case study of anthropology

Case study method in anthropology

Karen Sykes, Anthropology.

A paraphrase of Gluckman’s thoughts on the case study captures the essence of the method:

Anthropologists use ‘case’ in a slightly different way than some legal scholars or psychoanalysts, either of whom might use cases to illustrate their points or theories. Anthropologists often describe a case first, and then extract a general rule or custom from it, in the manner of inductive reasoning. Most often, the event is complex, or even a series of events, and we call these social situations, which can be analysed to show that the different conflictive perspectives on them are enjoined in the same social system (and not based in the assumption of cultural difference as a prima face condition of anthropological inquiry).

The case study, as a part of ‘situational analysis,’ is a vital approach that is used in anthropological research in the postcolonial world. In it we use the actions of individuals and groups within these situations to exhibit the morphology of a social structure, which is most often held together by conflict itself. Each case is taken as evidence of the stages in the unfolding process of social relations between specific persons and groups. When seen as such, we can dispense with the study of sentiment as accidental eruptions of emotions, or as differences of individual temperament, and bring depth to the study of society by penetrating surface tensions to understand how conflict constructs human experiences and gives shape to these as ‘social dramas’, which are the expressions of cultural life.

Experts/users at Manchester

The Case Study Method in Anthropology is used in many different research projects from ethnography of urban poverty, through studies of charismatic Christian movements, Cultural Property and in visual methods.

• Professor Caroline Moser  - Caroline Moser, Professor of Urban Development and Director of GURC uses variations of the case study in her uses of the participatory urban appraisal methods to conduct research into peace processes, urban violence, as well as climate change.
• Dr Andrew Irving  - Andrew Irving has used variations of the case study as social drama when examining life-events of his informants, as way to access their thoughts about immanence of death (which he calls interior knowledge).
• Professor Karen Sykes  - Karen Sykes originally experimented with the use of case study method in order to understand how people came to see cultural property rights as a legal device to protect their cultural life from exploitation. Her book “Culture and Cultural Property in the New Guinea Islands Region: Seven Case Studies” was co-authored with J. Simet and S. Kamene and features the work of five female students at the University of Papua New Guinea.

Key references

Evens, T. M. S. and D. Handelman (2007) The Manchester School: Practice and ethnographic praxis in anthropology, Oxford: Berghahn. This book deals with the Case Study method as the cornerstone of all of the Manchester School methodologies.

Turner, V. (1953) Schism and Continuity in an African Society, Manchester University Press for the Rhodes Livingstone Institute. Turner’s first use of the social drama as a version of the case study method.

Mitchell, C. (1983) Case and Situation Analysis, Sociological Review, 31: 187 – 211. The definitive paper on Situational Analysis which can be compared to van Velson on the extended case method.

Van Velson, J. (1967) The Extended Case Method and Situational Analysis in Epstein, A. L., 1967, The Craft of Anthropology, London: Tavistock. This edited book collected chapters by Manchester School members on various approaches to anthropology.

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Case Study Method

• Last Updated: Jun 18, 2023

A case study is an in-depth examination of a specific phenomenon, individual, or context, usually from a qualitative perspective. The case study method is typically used in social sciences, such as anthropology , sociology , and psychology, to explore real-life, complex, multifaceted phenomena within their context [1] . It often involves a blend of various data collection techniques, including interviews, observations, and document analysis.

History and Development of the Case Study Method

The origin of the case study method can be traced back to medical and psychological research, with seminal work by Freud and Piaget employing this approach. Gradually, it spread to disciplines like sociology and anthropology, where researchers found the method valuable for deeply understanding social phenomena, cultural practices, and individual behaviors within their natural contexts.

Anthropology, in particular, has a long-standing history with case study research, with seminal anthropologists like Bronislaw Malinowski advocating for detailed participant observation and in-depth study of individual cultures, essentially a form of case study. Malinowski’s work in the Trobriand Islands stands as a classic case study, providing detailed insights into the native culture [2] .

Use of the Case Study Method in Different Disciplines

While the case study method has broad applicability across many disciplines, its utilization in anthropology is distinct for several reasons. Firstly, anthropologists emphasize cultural relativism, a perspective where a culture is understood within its own context. The case study method lends itself well to this, allowing for deep immersion and understanding of a particular culture or social group.

For example, Clifford Geertz’s interpretive case study of the Balinese cockfight is a perfect demonstration of the anthropological use of the case study method [3] . Through this study, Geertz explored the symbolic meaning of the cockfight in Balinese society, a discovery that would not have been possible without the in-depth, contextual exploration offered by the case study method.

Types of Case Study Methods

Case study research in anthropology is far from monolithic. It encompasses a range of different types, each suited to specific research objectives and questions. In this section, we will explore several main types of case studies, namely exploratory, descriptive, explanatory, intrinsic, instrumental, and collective case studies.

Exploratory Case Studies

Exploratory case studies aim to investigate a phenomenon or situation where there is little prior knowledge or where new insights are desired. They are often employed when a researcher wants to identify the important research questions and suitable research methods for a subsequent larger study. For instance, an anthropologist may conduct an exploratory case study to understand the dynamics of a newly discovered indigenous tribe.

Descriptive Case Studies

Descriptive case studies, as the name implies, aim to describe a phenomenon in its natural context. These studies emphasize a detailed, in-depth portrayal of the case, often drawing on various data sources for a comprehensive understanding. For example, a descriptive case study might provide a detailed account of a unique cultural ritual or societal structure within a specific ethnic group.

Explanatory Case Studies

Explanatory case studies seek to explain a particular phenomenon or outcome. These case studies are common in disciplines that focus on causation or causal relationships. In anthropology, explanatory case studies might investigate the cause-effect relationship between cultural practices and societal outcomes, such as the impact of gender roles on societal structure in a particular culture.

Intrinsic Case Study

Intrinsic case study research focuses on the case itself, typically when the case presents an unusual or unique phenomenon. The goal is not to generalize beyond the case but to gain a deeper understanding of the case itself. An anthropologist might use this method to study an isolated community that has not had contact with the outside world, for example.

Instrumental Case Study

Instrumental case studies, on the other hand, focus on a particular issue or concern, using the case as a means to provide insight into that issue. The case itself is of secondary interest and serves as a conduit to understand the wider issue. An anthropologist might use an instrumental case study to understand the impacts of globalization on indigenous cultures.

