instagram presentation 2021

Instagram Marketing Strategy Guide: Tips for 2024

Instagram marketing is competitive, but not impossible. Follow this guide and try our top strategies to succeed in 2024 and beyond.

Table of Contents

With over 2 billion monthly active users, Instagram is both the O.G. and trendsetter of social media marketing.

It’s not just a place for friends to trade vacation pics. Instagram has shaped social commerce, the creator economy, and how brands use social media for over a decade.

But forget about the big picture: How can you use Instagram marketing to grow your business in 2023? Do you need Instagram ads (or, worse, dancing Reels) for your brand to be successful? Are Instagram’s shopping tools a fun perk or an absolute necessity?

Find out how to use Instagram to grow your business online, no matter your industry or goals.

Bonus: Claim your free pack of 15 creative Instagram post templates made by Hootsuite’s professional graphic designers. Easily customize them in Canva, and start getting more engagement today.

What is Instagram marketing?

Instagram marketing is the practice of using Instagram to grow your brand awareness, audience, leads, and sales. As the most-used social media platform for people ages 16-34 , Instagram is a highly effective marketing platform for brands, entrepreneurs, and creators.

Instagram marketing strategies include:

• Organic content . Photo, video, or carousel posts, Reels, Stories
• Paid content . Instagram ads, including Stories ads, Shopping ads, and more
• Influencer marketing .
• Shopping tools . Shop tab, Product tags and catalogs, Live shopping, Instagram Checkout, Shopping ads

Why market on Instagram?

Instagram has more than 2 billion active monthly users , making it the world’s third-most-used social media platform . If you run a business of any kind, your customers (present and future!) are absolutely on the app.

People also love using Instagram. In a survey about preferred social platforms, Instagram came in hot as the number two overall pick . No wonder Instagram users spend an average of 12 hours a month on the app .

And guess what they’re doing there? Looking for things to buy.

That’s right: 44% of Instagram users use the app to shop on a weekly basis, and 62.4% of social users use Insta to follow or research brands, products, or services.

Some users even go beyond just commercial interactions: 2 out of 3 active users say Instagram allows them to build meaningful relationships with brands.

So get out there! Make some new bffs… in the name of business! (Want more intriguing Instagram statistics? Here’s our extensive list .)

How to set up Instagram for marketing

Creating a professional Instagram account doesn’t just lend your brand an air of legitimacy—it gives you access to important business tools like analytics (called Insights) and advertising options. Here are step-by-step instructions on how to change your Instagram profile to a business profile.

1. Head to your Instagram profile page and hit the hamburger menu in the top right corner.

2. Tap Settings and privacy .

3. Scroll down to Account type and tools .

4. Tap Switch to professional account .

5. Choose Continue and continue through the prompts

6. Choose the category that best describes you or your brand. Depending on your category type, you may be prompted to clarify if you’re a Creator or a Business . Both types of accounts have access to analytics and advertising tools, so choose whichever suits you best. Tap Next .

7. Review your contact information and update it as required.

How to create an Instagram marketing strategy

Sure, some Instagram accounts thrive thanks to pure luck. But for the most part, brands with active Instagram followings and high engagement have executed some time-tested processes and techniques.

Follow these steps to create a winning Instagram marketing strategy for your own Instagram business account.

Understand your audience

If you don’t know who’s reading your posts, it will be hard to create engaging content. A strong Instagram marketing strategy starts with a deep understanding of your target market.

Where do they live? How old are they? Where do they like to hang out online? What kind of hashtags or online communities are they a part of? Look at your analytics and data from your offline marketing efforts, too, to determine who you’re talking to.

These insights will help your team decide on appropriate content, a strong editorial voice and campaigns that will resonate. Just think about it: your Instagram presence will be very different if your followers are teen boys from India or suburban grandmas from Canada.

Learn more about defining your social media target market here.

Make the best Instagram profile possible

Think of your Instagram profile as your digital business card. It’s your first impression, so you’d better do it right.

Like a business card, there’s limited space to share what you need to share, so make sure you have a snappy bio packed with as many SEO keywords as possible.

Or, take a page out of this wine club’s book and get playful with the emojis. (Maybe you want to take advantage of Instagram Story highlights to showcase some past content, too.)

It’s also best practice to make sure all your contact details are filled out and your URL is working. You’ll also want a high-res professional profile image that aligns with your business’ branding.

For more tips on making the best Instagram profile possible, here’s our deep dive into optimizing your social media profiles .

Align your social strategy with your business goals

Before you start posting up a storm, take a beat to make sure your social plan serves your bigger business goals.

Optical company Warby Parker, for example, regularly posts non-glasses-related content—for instance, a meme about soup. We’d take a good guess this sort of content is part of the company’s broader business goal to make the brand seem fun, approachable, relatable and human. (Or maybe they’re about to pivot into DTC soup; we’re speculating here.)

View this post on Instagram A post shared by Warby Parker (@warbyparker)

So, if you’re all about creating brand awareness, make a social plan that is focused on exposure and reach. Or, if you’re hoping to build your database of leads this year, your social strategy should be built around driving traffic into your sales funnel . In other words, there should be a reason behind everything you do.

In case it’s helpful, here’s a primer on how to set social media goals that make sense for your business needs .

Create a content calendar

What’s the best way to plan and organize your content? A content calendar.

As fun as off-the-cuff posts can be, it’s a lot of pressure to find that perfect moment every day that also happens to align perfectly with your business goals. Instead, brainstorm content pillars and plot out your social content in advance.

By carving out dedicated time to plan and prep in advance, you’ll be more efficient (and definitely less prone to typos.) Learn more about creating a social media content calendar here.

Schedule your posts in advance

With a scheduling tool (like Hootsuite, ahem), you can batch-prep a week or month’s worth of posts when you’re in the creative zone for maximum impact.

Scheduling your Instagram posts is also a great way to make sure you’re posting when your audience is most likely to be online . (Hot tip: Hootsuite will actually analyze your past posts and suggest unique-to-you times and dates for maximum engagement. What a sweetie.)

Start your free Hootsuite trial today

You can even schedule Instagram Stories, too!

Never miss a mention (or keep an eye on the competition)

Instagram marketing isn’t just about what you’re putting out into the world. It’s about being responsive and receptive to the people who are talking to and about you, too.

Social listening is a key component of a strong Instagram marketing strategy. With Hootsuite Streams, you can track mentions, keywords and search terms most applicable to your business.

Want a running feed of industry news? Looking to catch all those Tweets that misspell your business name? Custom search streams will make sure you never miss an opportunity to react.

Get familiar with the algorithm(s)

Instagram’s algorithms control what winds up in people’s feeds, what makes the cut on the Explore page, and what winds up languishing in Instagram purgatory. If you wanna succeed on the platform, you better study up.

Put simply, Instagram’s algorithms look at information about content (Reels, feed posts, and Stories) and information about users (interests and behavior on the platform) to serve the right content to the right people.

Each algorithm considers information about the post (like relevance and popularity), the person who posted, your history of interaction with them, and your activity across the platform.

Want to learn more about best practices for mastering Instagram’s algorithms? We’ve got posts on Instagram’s primary algorithm as well as the ones that govern Reels and the Explore Page .

Experiment with different formats

While Instagram started as a simple photo-sharing app in 2010, the platform is a very different beast in 2023. Instagram now offers a variety of formats to explore.

You can cultivate the perfect Instagram grid on your main feed and share photos, videos or even carousels of pictures .

View this post on Instagram A post shared by Native Shoes (@nativeshoes)

Instagram Stories have a prime, top-of-the-feed position, capture millions of views daily…and disappear after 24 hours.

Instagram Reels , meanwhile, are a chance to play with short-form video .

Most businesses try a mix of these different content styles. What’s best for your unique needs? Well, there’s only one way to know what works best for your audience: get postin’, kid.

Try out a livestream

Instagram’s livestream feature offers a unique (and extremely engaging) opportunity to broadcast live to your followers.

Whether you’re giving a behind-the-scenes tour, sharing an exciting product update, taking questions from your audience, interviewing a brand ambassador, or even selling your wonderful wares, Instagram live streams are a thrill to audiences—a chance for an intimate interaction with the brands they love. (And you can repost that Live content to your feed later, too.)

View this post on Instagram A post shared by Western Living (@westernliving)

Here’s everything you need to know about going live on social.

Set up an Instagram Shop

Rather than directing customers from your account to your website, Instagram Shopping allows them to select and purchase products easily from the Instagram app.

An Instagram Shop is a brand’s customizable digital storefront. It allows customers to shop right from your Instagram profile.

Think of it as a landing page where users can discover or browse all your products. If you sell tangible goods, your Instagram Shop is a great opportunity to capture a ready-to-buy market right on the app… especially if you actively tag products in your Stories and Posts.

Find a step-by-step guide to setting up your Instagram Shop here.

Boost top-performing posts

Maybe Instagram advertising isn’t a fit for your business, but you still would love to get some exposure to a new audience. If that’s the case, Instagram’s boosting option is a lifesaver.

Just set the budget at your comfort level, define a target audience, and pay to give a regular Post a little extra juice. You can even boost Instagram posts right in Hootsuite —and then get back to your social media monitoring and scheduling in the very same dashboard.

Measure content performance with analytics

The best Instagram marketing strategy is built on a foundation of knowledge. And the data you need for peak performance is right here in front of you, thanks to our old pal analytics.

Instagram’s own Insights offer plenty of, well, insight into which posts are doing well, which Stories are popping off, and exactly how many people saw your latest Reel. This info is incredible feedback to help you take your next batch of content even further—you’ll see what worked, what didn’t, and where some tweaks might be helpful.

Hootsuite’s own Analytics tool is really, really great for Instagram, too. (Really!) You can even schedule auto-reports that track your preferred metrics in a visually appealing package to really wow your team.

Try Hootsuite Analytics for free

Ultimately, there isn’t really any special trick to creating a great Instagram marketing plan: it’s all the same stuff that will make any of your social media accounts pop.

Check out our video recap of everything you need to know to create the perfect social media strategy here:

Most popular types of content on Instagram

According to a 2023 Statista study , 50% of weekly Instagram users said they prefer to consume funny content on the platform. Forty-six percent seek out “creative” posts, while 41% of active users like informative content.

This Recess post? Definitely funny.. .and definitely creative.

View this post on Instagram A post shared by Recess (@takearecess)

Other popular types of content, appealing to around 36% of users, include posts and Stories that are relaxing, inspiring, engaging or trendy.

In 2022, the most popular posts by number of likes were all by celebrities (save for one enigmatic egg ).

But what’s interesting is that the celeb posts that continue to drive engagement are all deeply personal—pregnancy announcements, dramatic makeovers, wedding photos, or jokey posts with friends. They’re not pushing tickets to their soccer games or advertising their movies. They’re being (seemingly) authentic, and fans connect with that in a big way.

So, even if you’re a brand and not a pregnant Kylie Jenner, there are ways to tap into that desire for connection. Get personal. Be silly. Express your values creatively. Showcase the people and personalities behind the scenes.

Helpful Instagram marketing tools: free & paid

1. hootsuite.

Hootsuite helps you plan great content, boost your follower count, and rack up more sales on Instagram — in way less time, with way less effort. Grow your account, manage all of your Instagram marketing in one place, and save time with Hootsuite, your all-in-one social media management tool.

