Along with other kidnapped Africans from the same ship, Olaudah was not sold in Barbados. They were held on the island for several days, and then transported to Virginia, where they were sold into slavery. 80 Equiano, Interesting Narrative , 90-94.

Years later, in 1766, while enslaved by Robert King, a Quaker living in Montserrat, Olaudah Equiano purchased his freedom for 40 British pounds. He eventually moved to London and joined the abolitionist movement. 81 Olaudah Equiano, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, vol. II (Cambridge University Press, Reprint Edition, 2013), 11-19.

Back to the report

Matt McClain/The Washington Post via Getty Images

Starting in the 15th century, when European powers initiated contact and commercial activity with Sub-Saharan Africa, and continuing throughout the following centuries, organized religion played a leading role in developing, supporting, and legislating the Transatlantic Slave Trade.

Rooted in a belief that their duty to spread Christianity justified their actions, religious organizations did not only embrace human trafficking and the enslavement of millions of Africans—they actively participated.

The Roman Catholic Church was critical to the efforts of global expansion by Portugal, Spain, and France and the creation of massive commercial enterprises built on the suffering and death of enslaved people. 110 Cottrol, Long Lingering Shadow , 55-57. In 1452 and 1455, Pope Nicholas V formally supported Spain and Portugal’s mass kidnapping and enslavement of Africans because it would help to Christianize enslaved people. 111 Carl Wise and David Wheat, “Pope Nicolas V and the Portuguese Slave Trade,” in African Laborers for a New Empire: Iberia, Slavery, and the Atlantic World , Lowcountry Digital History Initiative, updated 2016, https://ldhi.library.cofc.edu/exhibits/show/african_laborers_for_a_new_emp/pope_nicolas_v_and_the_portugu#! .

In 1548, Pope Paul III used his “apostolic authority” to declare the slave trade legal in the eyes of the church, which empowered the religious monarchies in European nations to continue to engage in Transatlantic trafficking. 112 Pius Onyemechi Adiele, The Popes, The Catholic Church, and The Transatlantic Enslavement of Black Africans 1418-1839 (Hildesheim, Zürich, New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 2017), 383-84. The “popes and their friends” accepted “gifts” of enslaved Black people shipped from Africa to Rome. 113 Davis, Inhuman Bondage , 79.

Through Transatlantic trafficking, the church systematically extended its influence. European enslavers baptized millions of enslaved people whose labor they used to amass vast wealth. 114 Arnold Bauer, The Church in the Economy of Spanish America: Censos and Depositos in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1983), 707.

The Jesuits, a religious order of the Catholic Church, justified slavery as a path to evangelization, but this did not insulate the people they enslaved from the exploitation, brutality, and dehumanization that was central to the system of chattel slavery. Like other enslavers, the Jesuits forced enslaved people to work on “Jesuit sugar plantations, cattle ranches, tobacco farms and vineyards, urban colegios, and as domestic servants.” 115 Adam Rothman, “The Jesuits and Slavery,” Journal of Jesuit Studies 8 (December 15, 2020).

During the Protestant Reformation in the 16th century, several groups of European Christians formally broke away from the Roman Catholic Church. 116 Adiele, Catholic Church, and Transatlantic Enslavement , 16. These new Protestant churches also supported Transatlantic trafficking and believed the slave trade was wholly compatible with Christianity.

Like the Roman Catholic Church, the Church of England not only promulgated an ideological apparatus to support race-based slavery, but it also was directly involved in trafficking and enslavement. The Church of England owned and operated Codrington, a profitable sugar plantation in Barbados where over 275 enslaved men, women, and children labored in hot, grueling conditions to plant, harvest, and produce sugar, which required a worker to stand over a boiling cauldron for more than 12 hours at a time. 117 Adam Hochschild, Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire’s Slaves (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005), 61-68. Early death was expected and devastating injuries commonplace. Visitors to Codrington noted that hatchets were kept nearby and used to sever the limbs of enslaved people whose fingers got caught in the mill. 118 Hochschild, Bury the Chains , 63-64. Those who tried to flee were whipped, branded, and forced to wear iron collars, but records show there were numerous escape attempts. 119 Hochschild, Bury the Chains , 65.

Transatlantic Slave Trade Essay

The infamous Transatlantic Slave Trade “took place from the 15 th to the 19 th century” (Bush 19). This trade resulted in massive human migration. Many Africans came to America during the period. According to historians, many Europeans wanted to support their colonies in order to achieve their goals. During the period, many “colonies were producing various cash crops such as cotton, sugar, and tobacco” (Bush 27).