Collective Case Study

Collective case studies, also known as multiple case studies, involve studying several cases simultaneously to understand a phenomenon, population, or general condition. This approach is valuable in anthropology when comparing and contrasting different cultures or societies.

Design and Development of Case Studies

Case study research involves a rigorous design and development process, ensuring that the data gathered is representative, robust, and relevant.

Selecting the Case(s)

The process begins with careful case selection. In anthropology, the selection is typically driven by the research question and the phenomenon under investigation. For instance, if an anthropologist is studying the impact of modernization on tribal cultures, a tribe undergoing significant societal changes would be an apt case.

Data Collection Methods in Case Studies

Once the case is selected, data collection becomes the next pivotal step. Anthropologists often employ a multimethod approach, using methods such as interviews, observations, and document analysis to ensure a holistic understanding of the case. For example, when studying an indigenous tribe, anthropologists might live within the community, conduct interviews, observe daily activities, and study any available historical or legal documents.

Importance of Contextualization in Case Studies

Contextualization is essential in anthropological case studies. The aim is to understand the case within its natural setting, taking into account the cultural, social, political, and environmental factors that might affect it. In studying a cultural practice, an anthropologist must contextualize it within the broader cultural beliefs, societal norms, and historical background of the community.

The Role of Triangulation in Enhancing Validity

Triangulation, using multiple data sources or methods to study the same phenomenon, enhances the validity of case study research. By corroborating findings from different data sources or methods, anthropologists can build a more credible and comprehensive understanding of the case.

Analyzing and Interpreting Case Studies

After data collection, the task shifts to analysis and interpretation.

Coding and Thematic Analysis

Coding and thematic analysis are common methods for analyzing qualitative data in case studies. Through a process of coding, data are broken down into manageable chunks, then grouped into themes that allow for patterns and insights to emerge.

Grounded Theory Analysis

Grounded theory analysis is another approach often used in case studies. It involves developing a theory grounded in the data collected, providing a framework for understanding the phenomenon under study.

Cross-case Synthesis

In multiple or collective case studies, cross-case synthesis can be useful. This process involves comparing and contrasting the findings across different cases, identifying common themes and differences.

Analyzing Case Studies within Cultural Context

Importantly, all analysis and interpretation must consider the cultural context. In anthropology, this means understanding the cultural norms, beliefs, and values that may influence the phenomenon under study.

Strengths and Limitations of Case Study Methods

Like all research methods, case studies come with both strengths and limitations. Understanding these aspects is essential for researchers in anthropology and other disciplines, as it allows them to leverage the strengths and mitigate the limitations.

Strengths of Case Study Methods

Depth of information and insights.

One of the key strengths of case studies lies in the depth of information they provide. By focusing on a single case or a small number of cases, researchers can delve into the intricacies and complexities of the subject matter. This depth is invaluable in anthropology, allowing anthropologists to understand phenomena from the insider’s perspective. For instance, studying a specific cultural practice within an indigenous tribe can provide profound insights into the tribe’s worldview and belief systems.

Flexibility in Data Collection

The case study method allows for flexibility in data collection. Researchers can employ a mix of methods, such as interviews, observations, document analysis, and more, depending on what is most suitable for the case and the research question. This flexibility enables anthropologists to adapt to the field situation, ensuring they capture the most relevant and meaningful data.

Context Sensitivity

Case studies are highly sensitive to context. They allow for the study of a phenomenon within its real-world context, providing a rich, holistic understanding. This sensitivity aligns with the anthropological commitment to cultural relativism, ensuring that phenomena are understood within the cultural, social, and historical context in which they occur.

Limitations of Case Study Methods

Challenges in generalization.

A common critique of case study research is its limited ability to generalize. Because case studies focus on specific cases, the findings might not be applicable to other cases or broader populations. However, it is worth noting that generalization is not always the goal in anthropological research. Often, the aim is to provide an in-depth understanding of a specific cultural context.

Time and Resource Constraints

Conducting case study research is often time-consuming and resource-intensive [4] . Collecting and analyzing data from multiple sources, spending extensive time in the field, and the iterative nature of qualitative analysis can demand substantial resources. These constraints might limit the feasibility of case studies in some situations.

The Future of Case Study Method in Anthropology

In the rapidly evolving world of research, the case study method continues to be a crucial tool in the anthropologist’s arsenal. However, the future will likely see further evolution and innovation in the application of this method, in response to new challenges and opportunities.

Emerging Trends in Case Study Research

Digital technology has revolutionized the way we conduct research, and case studies are no exception. Digital ethnography, for example, is becoming increasingly prominent. It allows anthropologists to study online communities and digital cultures just as they would physical communities.

In the context of case studies, this might involve studying the interactions and norms within an online gaming community or a social media network. As digital spaces become increasingly important in our lives, the relevance and prevalence of digital ethnography and virtual case studies are likely to grow.

Interdisciplinary Case Studies

Interdisciplinary case studies, where multiple disciplines combine to study a single case, are another promising trend. For example, anthropologists might collaborate with psychologists, sociologists, or environmental scientists to study a community’s response to climate change or other multifaceted phenomena. Such interdisciplinary studies can offer a more comprehensive understanding, taking into account the biological, psychological, social, and cultural dimensions.

Globalization and Its Impact on Case Study Research

Globalization has major implications for case study research in anthropology. As communities become more interconnected and influences become more global, anthropologists can no longer study cultures in isolation. Instead, they need to consider global influences, from the influx of technology to the impacts of international policies [5] .

In practical terms, this might involve studying how global trends impact local cultures, or how local cultures resist, adapt to, or influence global trends. The case study method, with its focus on specific contexts, is well-suited to explore these complex dynamics.

In conclusion, while the principles of case study research remain the same, the future will bring new contexts, new challenges, and new opportunities. Anthropologists will need to innovate and adapt, ensuring that the case study method continues to be a valuable tool for understanding human societies.

[1] Baxter, P., & Jack, S. (2008). Qualitative Case Study Methodology: Study Design and Implementation for Novice Researchers. The Qualitative Report, 13(4), 544-559.

[2] Malinowski, B. (1922). Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An account of native enterprise and adventure in the archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea. Routledge & Kegan Paul.

[3] Geertz, C. (1973). The Interpretation of Cultures. Basic Books.

[4] Yin, R. K. (2013). Case study research: Design and methods. Sage publications.

[5] Inda, J. X., & Rosaldo, R. (2002). The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader. Blackwell Publishers.