• Create engaging content using built-in creative AI tools, a hashtag generator, Canva editing tools, and more
• Schedule posts, carousels, Stories, and Reels in advance
• Get personalized recommendations for the best times to post on Instagram to reach more people
• Boost organic posts and Reels with just a few clicks
• Answer comments and DMs from all your Instagram accounts
• Keep tabs on competitors, industry leaders, and relevant influencers
• Track your results in real-time
• Download custom reports to showcase your success
• Handle Instagram, Facebook, TikTok, Twitter, LinkedIn, YouTube, and Pinterest from one dashboard

Try Hootsuite free for 30 days

2. Ads Manager

Ads Manager serves as a shared platform for both Facebook and Instagram—it’s a tool for creating and monitoring advertisements on Meta’s social networks. Ads Manager offers advertisers access to Facebook’s targeting capabilities and the flexibility to run campaigns on both platforms.

Once your campaign is rolling, you can make modifications, engage with comments, and monitor performance. The Amount spent and Cost per result sections are there to help you gauge the effectiveness of your spend.

3. Instagram hashtag generator

Give your feed posts, Reels, and Stories a dash of viral magic with this Instagram hashtag generator. Everybody knows hashtags are social media’s secret sauce, but who has time to come up with them from scratch? This handy hashtag helper can do it for you.

4. Instagram username generator

Get a list of Instagram name ideas in a few seconds flat. It’s the perfect tool for businesses or individuals looking to nail it on Insta. Just answer a few Qs, and this AI username generator will whip up a list of inspiring handles to get you started on your Instagram marketing journey.

5. Instagram bio generator

Your bio is your chance to tell the world what you’re all about (within the character limit, of course). Give your Instagram profile a refresh with this quick Instagram bio generator. It works for business and personal accounts.

Visuals are everything on Insta, but we aren’t all graphic design specialists. Luckily, Canva can help you create eye-catching images and simplify your content creation process.

It even integrates with Hootsuite, so you can use templates made specifically for social media and save time bringing your ideas to life.

Get Canva for Hootsuite

7. Content ideas generator

We know, we know: saying “build a content calendar” is easier said than done. If you need some help getting the creative juices flowing, this AI-backed content ideas generator is here to help. Answer a few Qs and you’ll be given ideas for social media posts, blog posts, videos, and more.

8. Panoramiq Insights

Panoramiq Insights seamlessly integrates robust Instagram analytics into your Hootsuite dashboard. (Oooh!) With Panoramiq, you can delve into account activity, explore follower demographics (very useful for targeted campaigns), and gauge the effectiveness of your Posts and Stories.

Get Panoramiq Insights for Hootsuite

9. Instagram caption generator

A picture is worth a thousand words, so you gotta think words themselves have a pretty big impact, too, right? (And our experiments with Instagram captions prove it.) Generate Instagram captions in seconds with this AI-powered Instagram caption writer.

10. Engagement rate calculator

Your engagement is everything: it defines just how much you’re connecting with your audience. Determine your social media return on investment (ROI), enhance your media kit, and figure out which posts work and which need work with this easy engagement rate calculator tool for Instagram.

11. Adobe Lightroom

If Instagram’s editing options are falling short, it might be time to experiment with Adobe Lightroom CC. The app simplifies the use of professional photo editing tools and can even be enhanced with downloaded Lightroom presets.

Find more amazing tools marketers should use for Instagram here .

Instagram marketing FAQs

When was instagram created.

Instagram was released to the public in October 2010 . By the end of the first day, it had 25,000 users and hit one million users in under three months.

Does Facebook own Instagram?

Yes, Facebook acquired Instagram in 2012 for $1 billion . Since then, the company has restructured. Now, both Facebook and Instagram are operated by a parent organization called Meta (still helmed by Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg). Meta also operates Threads and Whatsapp .

Manage all your Instagram marketing alongside your other social platforms with Hootsuite’s time-saving tools. From a single dashboard, you can schedule posts, Stories, and Reels, engage with your audience, and measure your social ROI. Try it free today.

Get Started

Easily create, analyze, and schedule Instagram posts, Stories, Reels, and Threads with Hootsuite. Save time and get results.

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Stacey McLachlan is an award-winning writer and editor from Vancouver with more than a decade of experience working for print and digital publications.

She is editor-at-large for Western Living and Vancouver Magazine, author of the National Magazine Award-nominated 'City Informer' column, and a regular contributor to Dwell. Her previous work covers a wide range of topics, from SEO-focused thought-leadership to profiles of mushroom foragers, but her specialties include design, people, social media strategy, and humor.

You can usually find her at the beach, or cleaning sand out of her bag.

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How to View Your 2021 Highlights With Instagram's Year in Review Playback

Let Instagram refresh your memories of the year 2021.

As 2021 gradually comes to an end, it's only natural to want to reflect on your memories of the outgoing year. Whereas you can turn to your diary for inspiration, the only pictures you'll likely be seeing will be mental ones.

Alternatively, you can use third-party apps to generate a slideshow of your 2021 in motion pictures. Or better yet, you can use Meta's 2021 Playback feature for Instagram.

In this article, you'll learn more about how this Instagram's year in review feature works, its benefits, and why you should be using it this year. Let's dive in.

View Your 2021 Highlights With Instagram's Playback Feature

Instagram's year in review feature, also known as 2021 Playback, was launched on December 9, 2021, and allows you to relive your memories .

• To access it, open the Instagram app and tap on the View Playback prompt at the top of your feeds. If you can't find this in-feed notification, it's because 2021 Playback is being rolled out in phases, so expect it soon.
• Meanwhile, you can tap on the 2021 sticker in other people's Playbacks or Stories to prompt yours. However, finding one can be a hassle.
• Tap Next , then preview your Playback and share it if you like what you see.
• Otherwise, you can edit it by adding or removing any story from your Stories archive before adding it to Playback from where you can share it to your Stories.
• You can also add text, stickers, filters, tags, and mentions to your Playback.

Bear in mind, though, that you may only select ten Stories from your Stories archive to include in your 2021 Playback. Also, this feature is only available for a few weeks until year-end. So act fast.

Related: New Deep Nostalgia Animations Bring Old Photos to Life

Look Back on Your 2021 Moments

Satisfy your nostalgia and FOMO by watching a digital playback of your ten best 2021 moments on Instagram. 2021 has been a tough nut to crack for many, thanks to COVID-19 and its many fallouts.

You can brighten your day with your 2021 Playback on Instagram and begin the new year on a high note. Your mental health will definitely thank you for it.

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How COVID-19 Changed Self-Presentation on Instagram and its Relation to User Well-Being

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Mark Turner, Danna Ordonia, How COVID-19 Changed Self-Presentation on Instagram and its Relation to User Well-Being, Interacting with Computers , Volume 35, Issue 5, September 2023, Pages 590–603, https://doi.org/10.1093/iwc/iwad013

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Social media use increased during the COVID-19 pandemic with platforms providing an important forum for communication and self-expression. In this study, we explore shifts in online posting behaviors and self-presentation following the onset of lockdown. Content analysis of active Instagram accounts ( n  = 73) was conducted for the 3-month period before and immediately following the start of lockdown in the UK, and compared to psychological well-being, social media dependency and motives for online self-presentation during lockdown. Changes in the nature of images and captions used by profile owners were found following the start of lockdown, with more selfies and throwback photographs of past events being posted. Images in contexts depicting users as ‘social’, and positive or explanatory message captioning decreased during lockdown. Limited evidence was found to support the hypothesis that images posted were predictive of psychological well-being in lockdown. More followers and the degree to which online portrayals represented ‘real-self’ appeared more critical to well-being during lockdown.

• Online self-presentation but not frequency of posts changed in Instagram users before and during lockdown.

• More selfies but fewer social posed, group or outdoor images were posted in lockdown.

• Only two posting behaviors during lockdown were related to well-being.

• Well-being during lockdown was associated with authentic online self-presentation.

On 23 March 2020, the UK went into its first lockdown in an effort to control the spread of the COVID-19 virus. With the closure of non-essential businesses and restrictions on travel and social gatherings, concern was expressed regarding the negative psychological impact of lockdown on people’s mental health (e.g. Holmes et al., 2020 ). At the same time, unprecedented increases in social media use were reported and studies began to emerge linking social media activity and well-being (e.g. Lisitsa et al., 2020 ; Zhao and Zhou, 2020 ) although the processes by which these two factors were related due to the pandemic remained unclear. Social media platforms can provide an important forum for self-expression, helping users to share experiences and create a protective buffer to mitigate the negative emotional effects of a crisis ( Marzouki et al., 2021 ). Previous research exploring social media content has shown how responses to traumatic situations can influence self-presentation online (e.g. Browning, 2017). In this study, we explore shifts in online self-presentation among social media users following the onset of lockdown, with respect to the images people chose to post, and whether changes in posting habits were predictive of individual well-being and dependency on social media during lockdown.

1.1. Instagram use during lockdown

Social media data in relation to lockdown have indicated that visits to Instagram increased by 43% in 2020 compared to the year before the pandemic ( Molla, 2021 ). Social media became a key method of maintaining regular communication and interaction with family and friends, with 67% of UK Instagram users reporting they used the site more ( Gothivarekar, 2020 ). Analyses of Instagram posting habits prior to the pandemic indicate people use the platform mainly to showcase aspects of their social life (e.g. Hu et al., 2014 ), with images showing users’ faces being more frequently liked and commented upon than other posts ( Bakhshi et al., 2014 ). However, during the first wave of the pandemic Instagram profile owners took more varied approaches to creating content ( Niknam et al., 2021 ). This included information and misinformation about the virus, concerns over social distancing and isolation, activities to do when staying at home, and satire about the pandemic. Growth in the appropriation of symbols such ‘#quarantine15’ were also noted in response to the expected weight gain during the pandemic ( Lucibello et al., 2021 ). Trevisan et al. (2021) monitored the Facebook and Instagram accounts of different political and celebrity influencers noting that large increases were seen in the volume of Facebook posts, comments and reactions made by users, but for Instagram the number of posts and comments remained relatively stable before and after lockdown, and the number of likes almost halved on the accounts examined. The authors argue that this difference may have arisen due to the nature of each network. Facebook was better suited for sharing comments and opinions within groups and communities, while Instagram was more popular among younger users for sharing photo content of social events, for which opportunities decreased. The authors also noted an increase in feelings of inhibition and anxiety being expressed on Instagram in the initial weeks following the outbreak. While such analyses are informative in depicting how social media adapted to the pandemic, it is not clear how the pandemic specifically may have impacted on the images chosen by individuals to reflect their personal experience of the crisis.

1.2. Changes in self-presentation on Instagram

Self-presentation is the attempt to guide or control others’ impressions of ourselves through the verbal and non-verbal signals we use ( Haferkamp and Krämer, 2011 ). People are generally thought to modify their self-presentation online to seem more favorable to others ( Rosenberg and Egbert, 2011 ; Harris and Bardey, 2019 ; Huang et al., 2021 ). This may lead users to display idealized versions of themselves since the design of social media platforms affords the opportunity to do so ( Hollenbaugh, 2021 ), and because it has become the social norm to do so ( Hu et al., 2015 ; Zillich and Riesmeyer, 2021 ). A common way to manage online impressions is through the images people choose to display their physical appearance or represent their beliefs. For example, the disclosure of social cues through selfies posted online has been positively associated with receiving more likes on Instagram ( Hong et al., 2020 ). Evidence suggests people generally are knowledgeable about the facets of social media image presentation that can impact on how others perceive them, and make corresponding adjustments to the images they use to personally represent them (e.g. Makhanova et al., 2017 ; Schneider and Carbon, 2017 ; Lowe-Calverley and Grieve, 2018 ). Nabity-Grover et al. (2020) have argued that the pandemic led to a change in online self-disclosure, whereby topics which people might normally post about online (e.g. trips, socializing) became socially inappropriate. Conversely, topics such as health information or discussing personal vulnerability to the virus that are normally considered private were more openly discussed. It follows that the pandemic, in addition to changing the normal social dimensions of disclosure, may have led to changes in the cues and norms of online self-presentation as well.