Most of the paid laborers were becoming extremely expensive. The indigenous populations were also dying due to poverty, conflicts, and diseases. The colonialists wanted to get new sources of cheap labor. The best solution to this problem was to acquire different slaves from Africa. Some African societies collaborated with different Europeans in order support this illegal trade. Some merchants also wanted to benefit from the Slave Trade. This fact explains why different African leaders and merchants supported the trade.

The Slave Trade also affected many societies across the world. For example, the trade supported the economic needs of different colonies. The practice also supported the economic positions of different countries. A large number of individuals lost their original lands. According to many scholars, the trade introduced new diseases and socio-cultural practices in these colonies. The trade also resulted in environmental destruction.

The Slave Trade “left many societies underdeveloped and disorganized” (Bush 62). This development also weakened several communities in Africa and Asia. The Slave Trade affected the economic stability of every targeted society. This situation made such societies more vulnerable to colonialism. This slave trade produced different racial groups in many countries across the globe. The trade also produced long-term effects such as poverty, inequality, and discrimination. Many descendants of these slaves are currently facing most of these challenges. The Slave Trade presented numerous lessons to different societies. Many societies enacted new laws in order to safeguard the rights of every minority group.

Imperialism

The word imperialism “refers to a policy aimed at expanding a nation’s influence and capability through military force, colonization, or assimilation” (Thomas 38). Many countries such as the United States “pursued aggressive policies in an attempt to extend their economic and political influences across the word” (Thomas 47). Some historians have presented numerous arguments regarding the major causes of imperialism.

For example, many nations wanted to acquire new territories in order to emerge powerful. This expectation encouraged some countries such as Britain, France, and Italy to colonize different societies. The second factor that contributed to imperialism was “the desire to govern and develop different societies” (Thomas 49). Some countries also used the policy to acquire different uninhabited lands. This argument explains why different countries wanted to support their economies.

Imperialism transformed the economic strengths of different countries. Colonialism was one of the strategies aimed at promoting this policy. The approach resulted in new ideas such as globalization. The development supported the economic positions of different nations. This situation also made it easier for many nations to achieve the best goals. A “multi-polar world also developed because of imperialism” (Thomas 84). This development also produced different empires. The evolution of these empires reshaped the economic policies and political systems of many countries. Many governments and societies have borrowed their leadership ideas from the wave of imperialism. Historians and scholars have gained numerous political and economic ideas from the wave of imperialism.

Works Cited

Bush, Barbara. Imperialism and Post-colonialism History: Concepts, Theories and Practice . New York, Longmans, 2006. Print.

Thomas, Hugh. The Slave Trade: The History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440-1870. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Print.

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IvyPanda. (2021, March 3). Transatlantic Slave Trade. https://ivypanda.com/essays/transatlantic-slave-trade/

"Transatlantic Slave Trade." IvyPanda , 3 Mar. 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/transatlantic-slave-trade/.

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Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Transatlantic Slave Trade." March 3, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/transatlantic-slave-trade/.

The Transatlantic Slave Trade
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade History
Transatlantic Slave Trade and Colonial Chesapeake Slavery
The Role of the Cold War in Shaping Transatlantic Relations in the Period 1945 to 1970
Trans-Atlantic African Slave Trade
Slavery, Racism, and the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade
The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade In Western Africa
Transatlantic Slave Trade in the Early Modern Times
The Middle Passage, a Part of the Transatlantic Voyage
Colonialism and the End of Internal Slavery
African American History After Reconstruction
The African Burial Ground in the New York Area
Slavery and the Southern Society's Development
Pre-Civil War Antislavery Movement and Debates
Harlem Renaissance and Its Role for Afro-Americans

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Mustakeem, Sowande'. "'Make haste & let me see you with a good cargo of Negroes' gender, health, and violence in the eighteenth century Middle Passage /." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2008.

Sonoi, Chine. "British romanticism, slavery and the slave trade." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.657618.

Hurbon, Laennec. "TH􁪽 SLAVE TRADE AND BLACK SLAVERY IN AMERICA." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1991. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1477.

Knight, Christina Anne. "Performing Passage: Contemporary Artists Stage the Slave Trade." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11178.

Wright, John Lawrence. "'Nothing else but slaves' : Britain and the central Saharan slave trade in the nineteenth century." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323698.

Ball, Lucy. "Memory, myth and forgetting : the British transatlantic slave trade." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 2013. https://researchportal.port.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/memory-myth-and-forgetting(85412377-1e7b-42a6-9bce-c088d916158a).html.