Vasundhra, an anthropologist, embarks on a captivating journey to decode the enigmatic tapestry of human society. Fueled by an insatiable curiosity, she unravels the intricacies of social phenomena, immersing herself in the lived experiences of diverse cultures. Armed with an unwavering passion for understanding the very essence of our existence, Vasundhra fearlessly navigates the labyrinth of genetic and social complexities that shape our collective identity. Her recent publication unveils the story of the Ancient DNA field, illuminating the pervasive global North-South divide. With an irresistible blend of eloquence and scientific rigor, Vasundhra effortlessly captivates audiences, transporting them to the frontiers of anthropological exploration.

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Case Study Research

• First Online: 29 September 2022

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• Robert E. White   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8045-164X 3 &
• Karyn Cooper 4  

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As a footnote to the previous chapter, there is such a beast known as the ethnographic case study. Ethnographic case study has found its way into this chapter rather than into the previous one because of grammatical considerations. Simply put, the “case study” part of the phrase is the noun (with “case” as an adjective defining what kind of study it is), while the “ethnographic” part of the phrase is an adjective defining the type of case study that is being conducted. As such, the case study becomes the methodology, while the ethnography part refers to a method, mode or approach relating to the development of the study.

The experiential account that we get from a case study or qualitative research of a similar vein is just so necessary. How things happen over time and the degree to which they are subject to personality and how they are only gradually perceived as tolerable or intolerable by the communities and the groups that are involved is so important. Robert Stake, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign

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A Case in Case Study Methodology

Christine Benedichte Meyer

Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration

Meyer, C. B. (2001). A Case in Case Study Methodology. Field Methods 13 (4), 329-352.

The purpose of this article is to provide a comprehensive view of the case study process from the researcher’s perspective, emphasizing methodological considerations. As opposed to other qualitative or quantitative research strategies, such as grounded theory or surveys, there are virtually no specific requirements guiding case research. This is both the strength and the weakness of this approach. It is a strength because it allows tailoring the design and data collection procedures to the research questions. On the other hand, this approach has resulted in many poor case studies, leaving it open to criticism, especially from the quantitative field of research. This article argues that there is a particular need in case studies to be explicit about the methodological choices one makes. This implies discussing the wide range of decisions concerned with design requirements, data collection procedures, data analysis, and validity and reliability. The approach here is to illustrate these decisions through a particular case study of two mergers in the financial industry in Norway.

In the past few years, a number of books have been published that give useful guidance in conducting qualitative studies (Gummesson 1988; Cassell & Symon 1994; Miles & Huberman 1994; Creswell 1998; Flick 1998; Rossman & Rallis 1998; Bryman & Burgess 1999; Marshall & Rossman 1999; Denzin & Lincoln 2000). One approach often mentioned is the case study (Yin 1989). Case studies are widely used in organizational studies in the social science disciplines of sociology, industrial relations, and anthropology (Hartley 1994). Such a study consists of detailed investigation of one or more organizations, or groups within organizations, with a view to providing an analysis of the context and processes involved in the phenomenon under study.

As opposed to other qualitative or quantitative research strategies, such as grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss 1967) or surveys (Nachmias & Nachmias 1981), there are virtually no specific requirements guiding case research. Yin (1989) and Eisenhardt (1989) give useful insights into the case study as a research strategy, but leave most of the design decisions on the table. This is both the strength and the weakness of this approach. It is a strength because it allows tailoring the design and data collection procedures to the research questions. On the other hand, this approach has resulted in many poor case studies, leaving it open to criticism, especially from the quantitative field of research (Cook and Campbell 1979). The fact that the case study is a rather loose design implies that there are a number of choices that need to be addressed in a principled way.

Although case studies have become a common research strategy, the scope of methodology sections in articles published in journals is far too limited to give the readers a detailed and comprehensive view of the decisions taken in the particular studies, and, given the format of methodology sections, will remain so. The few books (Yin 1989, 1993; Hamel, Dufour, & Fortin 1993; Stake 1995) and book chapters on case studies (Hartley 1994; Silverman 2000) are, on the other hand, mainly normative and span a broad range of different kinds of case studies. One exception is Pettigrew (1990, 1992), who places the case study in the context of a research tradition (the Warwick process research).

Given the contextual nature of the case study and its strength in addressing contemporary phenomena in real-life contexts, I believe that there is a need for articles that provide a comprehensive overview of the case study process from the researcher’s perspective, emphasizing methodological considerations. This implies addressing the whole range of choices concerning specific design requirements, data collection procedures, data analysis, and validity and reliability.

WHY A CASE STUDY?

Case studies are tailor-made for exploring new processes or behaviors or ones that are little understood (Hartley 1994). Hence, the approach is particularly useful for responding to how and why questions about a contemporary set of events (Leonard-Barton 1990). Moreover, researchers have argued that certain kinds of information can be difficult or even impossible to tackle by means other than qualitative approaches such as the case study (Sykes 1990). Gummesson (1988:76) argues that an important advantage of case study research is the opportunity for a holistic view of the process: “The detailed observations entailed in the case study method enable us to study many different aspects, examine them in relation to each other, view the process within its total environment and also use the researchers’ capacity for ‘verstehen.’ ”

The contextual nature of the case study is illustrated in Yin’s (1993:59) definition of a case study as an empirical inquiry that “investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context and addresses a situation in which the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident.”

The key difference between the case study and other qualitative designs such as grounded theory and ethnography (Glaser & Strauss 1967; Strauss & Corbin 1990; Gioia & Chittipeddi 1991) is that the case study is open to the use of theory or conceptual categories that guide the research and analysis of data. In contrast, grounded theory or ethnography presupposes that theoretical perspectives are grounded in and emerge from firsthand data. Hartley (1994) argues that without a theoretical framework, the researcher is in severe danger of providing description without meaning. Gummesson (1988) says that a lack of preunderstanding will cause the researcher to spend considerable time gathering basic information. This preunderstanding may arise from general knowledge such as theories, models, and concepts or from specific knowledge of institutional conditions and social patterns. According to Gummesson, the key is not to require researchers to have split but dual personalities: “Those who are able to balance on a razor’s edge using their pre-understanding without being its slave” (p. 58).