Previous research has shown how current events within society are reflected on social media. For example, the attack on the offices of the magazine, Charlie Hebdo in 2015, saw thousands of people showing their support for the victims within hours of the attack, through the use of the French flag as a filter applied to profile pictures and the creation of images (e.g. memes depicting ‘Je suis Charlie’ ) shared through online profiles ( Browning, 2018 ). In the summer of 2020, support for the Black Lives Matter movement also spread through similar adjustments to images and hashtags shared across social media platforms ( Wellman, 2022 ). These illustrate the power of global crises to influence personal profiles and portrayals of identity online. However, data in relation to online self-presentation change arising from the COVID-19 pandemic, so far appear mixed.

An analysis of facemask images in the early stage of lockdown suggested a general hesitancy among Instagram influencers to show photos of themselves wearing masks, which may have resulted from their primary function as a health rather than fashion accessory ( Tomovska, 2021 ). Dou (2021) qualitatively examined how social media users sought to represent themselves as active despite the physical restrictions of lockdown, arguing that photography provided a means through which users were able to build a narrative around their pandemic experience which framed them as ‘digitally mobile’. For example, by displaying updates, reporting on disruption, and showing activities at home, ordinary Instagram users could still perform social actions and drive relationships despite being physically isolated. While no comparative analysis of images posted prior to lockdown was provided, it follows from Dou’s analysis that a person’s sense of agency and communication could be related to their capacity to manage the consequences of immobility during the pandemic. In other words, how users chose to represent and express themselves online may provide a coping mechanism through which individuals were able to overcome the emotional challenges and threats to well-being caused by physical isolation.

1.3. Relationships between social media and psychological well-being

A large number of academic studies have examined the relationship between social media and indicators of mental well-being, often reporting a negative association. For example, Faelens et al. (2021) used a diary approach to compare fluctuations in social media use, mood and negative thinking at several points during the day, over a two-week period, with results indicating that both levels of Facebook and Instagram use were predictive of reduced well-being. Some studies have linked the distracting effect of social media to increased stress and reduced happiness (e.g. Brooks, 2015 ), with some experimental evidence showing a direct connection between interruptions from notifications and reduced well-being ( Kushlev et al., 2016 ). Social media use at night has also been associated to increased anxiety and depression ( Woods and Scott, 2016 ), while deactivating social media accounts for 4 weeks was found to increase in subjective well-being ( Allcott et al., 2020 ). However, other analyses involving large data sets have suggested little evidence of a substantial negative association between screen time and well-being ( Orben and Przybylski, 2019a , 2019b ).

The polarized nature of previous findings not only arises from differences in the research methodologies adopted, but also the different experiences people have when using social media. For example, Valkenburg et al. (2006) found the frequency and tone of communication between friends can have opposite effects, with positive interactions improving well-being whereas negative feedback and interactions decreased well-being. Recent extensive reviews of the links between social media use and well-being (e.g. Parry et al., 2022 ; Valkenburg, 2022 ; Valkenburg et al., 2022 ) have pointed to the often weak or inconclusive findings regarding the relationship between social media use and well-being, due in part to the difficulties of defining the nature of social media interactions and the wide variety of mental health measures used.

With respect to online self-presentation, the importance of authenticity in how people communicate and portray themselves online has been emphasized, with those who are low in well-being being less likely to feel, or benefit from, being authentic due to the general positivity bias that exists on social media ( Reinecke and Trepte, 2014 ; Bailey et al., 2020 ). Reviews examining the relationship between online self-presentation and well-being provide some empirical support for this perspective, with measures that align with authentic self-presentation being associated with positive well-being outcomes, whereas idealized or false self-presentation (e.g. Twomey and O'Reilly, 2017 ) or passively viewing content ( De Vaate et al., 2020 ) are associated with poorer well-being. Interviews with young social media users suggest they typically perceive social media as a threat to mental health due to its impact on mood and anxiety ( O’Reilly et al., 2018 ), and due to the idealized self-presentation and search for social acceptance that occurs via the medium ( Moreton and Greenfield, 2022 ).

It is possible that changes in online self-presentation during the pandemic might also reconfigure the association between social media and well-being. However, so far, research examining this has been limited. Brailovskaia and Margraf (2021) reported a positive association between the burden felt by people due to COVID-19 and their addiction to social media, particularly in individuals with greater levels of anxiety. The authors argue that the sense of isolation and restriction experienced during the pandemic led to a reduced sense of control and a greater sense of reliance on social media. Dependency on social media during the pandemic has also been related to the inability in young adults to express personal emotions and distress in relation to COVID-19 ( Ballarotto et al., 2021 ). During lockdown, some evidence suggests younger users turned to social media as a coping mechanism for dealing with the lack of social contact ( Cauberghe et al., 2021 ), due to emotional discomfort with face-to-face interactions ( Xu et al., 2021 ) and due to direct personal experience of the negative consequences of the pandemic (e.g. Zhao and Zhou, 2020 ), but that such strategies either had no impact on, or increased, levels of unhappiness and depression. Yue et al. (2022) reported that people in quarantine during the pandemic tended to engage in more upwards social comparisons to others via social media, and that both upwards comparison and passive social media use were related to experiencing greater levels of stress during the pandemic. A cross-platform study examining links between active and passive social media use via Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and TikTok, with life satisfaction and mood during the pandemic has suggested the consequences for well-being may differ across platforms due to people’s motivations for using them ( Masciantonio et al., 2021 ). Active use of Instagram in particular, for posting images and commenting on posts, was positively related to satisfaction with life during the pandemic, but also greater negative affect, depending on the level of social support received.

Taken together, the existing literature in relation to COVID-19 suggests that individuals were able to use social media to compensate for reduced access to normal support networks during lockdown and in an attempt to mitigate increased anxiety ( Wiederhold, 2020 ). However, using social media for news about the pandemic, and its enduring affordances for supporting comparisons with others under conditions where personal liberty was restricted, also perpetuated negative consequences for well-being. This highlights the importance of investigating the specific nuances of the conditions under which social media was used during the COVID-19 pandemic.

1.4. Current study

The UK Government announced the first national lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic on 23 March 2020 which included the closure of non-essential businesses, the prohibition of social events and permission to leave home for one form of exercise per day or shopping for basic necessities. Public gatherings of more than two people, except from the same household, were also not allowed. Official data indicate the peak of the first wave of COVID-19 in England and Wales to have occurred in the week of 13 to 19 April 2020 when over 8700 deaths were reported ( ONS, 2021 ) with national indicators of public anxiety being at their highest between March and April 2020 ( ONS, 2022 ). With the introduction of restrictions and increased public concern, it was predicted that the nature of content posted on social media would have changed to reflect events. For example, where Instagram users may typically have posted about activities such as eating out, shopping, or socializing with friends before the pandemic, the removal of opportunities to engage in these behaviors during the pandemic, could have resulted in alternate forms of online self-presentation, or reductions in the use of social media overall. The present study therefore, firstly aimed to explore Instagram users’ posting habits in the 3-month periods prior to and during the first UK lockdown, examining whether this led to tangible changes in the type of content posted.

Hypothesis 1: The content of messages posted by Instagram users alters before and after the introduction of lockdown.

The chronology of lockdown in the UK saw numerous changes to restrictions. For example, non-essential shopping and social venues were permitted to reopen in June and July 2020, subject to appropriate social distancing measures being used. However, as COVID-19 case rates again began to increase, a second national lockdown came into effect in November 2020 initially for 4 weeks, followed by a third national lockdown in January 2021. During the period between November 2020 and January 2021, national indicators of life satisfaction and happiness also declined ( ONS, 2022 ), with restrictions on daily living remaining in place until March 2021.

This period of upheaval to everyday face-to-face contact provides an opportunity to explore the effect of the pandemic on social media behaviors, and to examine how psychological well-being specifically was associated with this. It is possible that people may have experienced positive benefits from how they displayed their experience of lockdown online. Equally, it is possible that a heightened sense of dependence on social media for information and changes in online self-presentation and vicarious expression of emotion during lockdown may have diminished well-being. Based on the existing literature, two additional hypotheses were therefore explored:

Hypothesis 2: Poorer psychological well-being during the pandemic is related to the content of Instagram messages posted during lockdown.

Hypothesis 3: Greater self-reported dependence on Instagram during the pandemic is related to the nature of online self-presentation, engagement with Instagram, and content of messages posted during lockdown.

2.1. Design

The study design consisted of two parts. In the first part of the study, a battery of psychometric questionnaires was completed by participants between November 2020 and January 2021, approximately 8 to 10 months after the beginning of the first UK lockdown. These measures were completed as part of an online survey and included the Ryff Psychological Well-being Scale ( Ryff, 1995 ), the Self-Presentation on Instagram Questionnaire ( Jackson and Luchner, 2018 ) and the Instagram Addiction Scale ( Sholeh and Rusdi, 2019 ). As part of the survey, the participants were also asked to provide their Instagram handle, so that the researchers could later contact them through Instagram after they had completed the survey. The purpose of this request was 2-fold. Firstly, it served as a mechanism through which participants could allow the researchers to view content from their Instagram profile. Secondly, it served as a key that could be used to connect participants’ responses to the online survey with data gathered during the second part of the study.

The second part of the study consisted of a content analysis of the accounts of Instagram users. The participants were informed that, if they provided their Instagram handle during the online survey, the researcher would later send them a follow request from an Instagram account set up by the researchers for the purposes of the study. If they accepted the follow request, the participants were informed that the researchers would look briefly at images posted on their profile in order to classify image types, but that no personal images would be downloaded or shared outside of the research team and no comments would be made on their profile. If they did not wish the researchers to view content from their Instagram profile, the participants could chose not to provide their Instagram handle during the survey or could decline the follow request, without prejudice.

For each user who consented, up to 10 Instagram images posted before the start of lockdown, and 10 images posted immediately following the start of lockdown were retrospectively coded. Only images that had been posted in the 3-month periods from January to 23 March 2020, and from 23 rd March to June 2020 were examined. No specific reference to COVID-19 was made in the instructions given to participants about the classification of images. After image coding was completed, the researchers unfollowed the participant’s Instagram profile.

2.2. Participants

The research was conducted in accordance with the BPS Code of Human Research Ethics ( British Psychological Society, 2014 ) and approved by the relevant ethics committee at our institution. Participation in the study was voluntary, with participants being provided with detailed information about both the nature of the survey questions they would answer and request to later share access to their Instagram profile for the purpose of coding images, at the beginning of the online survey. Formal consent for both elements of the study was obtained from participants at this stage, before participants were able to progress to view the survey questions. Participants were free to withdraw from the study at any time, either during the survey stage or image coding stage, by contacting the researchers and requesting their data to be removed from the study. All Instagram usernames and data provided by participants were treated confidentially and only accessible to the researchers, such that the anonymity of participants was protected.