Radburn, Nicholas James. "William Davenport, the slave trade, and merchant enterprise in eighteenth-century Liverpool : a thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History /." ResearchArchive@Victoria e-Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10063/1187.

Brown, Christopher L. "Foundations of British abolitionism, beginnings to 1789." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241245.

Nyirongo, Rachael. "The Libyan slave trade: a study on the responsibility of the Libyan government and relevant regional and international bodies based on international standards." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/31597.

McGhee, Fred Lee. "The Black crop : slavery and slave trading in nineteenth century Texas /." Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

Muhlestein, Robert M. "Utah Indians and the Indian Slave Trade: The Mormon Adoption Program and its Effect on the Indian Slaves." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1991. http://patriot.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTGM,33282.

Axiotou, Georgia. "Breaking the silence : West African authors and the Transatlantic slave trade." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/3270.

Switaj, Kevin A. "Power in forgetting memory and the slave trade in Victorian Britain /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3358946.

Finley, Alexandra Jolyn. "Blood Money: Sex, Family, and Finance in the Antebellum Slave Trade." W&M ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1499450046.

Strickrodt, Silke. "Afro-European trade relations on the western slave coast, 16th to 19th centuries." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2616.

Gwyn, Marian. "The heritage industry and the slave trade: an analysis of the commemoration of the bicentenary of the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade at heritage sites in England and Wales." Thesis, Bangor University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608328.

Omuku, S. A. G. "Representations of slavery and the slave trade in the Francophone West African novel." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1397876/.

Sanjurjo, Ramos Jesús. "Abolitionism and the end of the slave trade in Spain's Empire (1800-1870)." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21392/.

Plumpton, Max W. "Selling the American Body: The Construction of American Identity Through the Slave Trade." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6356.

Taylor, Eric Robert. "If we must die : a history of shipboard insurrections during the slave trade." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Love_Diss_02.

MacMaster, Thomas Jarvis. "The transformative impact of the slave trade on the Roman World, 580-720." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22819.

Pettigrew, William. "Free to Enslave : Politics and the Escalation of Britain's Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1688 - 1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504157.

Pinto, Ofelia. "Accounting and Slavery: the case of Companhia Geral do Grão Pará e Maranhão (1755-1778)." Thesis, Federation University Australia, 2014. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/96741.

Michaels, Paul J. "New England Slave Trader: The Case of Charles Tyng." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2019. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2083.

Bottero, Margherita. "Slave trades, credit records and strategic reasoning : four essays in microeconomics." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Institutionen för Nationalekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-1281.

Delvaux, Matthew C. "Transregional Slave Networks of the Northern Arc, 700–900 C.E.:." Thesis, Boston College, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108583.

Hernaes, Per O. "Slaves, Danes, and African coast society : The Danish slave trade from West Africa and Afro-Danish relations on the Eighteenth-Century Gold Coast /." Trondheim : NTNU, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38868537r.

Kielstra, Paul M. "The suppression of the slave trade as an issue in Anglo-French diplomacy, 1814-1833." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334080.

Dumas, Paula Elizabeth Sophia. "Defending the slave trade and slavery in Britain in the Era of Abolition, 1783-1833." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9715.

Chiswell, Matthew. "The Cape Squadron, Admiral Baldwin Walker and the suppression of the slave trade (1861-4)." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10236.

Durighello, Elisa <1996&gt. "Two cases of “slave labour” in Brazil- Theoretical perspective of Collective bargain and Fair trade." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17785.

Sorensen-Gilmour, Caroline. "Badagry 1784-1863 : the political and commercial history of a pre-colonial lagoonside community in south west Nigeria." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2641.

Nicholls, Peter A. "'The door to the coast of Africa' : the Seychelles in the Mascarene slave trade, 1770-1830." Thesis, University of Kent, 2018. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/67029/.

Souza, Cândido Eugênio Domingues de. "“Perseguidores da espécie humana”: capitães negreiros da Cidade da Bahia na primeira metade do século XVIII." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFBA, 2011. http://www.repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/11115.

Oliveira, Joice Fernanda de Souza 1988. "Forasteiros no oeste paulista : escravos no comércio interno de cativos e suas experiências em Campinas, 1850-1888." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279746.

McDade, Katie. "'A particular spirit of enterprise' : Bristol and Liverpool slave trade merchants as entrepreneurs in the eighteenth century." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2011. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12859/.

Youssef, Alain El. "Imprensa e escravidão: política e tráfico negreiro no império do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1822-1850)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-06072011-090553/.