DESCRIPTION OF THE ILLUSTRATIVE STUDY

The study that will be used for illustrative purposes is a comparative and longitudinal case study of organizational integration in mergers and acquisitions taking place in Norway. The study had two purposes: (1) to identify contextual factors and features of integration that facilitated or impeded organizational integration, and (2) to study how the three dimensions of organizational integration (integration of tasks, unification of power, and integration of cultures and identities) interrelated and evolved over time. Examples of contextual factors were relative power, degree of friendliness, and economic climate. Integration features included factors such as participation, communication, and allocation of positions and functions.

Mergers and acquisitions are inherently complex. Researchers in the field have suggested that managers continuously underestimate the task of integrating the merging organizations in the postintegration process (Haspeslaph & Jemison 1991). The process of organizational integration can lead to sharp interorganizational conflict as the different top management styles, organizational and work unit cultures, systems, and other aspects of organizational life come into contact (Blake & Mounton 1985; Schweiger & Walsh 1990; Cartwright & Cooper 1993). Furthermore, cultural change in mergers and acquisitions is compounded by additional uncertainties, ambiguities, and stress inherent in the combination process (Buono & Bowditch 1989).

I focused on two combinations: one merger and one acquisition. The first case was a merger between two major Norwegian banks, Bergen Bank and DnC (to be named DnB), that started in the late 1980s. The second case was a study of a major acquisition in the insurance industry (i.e., Gjensidige’s acquisition of Forenede), that started in the early 1990s. Both combinations aimed to realize operational synergies though merging the two organizations into one entity. This implied disruption of organizational boundaries and threat to the existing power distribution and organizational cultures.

The study of integration processes in mergers and acquisitions illustrates the need to find a design that opens for exploration of sensitive issues such as power struggles between the two merging organizations. Furthermore, the inherent complexity in the integration process, involving integration of tasks, unification of power, and cultural integration stressed the need for in-depth study of the phenomenon over time. To understand the cultural integration process, the design also had to be linked to the past history of the two organizations.

DESIGN DECISIONS

In the introduction, I stressed that a case is a rather loose design that requires that a number of design choices be made. In this section, I go through the most important choices I faced in the study of organizational integration in mergers and acquisitions. These include: (1) selection of cases; (2) sampling time; (3) choosing business areas, divisions, and sites; and (4) selection of and choices regarding data collection procedures, interviews, documents, and observation.

Selection of Cases

There are several choices involved in selecting cases. First, there is the question of how many cases to include. Second, one must sample cases and decide on a unit of analysis. I will explore these issues subsequently.

Single or Multiple Cases

Case studies can involve single or multiple cases. The problem of single cases is limitations in generalizability and several information-processing biases (Eisenhardt 1989).

One way to respond to these biases is by applying a multi-case approach (Leonard-Barton 1990). Multiple cases augment external validity and help guard against observer biases. Moreover, multi-case sampling adds confidence to findings. By looking at a range of similar and contrasting cases, we can understand a single-case finding, grounding it by specifying how and where and, if possible, why it behaves as it does. (Miles & Huberman 1994)

Given these limitations of the single case study, it is desirable to include more than one case study in the study. However, the desire for depth and a pluralist perspective and tracking the cases over time implies that the number of cases must be fairly few. I chose two cases, which clearly does not support generalizability any more than does one case, but allows for comparison and contrast between the cases as well as a deeper and richer look at each case.

Originally, I planned to include a third case in the study. Due to changes in management during the initial integration process, my access to the case was limited and I left this case entirely. However, a positive side effect was that it allowed a deeper investigation of the two original cases and in hindsight turned out to be a good decision.

Sampling Cases

The logic of sampling cases is fundamentally different from statistical sampling. The logic in case studies involves theoretical sampling, in which the goal is to choose cases that are likely to replicate or extend the emergent theory or to fill theoretical categories and provide examples for polar types (Eisenhardt 1989). Hence, whereas quantitative sampling concerns itself with representativeness, qualitative sampling seeks information richness and selects the cases purposefully rather than randomly (Crabtree and Miller 1992).

The choice of cases was guided by George (1979) and Pettigrew’s (1990) recommendations. The aim was to find cases that matched the three dimensions in the dependent variable and provided variation in the contextual factors, thus representing polar cases.

To match the choice of outcome variable, organizational integration, I chose cases in which the purpose was to fully consolidate the merging parties’ operations. A full consolidation would imply considerable disruption in the organizational boundaries and would be expected to affect the task-related, political, and cultural features of the organizations. As for the contextual factors, the two cases varied in contextual factors such as relative power, friendliness, and economic climate. The DnB merger was a friendly combination between two equal partners in an unfriendly economic climate. Gjensidige’s acquisition of Forenede was, in contrast, an unfriendly and unbalanced acquisition in a friendly economic climate.

Unit of Analysis

Another way to respond to researchers’ and respondents’ biases is to have more than one unit of analysis in each case (Yin 1993). This implies that, in addition to developing contrasts between the cases, researchers can focus on contrasts within the cases (Hartley 1994). In case studies, there is a choice of a holistic or embedded design (Yin 1989). A holistic design examines the global nature of the phenomenon, whereas an embedded design also pays attention to subunit(s).

I used an embedded design to analyze the cases (i.e., within each case, I also gave attention to subunits and subprocesses). In both cases, I compared the combination processes in the various divisions and local networks. Moreover, I compared three distinct change processes in DnB: before the merger, during the initial combination, and two years after the merger. The overall and most important unit of analysis in the two cases was, however, the integration process.

Sampling Time

According to Pettigrew (1990), time sets a reference for what changes can be seen and how those changes are explained. When conducting a case study, there are several important issues to decide when sampling time. The first regards how many times data should be collected, while the second concerns when to enter the organizations. There is also a need to decide whether to collect data on a continuous basis or in distinct periods.

Number of data collections. I studied the process by collecting real time and retrospective data at two points in time, with one-and-a-half- and two-year intervals in the two cases. Collecting data twice had some interesting implications for the interpretations of the data. During the first data collection in the DnB study, for example, I collected retrospective data about the premerger and initial combination phase and real-time data about the second step in the combination process.

Although I gained a picture of how the employees experienced the second stage of the combination process, it was too early to assess the effects of this process at that stage. I entered the organization two years later and found interesting effects that I had not anticipated the first time. Moreover, it was interesting to observe how people’s attitudes toward the merger processes changed over time to be more positive and less emotional.

When to enter the organizations. It would be desirable to have had the opportunity to collect data in the precombination processes. However, researchers are rarely given access in this period due to secrecy. The emphasis in this study was to focus on the postcombination process. As such, the precombination events were classified as contextual factors. This implied that it was most important to collect real-time data after the parties had been given government approval to merge or acquire. What would have been desirable was to gain access earlier in the postcombination process. This was not possible because access had to be negotiated. Due to the change of CEO in the middle of the merger process and the need for renegotiating access, this took longer than expected.