A purposive sampling (typical case) approach was used to ensure the sample selected was appropriate to the aims of the research ( Etikan et al., 2016 ). This meant that participants were required to be regular and active users of Instagram from the UK, a population that is biased towards females and younger age groups ( Statista, 2022 ).

Participants were primarily recruited through advertisements placed on Instagram inviting users to take part in the online survey, and received no reward for taking part. Additional participants were recruited through an optional research participation scheme available to psychology students within our institution who were able to receive course credit for taking part in the study. In total, 239 people responded to the initial advertisement of whom 177 participants completed the online survey (response rate, 74.1%). Of these, 141 were female, 31 were male, and 4 identified their gender as non-binary. Participants’ ages in this sample ranged between 18 and 30 years ( M  = 19.8, SD  = 1.9).

Data from 68 participants were excluded from the analysis of Instagram posts due to the participant either not being in the UK during lockdown, failing to provide a valid Instagram handle, or failing to grant access to their Instagram account. A further 36 participants were excluded from analysis as they had posted no images in either of the 3-month periods of interest. This yielded a total of 73 usable data cases (65 females and 8 males) of whom 48% were university students, 28% were working full-time, 16% were working part-time and 7% were unemployed prior to lockdown. The Instagram characteristics of the remaining participants, indicated their active engagement with Instagram (median number of followers = 1007; median number of accounts followed = 731; median daily screen time spent using Instagram = 61 minutes).

2.3. Coding of Instagram images and captions

Content analysis was used to categorize images and image captions, using a 21-point coding scheme developed for the purposes of the current study ( Table 1 ). Each image was categorized on the basis of whether this depicted a selfie, posed photograph of the individual profile owner taken by another person, a group photograph of several people, or image containing no people. For selfies and individual images, these were additionally classified on the basis of whether the person was dressed up in formal or fashionable clothing typically not worn when at home, whether the image was posted to reflect a change in the profile owner’s normal appearance, and (for female participants only) whether the image depicted the profile owner wearing make-up or showed their natural facial appearance (without cosmetics). For individual and group images, the location of the image was also categorized as being either ‘inside’ (specifically in a domestic home) or ‘outside’ (meaning either outdoors in a public space or at an external venue such as a bar, restaurant, or event). Posts containing no people such as images of animals, landscapes or text were also recorded but not further subcategorized. ‘Throwback’ images depicting events specifically described as being in the profile owner’s past were also classified on the basis of whether they were an individual image (e.g. photograph of the profile owner at a younger age), an image of a past holiday or trip or a past social event with friends and family. With respect to image captions, these were classified on the basis of valence (conveying positive or negative emotions or reactions), political content and whether the caption was intended to communicate an inspirational message or descriptive explanation of the image content. For the purposes of the positive or negative coding of captions, positive captions were broadly characterized according to the primary emotional responses identified by Fredrickson (1998) and positive affective responses identified by Watson et al. (1988) . This comprised any captions expressing responses including but not limited to joy, gratitude, interest, pride, amusement, excitement, love, strength, determination or enthusiasm. In contrast, negative captions were characterized according to the negative emotional dispositions identified by Izard et al. (1993) and negative affective responses identified by Watson et al. (1988) . These included but were not limited to sadness, anger, disgust, contempt, fear, guilt, shame, inward hostility, upset, irritation and nervousness.

Instagram Image and Caption coding scheme

In total, 686 images (394 before lockdown and 292 during lockdown) and 254 image captions were coded. In order to evaluate the reliability of the coding scheme, responses from a subset of 20 participants were evaluated by a second independent coder and the inter-rater consistency was calculated. Agreement between the primary and independent coder was found to be statistically significant for all 21 coding categories, with Cohen’s κ values ranging from 0.64 ( p = 0.002) to 1.00 ( p < 0.001); mean κ  = 0.91 indicating good agreement.

2.4. Questionnaire measures

2.4.1. psychological well-being.

A shortened version of the Ryff Psychological Well-being Scale was used comprising three out of six of the original subscales. The three subscales selected were (i) Personal Growth, indicating the degree to which a person is open to new experiences and personal development (e.g. ‘I do not enjoy being in new situations that require me to change my old familiar ways of doing things’); (ii) Purpose in Life , indicating the degree to which a person has goals and believes their life has meaning (e.g. ‘I enjoy making plans for the future and working to make them a reality’); and Self-Acceptance , indicating the extent to which a person embraces and accepts all aspects of themselves unconditionally (e.g. ‘When I look at the story of my life, I am pleased with how things have turned out’ ). Each subscale consisted of seven items rated on a 6-point Likert scale (1 - strongly disagree to 6 - strongly agree), with higher scores indicative of greater general well-being. Cronbach’s α values for the three subscales ranged from 0.74 to .86.

2.4.2. Self-presentation on Instagram scale

The Self-Presentation on Instagram Questionnaire was created as an adaptation of the Self-Presentation on Facebook Questionnaire ( Michikyan et al., 2014 ). The questionnaire consists of 5 subscales intended to measure different forms of online self-presentation: (i) Real self-presentation , the degree to which authentic feelings are portrayed motivated by a person’s true attributes and characteristics (e.g. ‘Who I am online is similar to who I am offline’); (ii) Ideal self-presentation, the degree to which the a person’s online portrayal is motivated by their personal desires and aspirations for how they would like to be (e.g. ‘I post things on Instagram to show aspects of who I want to be’); (iii) False deception, the degree to which someone’s online persona or behavior provides an incorrect or misleading view of themselves (e.g. ‘I am a completely different person online than I am offline’); (iv) False self-exploration , the degree to which inaccurate portrayals online are motivated by wanting to explore different aspects of self (e.g. ‘On Instagram I can try out many aspects of who I am much more than I can in real life’); (v) False self-impression , the degree to which inaccurate portrayals online are motivated by wanting to conform to perceived social norms and expectation (e.g. ‘I try to impress others with the photos I post of myself on my Instagram profile’). Participants indicate their degree of agreement to 17 items using a 5-point Likert scale (1 - strongly disagree, to 5 - strongly agree), with higher scores indicating a greater tendency to exhibit that specific form of online self-presentation. Cronbach’s α values for the five subscales ranged from 0.65 to 0.75.

Mean frequency of different Instagram image types for participants’ 10 most recent images posted before and during lockdown (Error bars indicate +1SD).

2.4.3. Instagram addiction scale

The Instagram Addiction Scale (TIAS) measures participant’s self-reported sense of dependency and reliance on Instagram ( Sholeh and Rusdi, 2019 ). For the purposes of the current study, two components of the scale were combined into a single Instagram addiction measure consisting of 7 items (Cronbach’s 𝑎 = 0.75). This included items assessing Tolerance defined as the tendency to develop behaviors on Instagram beyond simple posting (e.g. ‘I comment on photos/ videos posted by friends on my Instagram feed to get feedback’); and Conflict Addiction defined as difficulty with completing other responsibilities because of Instagram (e.g. ‘I often see content on my Instagram feed which causes me to neglect my work or study’. Participants indicated their degree of agreement to each item using a 5-point Likert scale (1 - strongly disagree to 5 - strongly agree), with higher scores indicating a greater degree of subjective dependency and addiction to Instagram.

3.1. Comparison of Instagram posts before and during lockdown.

In order to examine changes in posting habits, the frequency with which different image types and message captions were posted were compared within each coding category. Changes in the nature of images posted, and captions used by Instagram profile owners were found ( Fig. 1 ). During lockdown, Profile owners posted more selfies (100% increase), fewer posed images (58% decrease) or images outside the home (84% decrease), and fewer group images both inside and outside the home (92% decrease). The reposting of throwback photographs of past events also increased dramatically (1180% increase), albeit from a very low base rate prior to lockdown. In the case of female participants, selfies depicting the profile owner wearing make-up increased dramatically (87% increase) following the start of lockdown, but posed images of female profile owners wearing make-up decreased (46% decrease). Overall, no significant change in the total number of images posted by participants in the period before ( M  = 3.59, SD  = 3.37, maximum  = 17) and during lockdown ( M  = 3.63, SD  = 3.90, maximum  = 21) was observed in the sample ( t( 72) = 0.13, p = 0.89  ns ).

The overall nature of image captions changed in relation to lockdown. Both the use of captions to explain the content of images (47% decrease) and the use of captions conveying positive emotions or mood (70% decrease) fell during lockdown, whereas the frequency of captions conveying negative emotions increased by a factor 15, having been largely absent from the Instagram posts examined prior to lockdown.

Non-parametric Wilcoxon-signed ranks tests were conducted to test for significant differences in the frequency of each image or caption type posted before and after lockdown. Three image types with fewer than 10 instances were excluded from this analysis: appearance change images (either selfie or posed), and selfies of the profile owner dressed-up. After correcting for type I error, using the Bonferroni adjustment method, the frequency of images posted was found to increase significantly for five different image categories from before lockdown to during lockdown. Specifically, the number of posts of selfies with makeup ( z  = 3.03, P  = 0.002), selfies with a natural face ( z  = 2.48,   p = 0.013) and the number of throwback images of the profile owner on their own ( z  = 3.12, p  = 0.002), throwback images of past holidays ( z  = 2.48, p  = 0.013) and throwback images socializing with family and friends ( z  = 3.68, p  < 0.001), all increased significantly during the lockdown.

Relationships between Instagram posting behaviors during lockdown with psychological well-being, Instagram addiction and motives for online self-presentation (Spearman’s ϱ correlation coefficients, df  = 71)

Notes.   * Significant at p < 0.05 (2-tailed, unadjusted) ** Significant after Bonferroni correction for family-wise error (2-tailed, adjusted p ).

For four other image types, the frequency with which people posted decreased significantly during the lockdown. Individual posed images of the profile owner dressed-up smartly or fashionably ( z  = 3.89, p <  0.001), posed individual ( z  = 3.12, p= 0.002) and group images ( z  = 3.12, p  = .002) in outdoor locations, and also group images taken indoors ( z  = 3.12, p  = 0.002) all decreased significantly during lockdown. However no significant change in the number of images posted without people was observed ( z  = 1.29, p  = 0.197  ns ).

With respect to the use of message captions, the increased use of political captions ( z  = 4.12, p <  0.001) and captions conveying negative emotions ( z  = 4.22, p <  0.001) during lockdown was statistically significant; the decreased use of explainer captions ( z  = 2.94, p  = 0.003) and captions conveying positive emotions ( z  = 3.29, p  < 0.001) compared to before lockdown was also statistically significant. Hypothesis 1, that there would be a significant change in the social media content of messages posted by Instagram users before and after the start of lockdown, was therefore supported.

3.2. Relationships between Instagram posting behavior during lockdown with psychological well-being, social media addiction and online self-presentation

Table 2 shows the relationships (Spearman’s ϱ correlations) between participants posting habits after the start of lockdown with self-report measures of psychological well-being, dependency on Instagram and motivations behind participants’ online self-presentation. Bias corrected accelerated (BCa) confidence intervals were also calculated for each correlation coefficient based on 1000 bootstrapped samples.