Southwick, Morgan. "'The Blacks Are Also Human': Africans and African Caribbeans and the Abolition of the Danish Slave Trade: 1732-1804." Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/22980.

Hofstee, Erik J. W. "The great divide : aspects of the social history of the middle passage in the trans-Atlantic slave trade." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:Love_Diss_01.

Carrier, Toni. "Trade and plunder networks in the second Seminole War in Florida, 1835-1842." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001020.

Martins, Diego de Cambraia. "O tráfico de escravos nos rios da Guiné e a dinâmica da economia atlântica portuguesa (1756-1807)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-29092015-121805/.

Lopes, Gustavo Acioli. "Negócio da Costa da Mina e comércio atlântico: tabaco, açúcar, ouro e tráfico de escravos, Pernambuco (1654-1760)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-01122009-093954/.

Pessi, Bruno Stelmach. "Entre o fim do tráfico e a abolição: a manutenção da escravidão em Pelotas, RS, na segunda metade do século XIX (1850 a 1884)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-11032013-120538/.

Günther, Heide. "Historisches Kalenderblatt: Das Ende des transatlantischen Sklavenhandels ; zum 200. Jahrestag des „Foreign Slave Trade Act“ am 25. März 2007." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3743/.

Gilman, Daniel. "The Acoustics of Abolition: Recovering the Evangelical Anti–Slave Trade Discourse Through Late-Eighteenth-Century Sermons, Hymns, and Prayers." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/24055.

Wills, Mary. "The Royal Navy and the suppression of the Atlantic slave trade c.1807-1867 : anti-slavery, empire and identity." Thesis, University of Hull, 2012. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6885.

Jones, Mark. "The mobilisation of public opinion against the slave trade and slavery : popular abolitionism in national and regional politics, 1787-1838." Thesis, University of York, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14169/.

Weimer, Gregory Kent. "Forced Labor and the Land of Liberty: Naval Impressment, the Atlantic Slave Trade, and the British Empire in the Eighteenth Century." Online version, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1197601289.

Mungur, Lorna. "A persistent traffic: Portugal, Mozambique, and the slave export trade in the Mozambique channel at the end of the nineteenth century." Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=121407.

Lewis, Lance Kwesi. "Khepra : cultural developmental group-work; an evaluation; effective ways of working with school pupils of Afrikan descent." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390782.

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A scuba diver descending a deep ocean reef wall.

Deep Water: The World in the Ocean by James Bradley review – a compelling sea view of civilisation

This provocative and engrossing history of marine life identifies its role in shaping us – and the future crisis we face

T he science fiction writer Arthur C Clarke once argued that our planet should not be called Earth. “Clearly it is Ocean,” he observed. And certainly it is hard to deny its aquatic nature when we see that distinguishing sea-blue globe hanging in space in satellite photographs. Ours is undoubtedly a watery world.

This birthright is explored in detail by Australian writer James Bradley in a distinctive investigation of the marine roots of life and civilisation: from the deep history of evolutionary time to the rise of modern capitalism. We are creatures of the riverbank and the seashore, he argues – a species that has been shaped by water in ways that provide revealing perspectives on what it means to be human.

Just consider how we move around in the stuff. Hieroglyphs show people enjoyed swimming in ancient Egypt; pearls were harvested from the seafloor in the Gulf 7,000 years ago; while studies of Maya reliefs depict individuals swimming stylishly 2,000 years ago.

But the 18th century brought a small but significant transition to these aquatic pleasures. Historical accounts reveal Africans, Indigenous Australians and Native Americans still routinely swam using the overarm crawl, but in Europe the breaststroke was now king. The crawl was disparaged as a style suitable only for primitive races while the breaststroke was hailed as scientific and civilised. It was simply referred to as “White swimming”.

This incipient racism was mild compared with other changes wrought through our changing relationship with the sea, however. “The felling of forests for fuel and to build ships to move enslaved people, the slaughter of whales to make oil for lamps, lubricant for the machines in the factories and nitroglycerine for explosives – none of this would have been possible without the oceans,” says Bradley.

And of all the world’s great bodies of water, it is the Atlantic Ocean that accounts for the worst offences. The increasing wealth of western Europe from 1500 onwards was almost entirely accumulated by nations with access to the Atlantic Ocean, in particular the Portuguese, Spanish, English and Dutch. “This in turn is inseparable from the role of slavery,” Barclay states.