Regarding the second case, I was restricted by the time frame of the study. In essence, I had to choose between entering the combination process as soon as governmental approval was given, or entering the organization at a later stage. In light of the previous studies in the field that have failed to go beyond the initial two years, and given the need to collect data about the cultural integration process, I chose the latter strategy. And I decided to enter the organizations at two distinct periods of time rather than on a continuous basis.

There were several reasons for this approach, some methodological and some practical. First, data collection on a continuous basis would have required use of extensive observation that I didn’t have access to, and getting access to two data collections in DnB was difficult in itself. Second, I had a stay abroad between the first and second data collection in Gjensidige. Collecting data on a continuous basis would probably have allowed for better mapping of the ongoing integration process, but the contrasts between the two different stages in the integration process that I wanted to elaborate would probably be more difficult to detect. In Table 1 I have listed the periods of time in which I collected data in the two combinations.

Sampling Business Areas, Divisions, and Sites

Even when the cases for a study have been chosen, it is often necessary to make further choices within each case to make the cases researchable. The most important criteria that set the boundaries for the study are importance or criticality, relevance, and representativeness. At the time of the data collection, my criteria for making these decisions were not as conscious as they may appear here. Rather, being restricted by time and my own capacity as a researcher, I had to limit the sites and act instinctively. In both cases, I decided to concentrate on the core businesses (criticality criterion) and left out the business units that were only mildly affected by the integration process (relevance criterion). In the choice of regional offices, I used the representativeness criterion as the number of offices widely exceeded the number of sites possible to study. In making these choices, I relied on key informants in the organizations.

SELECTION OF DATA COLLECTION PROCEDURES

The choice of data collection procedures should be guided by the research question and the choice of design. The case study approach typically combines data collection methods such as archives, interviews, questionnaires, and observations (Yin 1989). This triangulated methodology provides stronger substantiation of constructs and hypotheses. However, the choice of data collection methods is also subject to constraints in time, financial resources, and access.

I chose a combination of interviews, archives, and observation, with main emphasis on the first two. Conducting a survey was inappropriate due to the lack of established concepts and indicators. The reason for limited observation, on the other hand, was due to problems in obtaining access early in the study and time and resource constraints. In addition to choosing among several different data collection methods, there are a number of choices to be made for each individual method.

When relying on interviews as the primary data collection method, the issue of building trust between the researcher and the interviewees becomes very important. I addressed this issue by several means. First, I established a procedure of how to approach the interviewees. In most cases, I called them first, then sent out a letter explaining the key features of the project and outlining the broad issues to be addressed in the interview. In this letter, the support from the institution’s top management was also communicated. In most cases, the top management’s support of the project was an important prerequisite for the respondent’s input. Some interviewees did, however, fear that their input would be open to the top management without disguising the information source. Hence, it became important to communicate how I intended to use and store the information.

To establish trust, I also actively used my preunderstanding of the context in the first case and the phenomenon in the second case. As I built up an understanding of the cases, I used this information to gain confidence. The active use of my preunderstanding did, however, pose important challenges in not revealing too much of the research hypotheses and in balancing between asking open-ended questions and appearing knowledgeable.

There are two choices involved in conducting interviews. The first concerns the sampling of interviewees. The second is that you must decide on issues such as the structure of the interviews, use of tape recorder, and involvement of other researchers.

Sampling Interviewees

Following the desire for detailed knowledge of each case and for grasping different participant’s views the aim was, in line with Pettigrew (1990), to apply a pluralist view by describing and analyzing competing versions of reality as seen by actors in the combination processes.

I used four criteria for sampling informants. First, I drew informants from populations representing multiple perspectives. The first data collection in DnB was primarily focused on the top management level. Moreover, most middle managers in the first data collection were employed at the head offices, either in Bergen or Oslo. In the second data collection, I compensated for this skew by including eight local middle managers in the sample. The difference between the number of employees interviewed in DnB and Gjensidige was primarily due to the fact that Gjensidige has three unions, whereas DnB only has one. The distribution of interviewees is outlined in Table 2 .

The second criterion was to use multiple informants. According to Glick et al. (1990), an important advantage of using multiple informants is that the validity of information provided by one informant can be checked against that provided by other informants. Moreover, the validity of the data used by the researcher can be enhanced by resolving the discrepancies among different informants’ reports. Hence, I selected multiple respondents from each perspective.

Third, I focused on key informants who were expected to be knowledgeable about the combination process. These people included top management members, managers, and employees involved in the integration project. To validate the information from these informants, I also used a fourth criterion by selecting managers and employees who had been affected by the process but who were not involved in the project groups.

Structured versus unstructured. In line with the explorative nature of the study, the goal of the interviews was to see the research topic from the perspective of the interviewee, and to understand why he or she came to have this particular perspective. To meet this goal, King (1994:15) recommends that one have “a low degree of structure imposed on the interviewer, a preponderance of open questions, a focus on specific situations and action sequences in the world of the interviewee rather than abstractions and general opinions.” In line with these recommendations, the collection of primary data in this study consists of unstructured interviews.

Using tape recorders and involving other researchers. The majority of the interviews were tape-recorded, and I could thus concentrate fully on asking questions and responding to the interviewees’ answers. In the few interviews that were not tape-recorded, most of which were conducted in the first phase of the DnB-study, two researchers were present. This was useful as we were both able to discuss the interviews later and had feedback on the role of an interviewer.

In hindsight, however, I wish that these interviews had been tape-recorded to maintain the level of accuracy and richness of data. Hence, in the next phases of data collection, I tape-recorded all interviews, with two exceptions (people who strongly opposed the use of this device). All interviews that were tape-recorded were transcribed by me in full, which gave me closeness and a good grasp of the data.

When organizations merge or make acquisitions, there are often a vast number of documents to choose from to build up an understanding of what has happened and to use in the analyses. Furthermore, when firms make acquisitions or merge, they often hire external consultants, each of whom produces more documents. Due to time constraints, it is seldom possible to collect and analyze all these documents, and thus the researcher has to make a selection.

The choice of documentation was guided by my previous experience with merger and acquisition processes and the research question. Hence, obtaining information on the postintegration process was more important than gaining access to the due-diligence analysis. As I learned about the process, I obtained more documents on specific issues. I did not, however, gain access to all the documents I asked for, and, in some cases, documents had been lost or shredded.