After correcting for type I error, using the Bonferroni adjustment method ( Curtin and Schulz, 1998 ), only five significant correlations remained. A negative correlation was observed between the Ryff Personal Growth scale and the frequency of posting group images during lockdown ( ϱ (71) = −0.33, p = 0.005, 95% CI [−65, 0.15]), suggesting those who reported a greater sense of personal development during lockdown had been less likely to post group photographs with others indoors during the initial stages of lockdown. However, it should be noted that confidence interval range for these data included a value of ϱ  = 0, suggesting caution should be placed on this interpretation. No other significant relationships were found between the frequency of different images types or captions posted during lockdown and psychological well-being.

A positive correlation was observed between Instagram addiction scale scores and the frequency of posting individual images of the profile holder dressed up during lockdown ( ϱ (71) = 0.36, p  = 0.002, 95% CI [0.14, 0.53]), suggesting those who felt more dependent on Instagram during lockdown were more likely to post images of themselves wearing formal or fashionable clothes, typically worn when going out. With respect to online self-presentation, posting images during the initial months of lockdown containing no people was found to be positively correlated with real self-presentation ( ϱ (71) = 0.39, p  < 0.001, 95% CI [0.18, 0.55]), and negatively correlated with deceptive self-presentation ( ϱ (71) = −0.31, p  = 0.009, 95% CI [−0.46, −0.09]). In addition, deceptive self-presentation was positively correlated with a greater frequency of posting individual images of the profile owner in outside locations (ϱ(71) = 0.39, p  < 0.001, 95% CI [0.18, 0.55]). Taken together, these relationships could suggest that individuals who are prone to present misleading representations of themselves were more likely to post images which avoided the reality of lockdown.

Given the interrelated nature of the variables examined, a two-stage stepwise hierarchical regression model ( Cohen et al., 2002 ) was conducted to determine which factors might uniquely predict psychological well-being during lockdown, when the connections between variables were taken into consideration. For this analysis, overall well-being data were used as the criterion variable by combining total scores from the three the Ryff psychological well-being subscales, where higher scores indicated greater well-being during lockdown ( Table 3 ). In the first stage of the model, self-reported dependency on Instagram (Instagram Addiction scale scores) and the three primary forms of online self-presentation (real, ideal and false) were entered directly into the regression. The frequency with which different image types were posted after lockdown began were entered using stepwise selection at the second stage of the model. Image categories were entered in this order as it seemed logical to examine if specific posting habits were predictive of subsequent well-being, after concurrent individual difference factors that may be linked to well-being (e.g. sense of dependency and beliefs about how users see themselves online) had been controlled.

Hierarchical linear regression model for overall participant well-being during lockdown (criterion) using stepwise selection of predictor variables (online self-presentation, Instagram dependency and frequency of image types posted during lockdown)

Notes. †Overall false online self-presentation calculated using combined false self-impression, false self-exploration and false deception subscales. * p  < 0.05 **   p  < 0.01 ***   p  < 0.001.

Examination of collinearity statistics for the variables used within the regression suggested these were within acceptable limits (minimum tolerance, 0.318; all VIF values below 4), such that multicollinearity could be assumed not to be present within the data set. Data for the criterion variable and stage 1 predictor variables did not differ significantly from a normal distribution of scores (Kolmogorov–Smirnov test results ranged from D (73) = 0.08, p  = 0.20  ns to D (73) = 0.10, p  = 0.07  ns ). However, the frequencies with which different image types were posted were not normally distributed (Kolmogorov–Smirnov test results for the 18 different image categories ranged from D (73) = 0.344, p  < 0.001 to D (73) = 0.540, p  < 0.001)). The raw frequency data for each image category were therefore converted to ranks prior to inclusion in the regression model, where higher rank values indicated a greater frequency of posting.

A significant regression model was produced at stage one, F (4,67) = 3.44, p  = 0.013; r 2  = 0.170. This contained only one significant predictor, Real Online Self-Presentation , which accounted for 16.7% of the variation in well-being scores during lockdown. At stage 2, two image types met the stepwise criteria ( P  < 0.05) to be included in the model. The addition of posting natural selfies accounted for a further 11.9% of the variation in well-being, and significantly improved the overall regression model F change (1,66) = 9.56, p  = 0.003; Δr 2  = 0.105). The addition of posting group photos indoors also significantly improved the regression model F change (1,65) = 5.48, p  = 0.022; Δr 2  = 0.056), accounting for a further 7.8% of the variation in well-being.

This analysis suggests that improved psychological well-being during lockdown could therefore be predicted from an increased tendency to present an authentic version of oneself online, a greater the number of selfies depicting natural appearance posted in the initial phase of lockdown, and the posting of fewer indoor group images during lockdown. All three factors had a unique impact on well-being, when variance from other sources was taken into consideration. Hypothesis 2, that the specific content of lockdown posts would be related to well-being was therefore was therefore only partially supported, since only two of the 21 image categories examined significantly predicted well-being.

3.3. Relationships between social media addiction with psychological well-being and online self-presentation

Positive correlations were observed between Instagram addiction scale scores with both idealized self-presentation ( ϱ (71) = 0.48, p  < 0.001, 95% CI [0.27, 0.66]) and false self-presentation ( ϱ (71) = 0.45, p  < 0.001, 95% CI [0.23, 0.65]), suggesting that participants who felt more dependent on Instagram during lockdown were more likely to present aspirational versions of themselves online, or attempted to manage their self-representation to confirm to expected social media norms. Positive correlations were observed between real online self-presentation and two aspects of psychological well-being: Personal Growth ( ϱ (71) = 0.42, p  < 0.001, 95% CI [0.25, 0.59]), and Self-Acceptance ( ϱ (71) = 0.38, p  = 0.001, 95% CI [0.22, 0.53]) suggesting that participants with a greater sense of self development and acceptance during lockdown tended to present a more authentic reflection of their character online. However, self-reported dependency on Instagram was not found to be related to psychological well-being during lockdown ( Table 4 ).

Relationships between self-report measures of psychological well-being, Instagram addiction and motives for online self-presentation during lockdown (Spearman’s ϱ correlation coefficients, df  = 71)

Notes. * Significant at p  < 0.05 (2-tailed, unadjusted) ** Significant after Bonferroni correction for family-wise error (2-tailed, adjusted p ).

Multiple regression model for social media dependency (criterion variable, Instagram addiction) experienced during lockdown using direct entry of predictor variables (online self-presentation, psychological well-being and indices of engagement)

Notes. †Overall false online self-presentation calculated using combined false self-impression, false self-exploration and false deception subscales. ‡Overall well-being calculated using combined Self-Acceptance, Purpose in Life and Personal Growth subscales. * p < 0.05

With respect to users’ personal engagement with Instagram, represented by their number of followers, and the number of other Instagram accounts they personally followed, it was found that having a greater number of followers during lockdown was associated with two aspects of well-being: a greater sense of personal growth ( ϱ (71) = 0.34, p  = 0.003, 95% CI [0.11, 0.51]) and self-acceptance ( ϱ (71) = 0.33, p  = 0.005, 95% CI [0.09, 0.53]). Having a larger number of followers was also associated with greater idealized online self-presentation ( ϱ (71) = 0.31, p  = 0.007, 95% CI [0.11, 0.51]). However, no relationships were found between following more accounts and any aspects of psychological well-being, or online self-presentation, after Bonferroni corrections for type I error were applied.

A further multiple regression model was also calculated using self-reported dependency on Instagram (Instagram Addiction scale scores) as the criterion variable and the three primary forms of online self-presentation (real, ideal and false), psychological well-being and other engagement indices (number of followers and accounts followed) as predictors ( Table 5 ). A significant regression model was produced, F (6,65) = 6.925, p  < 0.001, r 2  = 0.39, which contained three significant predictors. Idealized self-presentation and false self-presentation were each found to account for 4.9% of the variance in Instagram dependency, while number of followers accounted for 5.9% of the variation in dependency scores during lockdown. Hypothesis 3, that a greater sense of dependency on Instagram during the pandemic would be related to the nature of online self-presentation and posting behaviors during lockdown, was therefore partially supported, whereby Instagram addiction was related to two types of online self-presentation, but was related to only one of the different image and caption content categories examined.

This research is among the first to provide an insight into the relationship between the COVID-19 pandemic and the nature of images social media users selected to represent themselves online during this period. Clear evidence of a change in self-presentation through online posting habits was found following the start of the pandemic. A move away from posting posed individual and group images, particularly in outdoor locations was seen. Given the physical restrictions imposed on everyday living during the initial phase of the pandemic, and the inappropriateness or potential stigma associated with posting images that contradicted COVID-19 guidelines, this was perhaps understandable. Online representations of the self through social media are not disembodied from personal existence; rather a person’s online and offline self are normally deeply entwined ( Dou, 2021 ). Social media users do, however, possess control over the identity they chose to construct online through the social relationships and actions they choose to display. For example, a reduction in group images taken inside the home was also noted in the present study sample, which could reflect a real diminished opportunity to physically interact with others, an avoidance of posting images which might be challenged by their intended audience, or a reluctance to take or post images with other members of their household which might appear mundane.

By comparison, a large increase in the posting of ‘throwback’ images was observed, a practice which had been largely absent in the sample prior to lockdown. These included images of previously posted social events, images of previous holidays and trips, and personal images of profile owners taken prior to the pandemic, depicting a different period of life. Such images allowed the opportunity for profile owners to publically reminisce about how their life had been, which is known to be effective as a way of facilitating social interaction and raising self-esteem (e.g. Pinquart and Forstmeier, 2012 ), and also as a means to retrospectively experience and portray an identity to others of someone who is normally an active, busy and engaged individual. The increased posting of throwback images during lockdown is consistent with trends reported by other authors who noted the online expression of positive sentiment towards travel and aspirational planning through sharing images via travel-based social media sites during the pandemic ( Elliot and Lever, 2022 ). The visual exploitation of past activities also allowed individuals to retain a sense of agency by presenting themselves as normally socially active beings ( Dou, 2021 ). By posting throwback images with their friends and families, Instagram users were able to continue presenting themselves in a similar way as they did before lockdown, without contravening government guidelines regarding social distancing and quarantining.

While the posting of posed images generally decreased, the posting of selfies by female users significantly increased. While these images on the surface may appear ordinary, they provide a vehicle for self-expression and engagement through which communication with others could be maintained. This was true for the posting of ‘lockdown images’ showing female profile owners at home with facial make-up, more typically be worn on a night out; but increases were also seen in the posting of ‘natural’ selfies without facial make-up. A possible explanation for this is offered by Dou (2021) , who argues sharing updates about pastimes undertaken at home during the pandemic allows an individual to showcase their capacity to rise above the physical restrictions of lockdown and portray a ‘dynamic’ self-image that was different from their current reality. Despite this, no consistent pattern was observed between the posting of different image types and the five self-reported motives for online self-presentation examined in the current study that might serve to support this assertion. Only two exceptions were noted, which included the relationship found between posting posed individual images outside during lockdown and greater deceptive online self-presentation. Additionally, those who reported a greater sense of dependency on Instagram were more likely to post images of themselves dressed-up in smart and fashionable clothing during lockdown. It could be argued that outdoor images in social locations, and posed images of profile owners dressed-up in clothing more typically worn when going out, both reflect the more conventional types of images seen on Instagram to develop social capital and show off aspects of a person’s social lives (e.g. Hu et al., 2014 ; Reimann et al., 2021 ). However, the frequency of posting both image types decreased significantly during lockdown, and overall no other relationships were identified between the measures of impression management explored in the current study and the content of Instagram images.