On one side of the ocean, more than 12 million non-Europeans were shipped west as enslaved people. The goods they were forced to harvest, mine or manufacture were then transported eastward across the Atlantic. “Capitalism, and the systems of colonial exploitation and violence that fuelled its rise, arose on the oceans,” we are told.

The seas will have the last word, however. Soaring global temperatures – triggered by unfettered capitalism set loose by marine trade – are now heating the planet dangerously, melting ice sheets and wrecking coral reefs as our factories and power plants belch out increasing amounts of carbon dioxide. As the oceans warm, marine animals are shifting polewards at an average of about four miles a year. Worse, rising sea levels will soon displace hundreds of millions of men, women and children who have homes near estuaries, bays or the seashore. An oceanic catastrophe awaits us.

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“As sea levels rise, they bring with them the legacy of centuries of extraction and colonial violence,” Bradley tells us. “To survive that future we will all need to be swimmers.”

As you will have gathered, this is a book with an apocalyptic message at its core. We face a global crisis and the seas provide us with an effective way to examine its causes and likely outcomes, says Bradley. “The ocean reveals that the roots of the crisis we inhabit lie deep in the patterns of violent exploitation and extraction that have shaped the modern world.”

It is an intriguing argument – though it is unlikely the seas will provide the only narrative that will help us understand the crisis we face. Nevertheless, they make an important focus for debate, and Bradley, in pursuing his thesis, has produced an impressive body of research and analysis. His relentless pursuit of every nuance and implication of his ideas leaves the book a little too fragmented. On the other hand, Deep Water is written with panache and argued with compelling clarity. The result is a provocative, engrossing read.

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Portugal must 'pay costs' of slavery and colonial crimes, president says

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Portugal's new government swearing-in ceremony, in Lisbon

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Aftermath of a two-week Israeli operation at Al Shifa Hospital

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Israeli soldiers and Palestinian protesters clash near the border between Israel and the Gaza Strip as seen from the Israeli side

US implicates 5 Israeli units in rights violations before Gaza war, no restrictions on assistance

The United States found five units of Israel's security forces responsible for gross violations of human rights, the first time Washington has reached such a conclusion about Israeli forces, the State Department said on Monday, though it has not barred any of the units from receiving U.S. military assistance.

Brazil's President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva visits Bogota

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Ross Douthat

What Students Read Before They Protest

Students at Columbia sitting on grass design a protest banner.

By Ross Douthat

Opinion Columnist

When I was a college undergraduate 25 years ago, the fancy school that I attended offered what it styled as a “core curriculum” that was really nothing of the sort. Instead of giving students a set of foundational courses and assignments, a shared base of important ideas and arguments, our core assembled a grab bag of courses from different disciplines and invited us to pick among them.

The idea was that we were experiencing a variety of approaches to knowledge and it didn’t matter what specific knowledge we picked up. There was no real difference between taking Helen Vendler’s magisterial “Poems, Poets, Poetry” survey class or taking instead “Women Writers in Imperial China: How to Escape From the Feminine Voice.”

At the time, I looked with a certain envy southward, to Columbia University, where the core curriculum still offered what the name promised: a defined set of important works that every undergraduate was expected to encounter. Against the belief that multiculturalism required dismantling the canon, Columbia insisted that it was still obligatory to expose students to some version of the best that has been thought and said.

That approach survives: The Columbia that has become the primary stage for political drama in America still requires its students to encounter what it calls “cornerstone ideas and theories from across literature, philosophy, history, science and the arts.”

This is an admirable goal and also a useful one, since it gives a clear look into what kind of ideas and theories the current consensus of elite academia deems important to forming citizens and future leaders — including the future leaders currently protesting at Columbia and other campuses around the country. It helps pin down, in a particular syllabus, general impulses that anyone with eyes to see will notice all across the meritocracy, from big Ivies to liberal arts colleges to selective high schools and middle schools.

The Columbia core’s requirements include many of the traditional great books — Genesis and Job, Aeschylus and Shakespeare, Adam Smith and Alexis de Tocqueville — along with readings in the sciences and exposure to music and fine arts. They also include sources obviously intended to diversify the traditional core and bring it up to date — some from the medieval and early modern past, many from the 20th century.

I want to look in particular at the syllabus for “Contemporary Civilization,” the portion of the core that deals most with political arguments and authors. The pre-20th-century readings follow traditional patterns (Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau) with specific supplements that diversify the list: more Islamic writers in the Middle Ages, Christine De Pizan alongside Machiavelli, a raft of readings on the conquest of the Americas, the Haitian Declaration of Independence and Constitution alongside the American Declaration and Bill of Rights.