The documents were helpful in a number of ways. First, and most important, they were used as inputs to the interview guide and saved me time, because I did not have to ask for facts in the interviews. They were also useful for tracing the history of the organizations and statements made by key people in the organizations. Third, the documents were helpful in counteracting the biases of the interviews. A list of the documents used in writing the cases is shown in Table 3 .

Observation

The major strength of direct observation is that it is unobtrusive and does not require direct interaction with participants (Adler and Adler 1994). Observation produces rigor when it is combined with other methods. When the researcher has access to group processes, direct observation can illuminate the discrepancies between what people said in the interviews and casual conversations and what they actually do (Pettigrew 1990).

As with interviews, there are a number of choices involved in conducting observations. Although I did some observations in the study, I used interviews as the key data collection source. Discussion in this article about observations will thus be somewhat limited. Nevertheless, I faced a number of choices in conducting observations, including type of observation, when to enter, how much observation to conduct, and which groups to observe.

The are four ways in which an observer may gather data: (1) the complete participant who operates covertly, concealing any intention to observe the setting; (2) the participant-as-observer, who forms relationships and participates in activities, but makes no secret of his or her intentions to observe events; (3) the observer-as-participant, who maintains only superficial contact with the people being studied; and (4) the complete observer, who merely stands back and eavesdrops on the proceedings (Waddington 1994).

In this study, I used the second and third ways of observing. The use of the participant-as-observer mode, on which much ethnographic research is based, was rather limited in the study. There were two reasons for this. First, I had limited time available for collecting data, and in my view interviews made more effective use of this limited time than extensive participant observation. Second, people were rather reluctant to let me observe these political and sensitive processes until they knew me better and felt I could be trusted. Indeed, I was dependent on starting the data collection before having built sufficient trust to observe key groups in the integration process. Nevertheless, Gjensidige allowed me to study two employee seminars to acquaint me with the organization. Here I admitted my role as an observer but participated fully in the activities. To achieve variation, I chose two seminars representing polar groups of employees.

As observer-as-participant, I attended a top management meeting at the end of the first data collection in Gjensidige and observed the respondents during interviews and in more informal meetings, such as lunches. All these observations gave me an opportunity to validate the data from the interviews. Observing the top management group was by far the most interesting and rewarding in terms of input.

Both DnB and Gjensidige started to open up for more extensive observation when I was about to finish the data collection. By then, I had built up the trust needed to undertake this approach. Unfortunately, this came a little late for me to take advantage of it.

DATA ANALYSIS

Published studies generally describe research sites and data-collection methods, but give little space to discuss the analysis (Eisenhardt 1989). Thus, one cannot follow how a researcher arrives at the final conclusions from a large volume of field notes (Miles and Huberman 1994).

In this study, I went through the stages by which the data were reduced and analyzed. This involved establishing the chronology, coding, writing up the data according to phases and themes, introducing organizational integration into the analysis, comparing the cases, and applying the theory. I will discuss these phases accordingly.

The first step in the analysis was to establish the chronology of the cases. To do this, I used internal and external documents. I wrote the chronologies up and included appendices in the final report.

The next step was to code the data into phases and themes reflecting the contextual factors and features of integration. For the interviews, this implied marking the text with a specific phase and a theme, and grouping the paragraphs on the same theme and phase together. I followed the same procedure in organizing the documents.

I then wrote up the cases using phases and themes to structure them. Before starting to write up the cases, I scanned the information on each theme, built up the facts and filled in with perceptions and reactions that were illustrative and representative of the data.

The documents were primarily useful in establishing the facts, but they also provided me with some perceptions and reactions that were validated in the interviews. The documents used included internal letters and newsletters as well as articles from the press. The interviews were less factual, as intended, and gave me input to assess perceptions and reactions. The limited observation was useful to validate the data from the interviews. The result of this step was two descriptive cases.

To make each case more analytical, I introduced the three dimensions of organizational integration—integration of tasks, unification of power, and cultural integration—into the analysis. This helped to focus the case and to develop a framework that could be used to compare the cases. The cases were thus structured according to phases, organizational integration, and themes reflecting the factors and features in the study.

I took all these steps to become more familiar with each case as an individual entity. According to Eisenhardt (1989:540), this is a process that “allows the unique patterns of each case to emerge before the investigators push to generalise patterns across cases. In addition it gives investigators a rich familiarity with each case which, in turn, accelerates cross-case comparison.”

The comparison between the cases constituted the next step in the analysis. Here, I used the categories from the case chapters, filled in the features and factors, and compared and contrasted the findings. The idea behind cross-case searching tactics is to force investigators to go beyond initial impressions, especially through the use of structural and diverse lenses on the data. These tactics improve the likelihood of accurate and reliable theory, that is, theory with a close fit to the data (Eisenhardt 1989).

As a result, I had a number of overall themes, concepts, and relationships that had emerged from the within-case analysis and cross-case comparisons. The next step was to compare these emergent findings with theory from the organizational field of mergers and acquisitions, as well as other relevant perspectives.

This method of generalization is known as analytical generalization. In this approach, a previously developed theory is used as a template with which to compare the empirical results of the case study (Yin 1989). This comparison of emergent concepts, theory, or hypotheses with the extant literature involves asking what it is similar to, what it contradicts, and why. The key to this process is to consider a broad range of theory (Eisenhardt 1989). On the whole, linking emergent theory to existent literature enhances the internal validity, generalizability, and theoretical level of theory-building from case research.

According to Eisenhardt (1989), examining literature that conflicts with the emergent literature is important for two reasons. First, the chance of neglecting conflicting findings is reduced. Second, “conflicting results forces researchers into a more creative, frame-breaking mode of thinking than they might otherwise be able to achieve” (p. 544). Similarly, Eisenhardt (1989) claims that literature discussing similar findings is important because it ties together underlying similarities in phenomena not normally associated with each other. The result is often a theory with a stronger internal validity, wider generalizability, and a higher conceptual level.

The analytical generalization in the study included exploring and developing the concepts and examining the relationships between the constructs. In carrying out this analytical generalization, I acted on Eisenhardt’s (1989) recommendation to use a broad range of theory. First, I compared and contrasted the findings with the organizational stream on mergers and acquisition literature. Then I discussed other relevant literatures, including strategic change, power and politics, social justice, and social identity theory to explore how these perspectives could contribute to the understanding of the findings. Finally, I discussed the findings that could not be explained either by the merger and acquisition literature or the four theoretical perspectives.