The pattern of relationships between participants’ self-reported dependency (addiction) to Instagram and the less authentic self-presentation (i.e. idealized self-presentation and false self-impressions) suggested that those who reported being more addicted to Instagram during lockdown were also more likely to present themselves less authentically on Instagram, for example by posting posed images of themselves dressed-up. Previous studies have articulated the mechanisms by which having a more idealized online self-representation in the form an aesthetically pleasing Instagram account leads to more positive opinions of account holders (e.g. Harris and Bardey, 2019 ), and how profile owners are motivated to share content that appears interesting and attractive in order to receive approval from others (e.g. Yau & Reich, 2019 ). Data from the present study suggest similar associations may still have been present in the thoughts of profile owners during lockdown, in some cases; however overall there was no strong evidence of a relationship between self-reported Instagram addiction and the specific content of the Instagram images posted in this period (beyond the posting of posed, dressed-up images).

It has been generally observed that use of Instagram and other forms of social media increased dramatically during the pandemic (e.g. Vall-Roqué et al., 2021 ). While there was a change in the nature of content people chose to share, no evidence of a change in the overall number of Instagram posts made by users was found in the present study, when examined for the same fixed period before and after the start of lockdown. This may reflect a growth principally in more passive social media browsing during the pandemic and suggest a general difficulty in finding alternative forms of content for users to post about given the general reduction in social events, opportunities to celebrate, and requirement to stay at home. Equally, this could reflect a general reluctance among users to post new, idealized or boastful content at a time of national crisis. The latter view is consistent with the evidence from the current study of a general reduction in the posting of positive Instagram captions and explanatory captions to accompany images during lockdown, and a move towards more negative and political message captions. This also supports the observations of other authors who identified a shift towards more open and honest self-disclosure during the pandemic (e.g. Nabity-Grover et al., 2020 ) with topics that would normally not be regarded as appropriate for social media, such as expressing disappointment, fears or worries becoming more prevalent in captions. These findings agree with the idea of social media being used as a means by which to regulate negative emotions during the pandemic through sharing thoughts and feelings with others (e.g. Cauberghe et al., 2021 ).

In the present study, while the general frequency of images posted showing no people did not change after the start of lockdown, relationships were observed between posting images without people during lockdown and more authentic and less deceptive self-presentation online. The connection between profile owners not showing themselves in their own posts and genuine self-presentation, together with the general reduction in explanatory captions that occurred might indicate a pattern by which the visibility and voice of profile owners was purposefully removed, in order to reflect more authentic online self-expression, at a time when society was also physically isolating and less visible during the early stages of lockdown. In addition to Instagram captions regarding the British Government’s role in controlling the COVID-19 virus and messages in support of the NHS, the increase in political captions observed also reflected other global events at the time of the pandemic including the Black Lives Matter movement ( Wellman, 2022 ). These findings demonstrate how people outwardly participate in, and align their identity with, contemporary cultural events by adapting their online self-presentation (e.g. Browning, 2017).

Overall, no evidence was found to support the idea that psychological well-being during lockdown could be predicted by the types of images used by Instagram users when the UK first entered lockdown. Only one association was found between reduced personal growth and the posting of indoor group images, although the finding could not be considered statistically robust and requires further exploration. Thus, psychological well-being during the lockdown did not appear to be unduly affected by social media use. Kaya (2020) has argued that having similarly restricted lifestyles and shared experiences during the pandemic may have created a shift towards a more common shared purpose of survival, such that well-being was not negatively affected as a result of greater social media use. This view is partially corroborated by the current study which suggested greater psychological well-being (with respect to personal growth and self-acceptance) during lockdown was significantly related to having a greater number of Instagram followers and engaging in more authentic online self-representation. Maintaining an active social media follower network during lockdown may then have contributed to protecting well-being, whereas conventional social media posting behaviors such as images emphasizing appearance, sociability or idealized lifestyles had no association with well-being. These results also suggest that those who tend to present their true self on Instagram were more likely to report better psychological well-being following the start of lockdown, in agreement with the experimental findings of Bailey et al. (2020) regarding authentic self-presentation online and subjective well-being examined prior to the pandemic.

A limitation of the current study is that the examination of Instagram posting habits was restricted to the 3 months before and immediately following the start of lockdown. This design was used to ensure that image content related to a fixed point in time, when participants were experiencing the same national events. We argue that the images posted in the 3-month period before lockdown would have been representative of users’ typical Instagram posting activity, and that the images posted in the 3-month period following the start of lockdown would be reflective of their personal experience and response to the national crisis when COVID-19 case rates began to rise and civil liberties were first restricted. This fixed sampling approach was chosen in preference to examining Instagram content posted concurrently at the same time as the online survey being completed, or for the whole period of lockdown because not all participants completed the online survey at the same point in time. During the period between November 2020 and January 2021 when the online survey was conducted, several further changes to national restrictions were introduced at different points which varied by region, including the partial reopening of social venues in some locations, changes to permitted group size gatherings, a three-tier lockdown system based on local case rates, and a further national lockdown. It follows that the range of personal freedoms, availability or volume of content that participants had opportunities to post images about would therefore, not have been consistent if Instagram content had been sampled at different time points dependent upon when participants were completing the survey.

It can be suggested that examining the relationship between posting behavior and well-being data gathered several months apart will naturally underestimate the size of the relationship between variables, and so this limits the interpretation of the data. However, this aspect of our study design was central to exploring the research question of whether online self-presentation in response to a crisis might be predictive of later well-being during that crisis. The prediction of well-being responses from antecedent behaviors is also a general approach which is well established in the psychological literature (e.g. Ryan and Deci, 2001 ; Matthews et al., 2014 ). While the COVID-19 pandemic undoubtedly impacted on national subjective well-being (e.g. Möhring et al., 2021 ), previous research has also suggested that psychological well-being is a characteristic which remains relatively stable in individuals over time ( Chamberlain and Zika, 1992 ; Nes et al., 2006 ). This arises because well-being not only is responsive to external circumstances but also consists of more enduring eudaimonic qualities ( Ryff and Singer, 2008 ), including the finding meaning in how we approach challenges in life, developing a sense of personal growth and an awareness and acceptance of one’s limitations. These are the specific dimensions of well-being which were assessed by the Ryff well-being subscales selected for the present study are thought to be less ephemeral than more hedonic aspects of well-being, related to mood, pleasure or happiness ( Diener, 1984 ). There was therefore, no apriori reason at the time of data collection to suspect that participants’ experience at the time of lockdown could not be linked to well-being by virtue of the study design adopted.

Subsequently, the progression of the pandemic within the UK subsequently consisted of three separate lockdown periods, during which guidelines and Government regulations changed several times. It is therefore possible that participants’ psychological condition, and the factors contributing to it, during this prolonged period of isolation will have varied considerably from the first 3 months of lockdown, captured within their social media profile. Given the retrospective nature of the current study, the well-being of participants could also not be measured prior to, or at the time of the first lockdown, such that absolute levels of well-being during lockdown only could be examined, rather than changes in well-being. The current study therefore only provides a snapshot of participants’ initial responses while lockdown was still relatively new, and how this was predictive of psychological responses approximately 5–8 months later. Future research into posting habits during the pandemic could usefully examine changes in later posting habits, to fully explore how online self-presentation may have altered throughout the entirety of the pandemic.

A further limitation of the current study is that university students comprised approximately half of the sample population. While there is no evidence to suspect that students were not also affected psychological by the pandemic, it is possible that their experience of the initial stages of lockdown may have differed from those in other demographic groups, such as those in full-time work or with family responsibilities. For example, the initial phase of lockdown provided a potential release from the regular structure of university study for students, such that this may not have been experienced to the same extent, as a personal restriction. Moreover in the UK, students on more practically focused courses were still able to attend university at different points during lockdown such that changes to their everyday experience were less pronounced.

Given the two-part nature of the current study, a further consideration was participant drop-out. Of the 177 participants who completed the survey phase of the study, access to Instagram accounts for the coding of images posted before and during lockdown was available for only 73 participants. In most cases ( n  = 69), incomplete data were due to participants not providing access to their profile, with further participants ( n  = 36) being excluded for not having posted any content on Instagram in either the 3 months before lockdown, or first 3 months during the lockdown. It is possible that those who experienced greater difficulties during lockdown may have felt less comfortable sharing personal content, or may have been more likely not to post content, such that drop-out was non-random. An examination of the survey data showed no significant differences to exist between included and excluded groups, with respect to psychological well-being, self-reported Instagram addiction or motivations for online self-presentation. However, the possibility remains that differences could have existed in the focus of images posted by those who did not share access to their Instagram profile that was beyond the reach of the current study, or that other psychological differences existed between those who chose not to engage with social media entirely during lockdown and those who did. Exploring why people may discontinue use of social media at times of national crisis and trauma could therefore, be a useful area for exploration in further studies.

The current study provides empirical data regarding how social media behaviors can be impacted by global events. Clear evidence of a change in online posting habits and self-presentation among Instagram users was found following the start of the pandemic, although no evidence was found to support the hypothesis that immediate shifts in the type of images posted were predictive of psychological well-being further into lockdown. Other mechanisms of user interaction or engagement with social media, independent of image choice, may therefore be more important in determining the psychological impact of COVID-19 on Instagram users. In particular, users’ overall sense of dependency on Instagram during lockdown, and the degree to which their online self-representation was authentic appeared more critical to psychological well-being.

The research was supported by the Faculty of Science & Health, University of Portsmouth. The research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

The data that support the findings of this study are openly available in Mendeley Data at http://doi.org/10.17632/6x5x6ngk3n.1 . However, the images coded in the study are not publicly available due to their containing information that would compromise the privacy of research participants.

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• Social Media

Instagram Makes Teen Girls Hate Themselves. Is That a Bug or a Feature?

T he features within Instagram that cause teenage girls to develop negative feelings about their body image may be baked into the very core of the platform, researchers and former employees have said in the wake of new revelations that the company did not disclose what it knew about its impact on young users.

Facebook, which owns Instagram, has known for years that the platform is harmful to the mental health of many teenagers—particularly girls—but has kept internal research about the issue private, according to a Wall Street Journal report published Tuesday.

In response to the Journal report, a bipartisan group of Senators said they would launch an investigation into what Facebook knew about Instagram’s effect on teenage users. Instagram said it was proud of the research, and that it is constantly improving how its app works to protect users from harm.

Read more: From Instagram’s Toll on Teens to Unmoderated ‘Elite’ Users, Here’s a Break Down of the Wall Street Journal ’s Facebook Revelations

But researchers and former Facebook employees say Instagram’s problems may be inherent to the platform and therefore almost impossible to fix. “I think because Instagram is based on images, it is difficult to not make it an appearance-focused environment,” said Jasmine Fardouly, a research fellow at the University of New South Wales in Australia focused on social media’s impact on body image. “We may be able to reduce harm, but there will always be some ways that Instagram is harmful.”

Some also point out that Facebook’s interests as a company often conflict with the safety of its users. “We have to acknowledge the broader point that Instagram and other social media apps are designed to keep people using them for as many hours as possible, because that’s how they make the most money,” says Jean Twenge, author of iGen , a book about the first generation who grew up with smartphones and social media. “That means you’re going to have a collision between what’s good for mental health and what’s good for profit.”