But then comes the 20th century, and suddenly the ambit narrows to progressive preoccupations and only those preoccupations: anticolonialism, sex and gender, antiracism, climate. Frantz Fanon and Michel Foucault. Barbara Fields and the Combahee River Collective. Meditations on the trans-Atlantic slave trade and how climate change is “colonial déjà vu.”

Many of these readings are absolutely worth engaging. (Some of them I have even assigned in my own limited experiments in teaching.) But they still embody a very specific set of ideological commitments.

To understand the world before 1900, Columbia students read a range of texts and authors that are important to understanding America and the West in their entirety — Greek and Roman, religious and secular, capitalist and Marxist.

To engage with the contemporary world, the world they are being prepared to influence and lead, they read texts that are important to understanding only the perspective of the contemporary left.

Of course, these reading lists can change, and the way they are taught will vary with the instructor. But the priorities of Columbia’s canon fit a wider trend. I speak to college students and high school students fairly often, and it is common to meet kids whose entire sense of contemporary political challenges consists of racism and climate change. (Note that these are usually children of the upper middle class; 18-to-29-year-olds in general are more likely to be worried about economic issues.) They are not necessarily enthusiastically embracing these causes; if they’re talking to me, they’re more likely to be disillusioned. But this is the scope of ideas they’re being given about what an educated person should find concerning or worthy of attention.

This has two effects, one general and one specific to the current protests at Columbia. The first effect is a dramatic intellectual and historical narrowing. In the Columbia curriculum’s 20th-century readings, the age of totalitarianism simply evanesces, leaving decolonization as the only major political drama of the recent past. There is no Orwell, no Solzhenitsyn; Hannah Arendt’s essays on the Vietnam War and student protests in America are assigned but not “The Origins of Totalitarianism” or “Eichmann in Jerusalem.”

Absent, too, are any readings that would shed light on the ideas that the contemporary left is ranged against: There is no neoconservatism, certainly no religious conservatism, but also nothing that would make sense of neoliberalism in all its variations. There is no Francis Fukuyama, no “end of history” debate. Class critiques are mostly invisible, left behind in the 19th century with Karl Marx. And there are no readings that focus on the technological or spiritual aspects of the present or offer cultural critiques from a nonprogressive vantage point — no Philip Rieff, no Neil Postman, no Christopher Lasch.

This narrowing, in turn, leaves students with an equally narrow list of outlets for the world-changing energy that they’re constantly exhorted to embrace. Conservatism of any sort is naturally off limits. A center-left stewardship seems like selling out. There’s no clear path to engagement with many key dramas of our time — renewed civilizational competition, the stresses of digital existence, existential anomie.

Climate change looms over everything, but climate activism is expected be merged somehow with anticolonial and antiracist action. Yet it’s actually quite difficult to make anticolonialist preoccupations map onto a world where Western Europe is aging and declining and once-colonized populations now fill its major cities, where the locus of world power has shifted into Asia, where the world’s most tyrannical and imperialist regimes are non-Western and nonwhite. You inevitably have to mystify things a bit, perpetually discovering the hidden key to the 21st century in the power relations of the distant past.

But if you’re willing to simplify and flatten history — 20th-century history especially — it is easier to make these preoccupations fit Israel-Palestine. With its unusual position in the Middle East, its relatively recent founding, its close relationship to the United States, its settlements and occupation, Israel gets to be the singular scapegoat for the sins of defunct European empires and white-supremacist regimes.

Sometimes this scapegoating seems subconscious, but quite often it’s entirely literal — as in the video circulating this week in which one of the organizers of the Columbia protests explicitly analogizes contemporary “Zionists” to the slaveowners of prerevolutionary Haiti, who he says were justly murdered by their slaves. (The student has since issued a statement apologizing for rhetorical excess.)

Recognizing that this is happening — that Israel is a kind of enemy of convenience for a left-wing worldview that otherwise lacks real-world correlates for its theories — does not excuse the Israeli government for its failings or vindicate its searching-for-an-endgame strategy in Gaza or justify any kind of mistreatment of student protesters.

But it helps explain the two things that seem so disproportionate in these protests and the culture that surrounds them. First, it explains why this conflict attracts such a scale of on-campus attention and action and disruption while so many other wars and crises (Sudan, Congo, Armenia, Burma, Yemen …) are barely noticed or ignored.

Second, it explains why the attention seems to leap so quickly past critique into caricature, past sympathy for the Palestinians into justifications for Hamas, past condemnation of Israeli policy into antisemitism.