In every scientific study, questions are raised about whether the study is valid and reliable. The issues of validity and reliability in case studies are just as important as for more deductive designs, but the application is fundamentally different.

VALIDITY AND RELIABILITY

The problems of validity in qualitative studies are related to the fact that most qualitative researchers work alone in the field, they focus on the findings rather than describe how the results were reached, and they are limited in processing information (Miles and Huberman 1994).

Researchers writing about qualitative methods have questioned whether the same criteria can be used for qualitative and quantitative studies (Kirk & Miller 1986; Sykes 1990; Maxwell 1992). The problem with the validity criteria suggested in qualitative research is that there is little consistency across the articles as each author suggests a new set of criteria.

One approach in examining validity and reliability is to apply the criteria used in quantitative research. Hence, the criteria to be examined here are objectivity/intersubjectivity, construct validity, internal validity, external validity, and reliability.

Objectivity/Intersubjectivity

The basic issue of objectivity can be framed as one of relative neutrality and reasonable freedom from unacknowledged research biases (Miles & Huberman 1994). In a real-time longitudinal study, the researcher is in danger of losing objectivity and of becoming too involved with the organization, the people, and the process. Hence, Leonard-Barton (1990) claims that one may be perceived as, and may even become, an advocate rather than an observer.

According to King (1994), however, qualitative research, in seeking to describe and make sense of the world, does not require researchers to strive for objectivity and distance themselves from research participants. Indeed, to do so would make good qualitative research impossible, as the interviewer’s sensitivity to subjective aspects of his or her relationship with the interviewee is an essential part of the research process (King 1994:31).

This does not imply, however, that the issue of possible research bias can be ignored. It is just as important as in a structured quantitative interview that the findings are not simply the product of the researcher’s prejudices and prior experience. One way to guard against this bias is for the researcher to explicitly recognize his or her presuppositions and to make a conscious effort to set these aside in the analysis (Gummesson 1988). Furthermore, rival conclusions should be considered (Miles & Huberman 1994).

My experience from the first phase of the DnB study was that it was difficult to focus the questions and the analysis of the data when the research questions were too vague and broad. As such, developing a framework before collecting the data for the study was useful in guiding the collection and analysis of data. Nevertheless, it was important to be open-minded and receptive to new and surprising data. In the DnB study, for example, the positive effect of the reorganization process on the integration of cultures came as a complete surprise to me and thus needed further elaboration.

I also consciously searched for negative evidence and problems by interviewing outliers (Miles & Huberman 1994) and asking problem-oriented questions. In Gjensidige, the first interviews with the top management revealed a much more positive perception of the cultural integration process than I had expected. To explore whether this was a result of overreliance on elite informants, I continued posing problem-oriented questions to outliers and people at lower levels in the organization. Moreover, I told them about the DnB study to be explicit about my presuppositions.

Another important issue when assessing objectivity is whether other researchers can trace the interpretations made in the case studies, or what is called intersubjectivity. To deal with this issue, Miles & Huberman (1994) suggest that: (1) the study’s general methods and procedures should be described in detail, (2) one should be able to follow the process of analysis, (3) conclusions should be explicitly linked with exhibits of displayed data, and (4) the data from the study should be made available for reanalysis by others.

In response to these requirements, I described the study’s data collection procedures and processing in detail. Then, the primary data were displayed in the written report in the form of quotations and extracts from documents to support and illustrate the interpretations of the data. Because the study was written up in English, I included the Norwegian text in a separate appendix. Finally, all the primary data from the study were accessible for a small group of distinguished researchers.

Construct Validity

Construct validity refers to whether there is substantial evidence that the theoretical paradigm correctly corresponds to observation (Kirk & Miller 1986). In this form of validity, the issue is the legitimacy of the application of a given concept or theory to established facts.

The strength of qualitative research lies in the flexible and responsive interaction between the interviewer and the respondents (Sykes 1990). Thus, meaning can be probed, topics covered easily from a number of angles, and questions made clear for respondents. This is an advantage for exploring the concepts (construct or theoretical validity) and the relationships between them (internal validity). Similarly, Hakim (1987) says the great strength of qualitative research is the validity of data obtained because individuals are interviewed in sufficient detail for the results to be taken as true, correct, and believable reports of their views and experiences.

Construct validity can be strengthened by applying a longitudinal multicase approach, triangulation, and use of feedback loops. The advantage of applying a longitudinal approach is that one gets the opportunity to test sensitivity of construct measures to the passage of time. Leonard-Barton (1990), for example, found that one of her main constructs, communicability, varied across time and relative to different groups of users. Thus, the longitudinal study aided in defining the construct more precisely. By using more than one case study, one can validate stability of construct across situations (Leonard-Barton 1990). Since my study only consists of two case studies, the opportunity to test stability of constructs across cases is somewhat limited. However, the use of more than one unit of analysis helps to overcome this limitation.

Construct validity is strengthened by the use of multiple sources of evidence to build construct measures, which define the construct and distinguish it from other constructs. These multiple sources of evidence can include multiple viewpoints within and across the data sources. My study responds to these requirements in its sampling of interviewees and uses of multiple data sources.

Use of feedback loops implies returning to interviewees with interpretations and developing theory and actively seeking contradictions in data (Crabtree & Miller 1992; King 1994). In DnB, the written report had to be approved by the bank’s top management after the first data collection. Apart from one minor correction, the bank had no objections to the established facts. In their comments on my analysis, some of the top managers expressed the view that the political process had been overemphasized, and that the CEO’s role in initiating a strategic process was undervalued. Hence, an important objective in the second data collection was to explore these comments further. Moreover, the report was not as positive as the management had hoped for, and negotiations had to be conducted to publish the report. The result of these negotiations was that publication of the report was postponed one-and-a-half years.

The experiences from the first data collection in the DnB had some consequences. I was more cautious and brought up the problems of confidentiality and the need to publish at the outset of the Gjensidige study. Also, I had to struggle to get access to the DnB case for the second data collection and some of the information I asked for was not released. At Gjensidige, I sent a preliminary draft of the case chapter to the corporation’s top management for comments, in addition to having second interviews with a small number of people. Beside testing out the factual description, these sessions gave me the opportunity to test out the theoretical categories established as a result of the within-case analysis.