The harmful impact of Instagram

An internal Instagram presentation from March 2020 seen by the Journal said that when 32% of teenage girls “felt bad about their bodies, Instagram made them feel worse.”

The Journal also found that Instagram research showed that, among teenage users who reported suicidal thoughts, 13% of British users and 6% of American users traced those feelings to their use of Instagram. Researchers found that young women’s self image was especially badly affected by making comparisons between themselves and what they viewed on the platform.

But in Congressional testimony in March 2021, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg indicated to lawmakers that research had shown that social media apps had “positive mental-health benefits” when used to connect with others.

According to researchers, platforms like Instagram can contribute to body image issues and depression because humans have an innate desire to compare themselves to others.

“People have always wanted to present the best version of themselves to others,” says Fardouly. “It’s just that on social media people often present a very enhanced, unrealistic version of their appearance.”

Read more: How Social Media Is a Toxic Mirror

But social media apps like Instagram exacerbate that problem for a segment of the population that is already prone to making these comparisons, some experts argue. “[It] could just be that a system that encourages visual sharing unintentionally creates a prestige economy that is detrimental to the vulnerable,” said Samidh Chakrabarti, a former high-ranking Facebook employee focused on fixing the structural issues with the platform, who recently left his role at the company, in a tweet .

That’s an “important distinction” to the assumption that Instagram’s problems stem from simply trying to maximize profit at all costs, Chakrabarti argued, because it points to something deeper, at the very heart of what makes Instagram what it is and “suggests different (and harder) remedies.”

How Instagram could address the problem

Research shows that when users are presented with a more diverse range of appearances, backgrounds, and body shapes and sizes on social media, there can be a positive impact on their mental health and body image, according to Phillippa Diedrichs, a leading body image researcher who said she has carried out paid consulting work for Instagram.

Diedrichs said that in her consultations with Instagram, she looked at how the company could “embed some of those findings into the design of the app.”

“It’s things like: how do you make it easier for users to find content that can be beneficial for wellbeing, or be directed to that content?” she said in an interview with TIME. “If you notice that users are engaging in behaviors or viewing a lot of content that might be potentially harmful to them, how might you nudge them to say, hey, we’ve noticed that you’re looking at this, you’ve been spending a lot of time looking at this, would you like to look at something else?”

The changes, Diedrichs said, are a work in progress and have not yet been launched.

Instagram said in a blog post on Tuesday that its internal research shows social media usage can be beneficial as well as detrimental, and said that it is working on structural changes to its platform to counteract how it contributes to negative body image issues.

“One idea we think has promise is finding opportunities to jump in if we see people dwelling on certain types of content,” the blog post said. “From our research, we’re starting to understand the types of content some people feel may contribute to negative social comparison, and we’re exploring ways to prompt them to look at different topics if they’re repeatedly looking at this type of content. We’re cautiously optimistic that these nudges will help point people towards content that inspires and uplifts them, and to a larger extent, will shift the part of Instagram’s culture that focuses on how people look.”

A Facebook spokesperson added that other measures the company is considering include allowing users to set reminders that pop up after a period of time they choose, and take a break if they’ve been on the app for a while.

Independent researchers said such changes may improve the platform’s worst excesses. “Potentially, if there was more diversity incorporated into those algorithms, it might be helpful,” said Fardouly, who does not have a professional relationship with Instagram.

Hitting the bottom line

Other stories published by the Wall Street Journal this week revealed that Zuckerberg said he would not approve changes to reduce the spread of false content on Facebook’s News Feed if those changes would also reduce user engagement.

The revelation is the latest example of Facebook rejecting or paring back measures that would benefit the safety of users, or the health of democracy more broadly, if they have a negative impact on the company’s profits.

There is the added issue that much of the content that can worsen body image perception for young women—such as images of ultrathin swimsuit models—comes from paid advertisements that make up the bulk of Facebook’s income, as opposed to organic content that can be down-ranked in people’s feeds without Facebook taking a direct financial hit.

As such, some experts are skeptical that Instagram will ever fundamentally change.

“I can’t see how it would have much of an impact to tweak Instagram so that people still spend four hours per day on the app, but an hour on more diverse content,” said Twenge, the author of iGen. “If we’re gonna do any kind of intervention with a teen girl, it’d probably be a lot more productive to tell her: people are making money off of every minute that you spend on this app.”

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Write to Billy Perrigo at [email protected]

Are Presentation-Type Posts Getting More Popular on Instagram?

November 1, 2021 / Blog Instagram, social media

Instagram has become one of the biggest and most diverse platforms for brands to present digital visual content. Between Stories, IGTV, and IG Live, the platform has continuously given users new and exciting ways to express themselves.  

However, in recent years, presentation-type posts have grown in popularity. What started out as a simple, seamless way to upload more content within a single post has transformed into a format that strategically boosts engagement and helps spread relevant information.  

The Numbers Don’t Lie   

According to SocialInsider, carousel-type posts  are among the most engaged  throughout the entire platform. Below are some key insights from the study: 

• ~19% of Instagram posts are carousels  
• Carousels hold a ~1.92% average engagement rate  
• Posts with both images and videos have the highest average engagement of 2.33%  

The increased potential for engagements is what makes these kinds of posts very valuable. As more users leave comments, brands develop a clearer scope of their audience and how they can further improve their content.

Content with a Purpose   

With greater narrative potential in these carousel posts, there has been a growing trend in utilizing them as a way to tell more relevant stories. 

Similar to the structure of a PowerPoint presentation, the opening image raises a compelling message that further builds upon each succeeding image. 

These PowerPoint-like posts are enabling creators and influencers in spreading highly informative content to wider audiences. 

While posting informative content is not necessarily new to the platform, 2020 saw a boom in these types of posts due to  pressing topics  like the COVID-19 pandemic, the Black Lives Matter movement, and the US elections. 

Instagram became a space many people utilized to learn more about increasingly relevant topics. It became essential to post carousels to help spread valuable information for people looking for it. Brands saw this as an opportunity to be part of the conversation and to connect with their customers. 

The Rise of Instagram Reels  

Reels  are among the newest features of the platform, and it bears many of the same strengths of carousel-type posts. The feature allows users to create 15- to 30-second video clips and style them up with music, filters, and other augmented reality effects. Much like carousels, Reels are highly engaging, diverse in their content, and most importantly, an ideal tool for relevant storytelling.

Building Brands   

Carousels and Reels have become major content focal points across Instagram. Brands and creators started using them in  strategic ways  to further improve their image and visibility. 

Carousels are unmatched in their ability to incorporate different styles of content within a single post. The flexibility of both carousels and Reels provides greater opportunities for interactive and engaging storytelling. 

From a series of interconnected images and videos to an informative Reel, these presentation-type posts are ideal for engaging people on more narrative-centric content and interactions.

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Instagram's top exec said subscriptions are what he's most excited about and laid out his approach to monetization

• Adam Mosseri, Instagram's top exec, discussed creator monetization at a Meta event on Thursday.
• Mosseri praised YouTube's monetization, dissed Snapchat's, and shared how Instagram's could improve.
• Instagram is currently testing a "Spring Bonus" that pays creators.

Adam Mosseri, head of Instagram, doesn't "like to talk shit about competitors" … but he has some thoughts.

At an event held at Meta's New York headquarters on Thursday, Mosseri sat down with two creators — Haley Kalil and Hassan Khadair — for a fireside chat about Instagram's creator initiatives and how they compare to competitors like TikTok, Snapchat, and YouTube.

Unsurprisingly, money was a big topic of conversation.

Kalil, a content creator with over 5.8 million followers on Instagram, explained to Mosseri that she's been making money across competitors like YouTube, TikTok, and Snapchat. (Kalil also earns on Meta's platforms, she said during the event.)

Mosseri wasn't shy about critiquing Instagram's competitors when it came to how they pay creators.

"There's no way that Snap program is sustainable," he said, likely referring to its ad-revenue share program for its Stories feature that has earned some creators more than a million dollars.

"If you are on that program and you get your purse, great, that is awesome," Mosseri said. "But if I'm just your friend, I'm not going to recommend that you bank on that being around forever."

Creators know all too well that platform payment programs can be fleeting or underwhelming.

TikTok previously launched a creator fund and ad-revenue share program , both of which often paid out meager sums that amounted to pocket change for creators rather than sustainable income. The company's newer creator rewards program has been far more lucrative, however.

Snapchat previously released its own creator fund for short videos on its Spotlight feed, but repeatedly lowered its total payouts for the program.

Mosseri acknowledged that it was important for platforms to be honest about how long a program may stick around.

Last month, the company rolled out a new temporary "Spring Bonus," which he said was called Spring Bonus and not the "permanent bonus program" because he wanted to set expectations.

"If I said we're going to pay all creators forever, you guys would all cheer, but I would be over-promising," he said.

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Khadair (who has over 400,000 followers on Instagram) asked Mosseri a very fair question: Why does Kalil have access to the program, but not him?

"We're experimenting," was Mosseri's shorter answer. The longer answer was that Instagram is running the test with different groups of creators to see how it could scale the program so that it isn't another temporary fix.

"It just has to be a sustainable business," Mosseri said. "We're not going to run if the spring bonus program loses money."

Meta previously scaled back on its test of a bonus program, which paid out creators based on the performance of their reels between 2021 and 2023.

For Instagram's bonus program to be successful, it would need to meet three criteria , according to Mosseri:

• It's a sustainable model, and Meta is not "burning cash."
• Creators are earning enough money that the "checks aren't embarrassing," such as $12 per month. "That's not really great for anybody, either."
• Eligibility for the program is public and standardized. Currently, that criteria is being tested and iterated on across different markets, Mosseri added.

"We're going to continue to iterate," Mosseri said. "But it's not going to be permanent, and it's not going to be at what I think of as real scale until we meet those three criteria."

While Mosseri jabbed at Snap's creator monetization program during his presentation, he also praised YouTube's monetization features for creators, adding that its Partner Program is "by far the most advanced" and the only app in the ecosystem that "pays consistently."

YouTube has also recently been testing short-video payouts, though its shorts fund and ad-revenue share initiative have received mixed reviews from creators.

It's harder for platforms to attribute an ad to an individual's video in short-video feeds compared to long-form, where pre-roll, mid-roll, and post-roll ads can be tied back to a particular creator's content. But as short video gobbles up attention time across platforms, it's a challenge that platforms need to solve.

'The thing I'm most excited about is subscriptions'

The bonus program wasn't the only feature top of mind for Mosseri.

"The thing I'm most excited about is subscriptions," Mosseri said. "But subscriptions are only relevant to maybe one in 20 creators."

Mosseri hailed the subscriptions feature as a much more "predictable" income creators can rely on than ad revenue or brand deals. And while it isn't useful for every creator, Instagram recently announced that there are now 2 million active subscriptions to creators on the app.

Mosseri also took a moment at the event to explain how Instagram would double down on original content across the app as a way to help smaller creators receive credit and engagement for their content.

"We're moving in the next month or two to try to stop recommending content from aggregators as a way to favor our original creators," he said.

Watch: Logitech's chief marketing officer tells Insider that creators 'take my brand places that I can't go alone'

• Main content

How to Stream the Google I/O 2024 Keynote Live

Google's annual developers conference kicks off today. We expect updates about everything from AI and Gemini to Android 15 and Pixel phones.