The truth is that these aspects of contemporary protest politics are not just a recrudescence of past bigotries. They are partially that, but they are also something stranger, a reflection of a worldview that has come to its antisemitic temptations through a circuitous route.

This worldview is broad enough to set curriculums but too narrow to find full purchase in the world as it exists, intent on finding enemies but discovering more of them in the past than in the present and fastening on Israel with a sense of excited vindication — a spirit that yields easily, as righteous vindication often does, to hate.

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Ross Douthat has been an Opinion columnist for The Times since 2009. He is the author, most recently, of “The Deep Places: A Memoir of Illness and Discovery.” @ DouthatNYT • Facebook

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What is the Atlantic slave trade and what caused it?
Reimagining History A World Without the Trans Atlantic Slave Trade

COMMENTS

Atlantic Slavery and the Slave Trade: History and Historiography
From the 16th to the mid-19th century, approximately 12.5 million enslaved Africans were forcibly embarked on slave ships, of whom only 10.7 million survived the notorious Middle Passage. 1 Captives were transported in vessels that flew the colors of several nations, mainly Portugal, Britain, France, Spain, and the Netherlands.Ships departed from ports located in these countries or their ...
PDF The Long Middle Passage: the Enslavement of Africans and The Trans
Fortunately, I took a number of Atlantic history courses taught by Steve Behrendt, whose enthusiasm and knowledge of the subject first encouraged me to study the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Under Steve's guidance, I wrote honors and Masters' thesis on the slave trade, and I will be forever grateful to him for first setting me on
The Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade on Africa: A Review of the
Recent revisions of estimates for the volume of the trans-Atlantic slave trade suggest that approximately 11,863,000 slaves were exported from Africa during the whole period of the Atlantic slave trade, which is a small upward revision of my 1982 synthesis and still well within the range projected by Curtin in 1969.
The Economic, Political, and Social Impact of the Atlantic Slave Trade
16. Inikori, "Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade," 197-223; Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley Engerman, "Introduction: Gainers and Loosers," in The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples in Africa, the Americas, and Europe, ed. Joseph E. Inikori and Stanley Engerman (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1992), 5-6; Postma, The Atlantic Slave Trade, 35-36 ...
The Atlantic Slave Trade
The slave trade was one of the earliest and the most capital-intensive forms of Atlantic interaction. The largest intercontinental migration in history before the mid-1800s, this forced transportation of enslaved Africans repopulated the Americas and greatly affected cultural and racial mixes there. Europeans had acquired some slaves during the ...
The Transatlantic Slave Trade
The Shell Money of the Slave Trade. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1986. Klein, Herbert S. The Atlantic Slave Trade. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Additional Essays by Alexander Ives Bortolot. Bortolot, Alexander Ives. "Portraits of African Leadership: Living Rulers." (October 2003)
The Atlantic Slave Trade
Debates over the economic, social, and political meaning of slavery and the slave trade have persisted for over two hundred years. The Atlantic Slave Trade brings clarity and critical insight to the subject. In fourteen essays, leading scholars consider the nature and impact of the transatlantic slave trade and assess its meaning for the people transported and for those who owned them. Among ...
New approaches to the slave trade, slavery, abolition and emancipation
Indian and Atlantic oceans worlds in relation to the debates on slave trade, slavery and abolition. In his work "From abolition of the slave trade to protection of immigrants: Danish colonialism, German missionaries, and the development of ideas of humanitarian governance from the early eighteenth to the nineteenth century," Kaarsholm explores
The Atlantic Slave Trade: Effects on Economies, Societies, and Peoples
The essays in this volume arise from a conference on the Atlantic slave trade held at the University of Rochester in 1988. Most of the prominent scholars of the Atlantic slave trade in North America were present, although not all contributed to this book. Of the contributions, 9 of the 14 have already been published in Social Science History ...
Barbara L. Solow. The Economic Consequences of the Atlantic Slave Trade
The Economic Consequences of the Atlantic Slave Trade. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2014. 140 pp. ISBN 978--7391-9246-7, ... addressing slavery and the slave trade in the context of the William Thesis. These lively, perceptive, and important essays, now available in one place, will continue to challenge and delight students and
African Societies and the Atlantic Slave Trade
SPhilip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison, 1969). 2 Henry A. Gemery and Jan S. Hogendorn (eds.), The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979); J. E. Inikori (ed.), Forced Migration: The Impact of the Export Slave Trade on African Societies (London, 1982).