• Named a Tech Media Trailblazer by the Consumer Technology Association in 2019, a winner of SPJ NorCal's Excellence in Journalism Awards in 2022 and has three times been a finalist in the LA Press Club's National Arts & Entertainment Journalism Awards.

Google is scheduled to host its I/O keynote at Shoreline Amphitheatre in Mountain View, California.

Google's I/O developers conference starts soon, and we expect to learn more about Android 15 and upcoming  AI updates . The event kicks off with a keynote presentation at Shoreline Amphitheatre in Google's hometown of Mountain View, California, followed by breakout sessions over two days.

You can watch the keynote event at 10 a.m. PT/1 p.m. ET on  Tuesday, May 14 . Google is set to stream the session live here .

There's also a livestream option with American Sign Language, which you can catch here .

In the leadup to I/O, Google has unveiled the Pixel 8A , its more budget-friendly phone that shares many of the same features as the flagship Pixel 8 . It costs $500 and will be available May 14, the same day as Google I/O. 

Last year, Google unveiled the Pixel Fold, as well as features like  Magic Editor  in Photos and  Immersive View  for Maps. So it's safe to assume we'll see a mix of hardware and software announcements during this year's keynote event (though rumor has it the company may wait to debut the next generation of the Pixel Fold until later this year).

Our staff will be on the ground at Google I/O, sharing live updates on everything announced, so be sure to follow along here at CNET. 

The Google Pixel 8A Looks Slick in All These Colors

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Two Chinese chipmakers are in the early stages of producing high bandwidth memory (HBM) semiconductors used in artificial intelligence chipsets, according to sources and documents.

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It’s hot in florida can i drive barefoot or is that against the law, trooper steve answers viewer questions.

Daniel Dahm , Digital Content Manager

Steve Montiero , Traffic Anchor

ORLANDO, Fla. – News 6 traffic safety expert Trooper Steve Montiero answers viewer questions and shares tips about the rules of the road, helping Central Florida residents become better drivers by being better educated.

Trooper Steve has been asked many times, “Is it legal in Florida to drive without wearing shoes?”

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Florida law does not say that driving without shoes is illegal, Trooper Steve said.

“Actually, it doesn’t address it at all,” he added. “But let’s think about exactly what we’re doing here. Any type of crash could be rather devastating if you don’t have anything protecting your feet.”

Trooper Steve then recounted a crash on I-4 in Osceola County.

“I received a phone call from my cousin. Unfortunately, she was involved in a serious car crash along I-4 close to the attractions,” he said. “I responded and once I got on scene, I realized how bad her injuries were. She was not wearing any shoes while driving and when the collision happened, her right foot slammed into the accelerator. This caused some serious injuries as her foot was split between the big toe and the next toe.”

[VIDEO BELOW: Trooper Steve takes on driver | STORY CONTINUES BELOW]

Trooper Steve said the incident was traumatic for his cousin and himself.

“We all drive without shoes sometimes so I understand, and I’m not sitting here saying that you’re a bad person if you drive without shoes or with flip-flops, but what I am saying is there are consequences to some of the things that we do, even if it’s a routine daily activity,” he said. “If you’re driving a long distance or at high speeds, I recommend wearing sneakers so that your feet are protected.”

Wearing sandals and similar types of shoes is common in Florida, but Trooper Steve said, “It is my job is to preach safety and at the end of the day, we could really do some damage to ourselves simply because we’re trying to be comfortable.”

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Copyright 2021 by WKMG ClickOrlando - All rights reserved.

About the Authors

Daniel dahm.

Daniel started with WKMG-TV in 2000 and became the digital content manager in 2009. When he's not working on ClickOrlando.com, Daniel likes to head to the beach or find a sporting event nearby.

Steve Montiero

Steven Montiero, better known as “Trooper Steve," joined the News 6 morning team as its Traffic Safety Expert in October 2017. A Central Florida native and decorated combat veteran, Montiero comes to the station following an eight-year assignment with the Florida Highway Patrol.

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Houston residents capture photos of northern lights amid rare solar storm event.

Holly Galvan Posey , Digital Content Producer

With a solar storm hitting Earth, captivating images of the northern lights have been shared by viewers across the Houston area. Despite the stunning celestial display, no disruptions to power or communications were reported.

For Houstonians who witnessed these spectacular sights, KPRC 2 invites you to share your photos and videos on Click2Pins, with the possibility of being featured on-air and online.

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From New Braunfels!

Just amazing to see part of an aurora here

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Northern lights in Texas #Click2HoustonPins

Not sure how to share your videos and photos with Click2Pins?

Here’s how to submit. There are four ways to make it easy📸🤳:

1. Go to Click2Pins.com to share them! It’s easy -- log in or create an account. Go to the upload a pin button, find your photo on your phone and tell us about it. Choose your category under a channel, then click upload and you’re done!

2. Go to the Click2Houston app and click on the top left menu. In the dropdown tap Click2Pins. Log in or create an account. Go to the upload a pin button, find your photo on your phone and tell us about it. Choose a category and channel that fit best, then click upload pin.

3. Go to the KPRC 2+ app, click on the menu at the top left of the screen to find Click2Pins or scroll down to the Click2Pins box. Go to the upload a pin button, find your photo on your phone and tell us about it. Choose a category and channel that fit your pic best, then click upload pin.

4. Go to the KPRC 2 weather app and click on the camera icon at the bottom of the screen. Log in or create an account. Go to the upload a pin button, find your photo on your phone and tell us about it. Choose a category and channel that fit best, then click upload pin.

Copyright 2024 by KPRC Click2Houston - All rights reserved.

About the Author

Holly galvan posey.

Holly joined the KPRC 2 digital team in March 2024, leveraging her eight years of expertise in blogging and digital content to share her passion for Houston. Outside of work, she enjoys exploring the city's vibrant scenes, all while balancing her roles as a wife and mother to two toddlers.

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Weather Authority Alert Day to start early Wednesday morning with heavy rainfall

Entertainment, cannes kicks off with a palme d'or for meryl streep and a post-'barbie' fête of greta gerwig.

Associated Press

2024 Invision

Meryl Streep poses for photographers upon arrival at the awards ceremony and the premiere of the film 'The Second Act' during the 77th international film festival, Cannes, southern France, Tuesday, May 14, 2024. (Photo by Daniel Cole/Invision/AP)

CANNES – Beneath intermittent rainy skies, the Cannes Film Festival opened Tuesday with the presentation of an honorary Palme d'Or for Meryl Streep and the unveiling of Greta Gerwig’s jury, as the French Riviera spectacular kicked off a potentially volatile 77th edition.

A 10-day stream of stars began flowing down the Cannes' red carpet with the opening night film, “The Second Act,” a French comedy starring Lea Seydoux, Vincent Lindon, Louis Garrel and Raphaël Quenard. They play squabbling actors filming a movie directed by an artificial intelligence.

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The festival's first lengthy standing ovation, though, went to Streep , who was awarded an honorary Palme d'Or during Tuesday's opening ceremony. After Juliette Binoche introduced her, Streep alternatively shook her head, fanned herself and danced while the crowd thunderously cheered.

“I'm just so grateful that you haven't gotten sick of my face and you haven’t gotten off of the train,” said Streep, who soon thereafter declared Cannes officially open with Binoche.

“My mother, who is usually right about everything, said to me: ’Meryl, my darling, you’ll see. It all goes so fast. So fast,″ added Streep. “And it has, and it does. Except for my speech, which is too long.”

The reception was nearly as rapturous for Gerwig, the first American female filmmaker to serve as president of the Cannes jury that will decide the festival's top award, the Palme d'Or. Thierry Fremaux, Cannes' artistic director, on Monday praised her as “the ideal director” for Cannes, given her work across arthouse and studio film and her interest in cinema history. And, Fremaux said, “We very much liked ‘Barbie.’”

In the days to come, Cannes will premiere George Miller's “Furiosa: A Mad Max Saga," Francis Ford Coppola's self-financed “Megalopolis” and anticipated new movies from Paolo Sorrentino, Yorgos Lanthimos, Andrea Arnold and Kevin Costner.

But much of the drama surrounding this year's Cannes has been off screen.

After French actor Judith Godrèche earlier this year accused two film directors of rape and sexual abuse when she was a teenager, the French film industry has been dealing with arguably its defining #MeToo moment. On Wednesday, Godrèche will premiere her short “Moi Aussi.”

Asked about #MeToo expanding in France, Gerwig told reporters in Cannes on Tuesday that it's progress.

“I think people in the community of movies telling us stories and trying to change things for the better is only good,” Gerwig said. “I have seen substantive change in the American film community, and I think it’s important that we continue to expand that conversation. So I think it’s only moving everything in the correct direction. Keep those lines of communication open.”

Gerwig is joined on the jury by Lily Gladstone, star of “Killers of the Flower Moon,” French actor Eva Green, Spanish filmmaker J.A. Bayona, French actor Omar Sy, Lebanese actor and director Nadine Labaki, Japanese filmmaker Hirokazu Kore-eda, Turkish screenwriter Ebru Ceylan and Italian actor Pierfrancesco Favino.

“I thought I just got over my imposter syndrome last year,” said the Oscar-nominated Gladstone . “But I'll start all over again.”

The jurors were asked how the many real-world concerns outside the festival might affect their deliberations. One film in competition, Ali Abbasi's “The Apprentice,” stars Sebastian Stan as a young Donald Trump. Labaki was questioned on the war in Gaza.

“I truly believe that one of the tools to really change something in the situation we all live in right now, which is a situation I think is not that great, is really through art and through cinema,” said Labaki. “It may propose a more tolerant way of seeing things and seeing each other as human beings.”

Filmmakers, Favino said, play the important role of reminding the world of where it can find beauty.

“This is why I decided that I could be here without feeling guilty as a human being," said Favino. “Because if we look for beauty, then we might look for peace.”

Other concerns are also swirling around this year's Cannes. Festival workers, fed up with short-term contracts that leave them unqualified for unemployment benefits in between festivals, have threatened to strike. During Tuesday's opening ceremony, two small bands of festival workers protested, including one group that unfurled a banner from the roof of the Palais.

On Monday, the Iranian filmmaker Mohammed Rasoulof, whose film “The Seed of the Sacred Fig” is premiering next week in competition in Cannes, said he had fled Iran after being sentenced to eight years in prison and flogging. The film is said to be a critical depiction of the Iranian government.

As Cannes continues, though, many will be focused on the stars parading the festival's famous red carpet. They'll include Emma Stone, Anya Taylor-Joy, Demi Moore, Selena Gomez, Nicolas Cage and Barry Keoghan. At the closing ceremony on May 25, George Lucas is to receive an honorary Palme d'Or.

Regardless, the 77th Cannes will have a lot to live up to. Last year's festival, widely celebrated for its robust lineup, produced three Oscar best picture nominees: “Anatomy of a Fall," “The Zone of Interest” and “Killers of the Flower Moon.”

A good Cannes will help France keep the global spotlight through the summer. The festival will be followed by the French Open, the Tour de France and the summer Olympics in Paris. On May 21, the Olympic flame will be carried up the steps to the festival's hub, the Palais des Festivals.

To help rekindle the spirit of last year's festival, Messi, the canine star of “Anatomy of a Fall,” was the first star to hit the red carpet Tuesday. The border collie, enlisted to film daily snippets for French TV, frolicked up and down the carpet while tuxedo-clad photographers hollered “Messi! Messi!”

Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.

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