The Volume of the Atlantic Slave Trade: A Synthesis
The Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade (New York, 1979), 273 - 301 Google Scholar; see especially page 291. It should be noted that D. R. Murray was one of the first to question the accuracy of Curtin's estimates ( 'Statistics of the slave trade to Cuba, 1790-1867', Journal of Latin American ...
PDF Debates Over Slavery and Abolition: Slave Trade in the Atlantic ...
nineteenth century witnessed a very active slave trade, and U.S. shippers participated in the trade to Cuba, Brazil and other countries until its final ending in 1888. Thus the slave trade was a pan-Atlantic phenomenon that covered half the globe for four centuries. These facts mean that the slave trade cannot easily be
Atlantic slave trade
The Atlantic slave trade was the result of, among other things, labour shortage, itself in turn created by the desire of European colonists to exploit New World land and resources for capital profits. Native peoples were at first utilized as slave labour by Europeans until a large number died from overwork and Old World diseases.
Atlantic Slave Trade
This is a series of essays from noted historian Jacob Price presenting and analyzing new statistical material from the English and Scottish customs accounts are supplemented by a general survey of the transatlantic economy in the 18th century. ... Generally it provides a picture of Dutch involvement in the Atlantic slave trade and slave system ...
The Atlantic Slave Trade
The Atlantic Slave Trade: Volume I Origins-1600 1st Edition. Edited By Jeremy Black December 30, 2022. Originally published as a collection in 2006, this volume covers the Atlantic slave trade from its origins to 1600, the selection of essays here look at the reasons for the causes of slavery and serfdom; slavery in Africa; the development of the slave trade; the demographic situation in ...
The Atlantic Slave Trade: Causes, Operation, and Effects
The most severe forms of the slave trade existed in West Africa. An example is the Atlantic Slave Trade, which reduced human beings to commodities. The trade began in the mid-fifteenth century, and was at its peak by the eighteenth century. [3] Europeans had become involved in the extensive gold and salt trade across the Sahara Desert.
Conclusion
Between 1501 and 1867, nearly 13 million African people were kidnapped, forced onto European and American ships, and trafficked across the Atlantic Ocean to be enslaved, abused, and forever separated from their homes, families, ancestors, and cultures. The Transatlantic Slave Trade represents one of the most violent, traumatizing, and horrific ...
Transatlantic Slave Trade
Transatlantic Slave Trade Essay. The infamous Transatlantic Slave Trade "took place from the 15 th to the 19 th century" (Bush 19). This trade resulted in massive human migration. Many Africans came to America during the period. According to historians, many Europeans wanted to support their colonies in order to achieve their goals.
Trans-Atlantic
Drawing on extensive archival records, this digital memorial allows analysis of the ships, traders, and captives in the Atlantic slave trade. The three databases below provide details of 36,000 trans-Atlantic slave voyages, 10,000 intra-American ventures, names and personal information. You can read the introductory maps for a high-level guided explanation, view the timeline and chronology of ...
Slave Trade Thesis
Slave Trade Thesis. Topic: The impact of the Atlantic Trade System on the birth of capitalism. Thesis Statement: The Atlantic Slave Trade played a significant role in the birth and development of capitalism in a positive way in Western World. Slaves sold as a property for profit and these profits contributed to the growth of modern finance and ...
Atlantic Slave Trade Essay
The Atlantic slave trade involved the transportation by slave traders of enslaved African people, mainly from Africa to the Americas, and then their sale there. The 18th century was the great period of importation of slaves from Africa throughout the whole new world and most of the slaves brought to Colonial North. 775 Words.
Dissertations / Theses: 'Slave trade'
Based on Halbwachs' theory of collective memory and Connerton's notion of collective forgetting, this thesis contends that the history of the British transatlantic slave trade has been deliberately omitted from British collective remembrance, replaced by a stylised image of the campaign for its abolition, in the interests of maintaining a consistent national identity built around notions ...
Deep Water: The World in the Ocean by James Bradley review
The increasing wealth of western Europe from 1500 onwards was almost entirely accumulated by nations with access to the Atlantic Ocean, in particular the Portuguese, Spanish, English and Dutch.
Portugal must 'pay costs' of slavery and colonial crimes, president
President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa said late on Tuesday that Portugal was responsible for crimes committed during transatlantic slavery and the colonial era, and suggested there was a need for ...
What Students Read Before They Protest
Meditations on the trans-Atlantic slave trade and how climate change is "colonial déjà vu." ... Hannah Arendt's essays on the Vietnam War and student protests in America are assigned, but ...