Internal Validity

Internal validity concerns the validity of the postulated relationships among the concepts. The main problem of internal validity as a criterion in qualitative research is that it is often not open to scrutiny. According to Sykes (1990), the researcher can always provide a plausible account and, with careful editing, may ensure its coherence. Recognition of this problem has led to calls for better documentation of the processes of data collection, the data itself, and the interpretative contribution of the researcher. The discussion of how I met these requirements was outlined in the section on objectivity/subjectivity above.

However, there are some advantages in using qualitative methods, too. First, the flexible and responsive methods of data collection allow cross-checking and amplification of information from individual units as it is generated. Respondents’ opinions and understandings can be thoroughly explored. The internal validity results from strategies that eliminate ambiguity and contradiction, filling in detail and establishing strong connections in data.

Second, the longitudinal study enables one to track cause and effect. Moreover, it can make one aware of intervening variables (Leonard-Barton 1990). Eisenhardt (1989:542) states, “Just as hypothesis testing research an apparent relationship may simply be a spurious correlation or may reflect the impact of some third variable on each of the other two. Therefore, it is important to discover the underlying reasons for why the relationship exists.”

Generalizability

According to Mitchell (1983), case studies are not based on statistical inference. Quite the contrary, the inferring process turns exclusively on the theoretically necessary links among the features in the case study. The validity of the extrapolation depends not on the typicality or representativeness of the case but on the cogency of the theoretical reasoning. Hartley (1994:225) claims, “The detailed knowledge of the organization and especially the knowledge about the processes underlying the behaviour and its context can help to specify the conditions under which behaviour can be expected to occur. In other words, the generalisation is about theoretical propositions not about populations.”

Generalizability is normally based on the assumption that this theory may be useful in making sense of similar persons or situations (Maxwell 1992). One way to increase the generalizability is to apply a multicase approach (Leonard-Barton 1990). The advantage of this approach is that one can replicate the findings from one case study to another. This replication logic is similar to that used on multiple experiments (Yin 1993).

Given the choice of two case studies, the generalizability criterion is not supported in this study. Through the discussion of my choices, I have tried to show that I had to strike a balance between the need for depth and mapping changes over time and the number of cases. In doing so, I deliberately chose to provide a deeper and richer look at each case, allowing the reader to make judgments about the applicability rather than making a case for generalizability.

Reliability

Reliability focuses on whether the process of the study is consistent and reasonably stable over time and across researchers and methods (Miles & Huberman 1994). In the context of qualitative research, reliability is concerned with two questions (Sykes 1990): Could the same study carried out by two researchers produce the same findings? and Could a study be repeated using the same researcher and respondents to yield the same findings?

The problem of reliability in qualitative research is that differences between replicated studies using different researchers are to be expected. However, while it may not be surprising that different researchers generate different findings and reach different conclusions, controlling for reliability may still be relevant. Kirk and Miller’s (1986:311) definition takes into account the particular relationship between the researcher’s orientation, the generation of data, and its interpretation:

For reliability to be calculated, it is incumbent on the scientific investigator to document his or her procedure. This must be accomplished at such a level of abstraction that the loci of decisions internal to the project are made apparent. The curious public deserves to know how the qualitative researcher prepares him or herself for the endeavour, and how the data is collected and analysed.

The study addresses these requirements by discussing my point of departure regarding experience and framework, the sampling and data collection procedures, and data analysis.

Case studies often lack academic rigor and are, as such, regarded as inferior to more rigorous methods where there are more specific guidelines for collecting and analyzing data. These criticisms stress that there is a need to be very explicit about the choices one makes and the need to justify them.

One reason why case studies are criticized may be that researchers disagree about the definition and the purpose of carrying out case studies. Case studies have been regarded as a design (Cook and Campbell 1979), as a qualitative methodology (Cassell and Symon 1994), as a particular data collection procedure (Andersen 1997), and as a research strategy (Yin 1989). Furthermore, the purpose for carrying out case studies is unclear. Some regard case studies as supplements to more rigorous qualitative studies to be carried out in the early stage of the research process; others claim that it can be used for multiple purposes and as a research strategy in its own right (Gummesson 1988; Yin 1989). Given this unclear status, researchers need to be very clear about their interpretation of the case study and the purpose of carrying out the study.

This article has taken Yin’s (1989) definition of the case study as a research strategy as a starting point and argued that the choice of the case study should be guided by the research question(s). In the illustrative study, I used a case study strategy because of a need to explore sensitive, ill-defined concepts in depth, over time, taking into account the context and history of the mergers and the existing knowledge about the phenomenon. However, the choice of a case study strategy extended rather than limited the number of decisions to be made. In Schramm’s (1971, cited in Yin 1989:22–23) words, “The essence of a case study, the central tendency among all types of case study, is that it tries to illuminate a decision or set of decisions, why they were taken, how they were implemented, and with what result.”

Hence, the purpose of this article has been to illustrate the wide range of decisions that need to be made in the context of a particular case study and to discuss the methodological considerations linked to these decisions. I argue that there is a particular need in case studies to be explicit about the methodological choices one makes and that these choices can be best illustrated through a case study of the case study strategy.

As in all case studies, however, there are limitations to the generalizability of using one particular case study for illustrative purposes. As such, the strength of linking the methodological considerations to a specific context and phenomenon also becomes a weakness. However, I would argue that the questions raised in this article are applicable to many case studies, but that the answers are very likely to vary. The design choices are shown in Table 4 . Hence, researchers choosing a longitudinal, comparative case study need to address the same set of questions with regard to design, data collection procedures, and analysis, but they are likely to come up with other conclusions, given their different research questions.

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Christine Benedichte Meyer is an associate professor in the Department of Strategy and Management in the Norwegian School of Economics and Business Administration, Bergen-Sandviken, Norway. Her research interests are mergers and acquisitions, strategic change, and qualitative research. Recent publications include: “Allocation Processes in Mergers and Acquisitions: An Organisational Justice Perspective” (British Journal of Management 2001) and “Motives for Acquisitions in the Norwegian Financial Industry” (CEMS Business Review 1997).

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Ideal for any cultural anthropology course, this brief collection of ethnographic case studies exposes students to 15 different cultures. The groups selected are peoples whose traditional cultures are uniquely their own. Each has distinctive patterns and practices; each has faced the challenge of an encroaching world, with differing results. Moreover, they often provide the prime illustrations of important concepts in introductory anthropology course including Azande witchcraft, Ju/’hoansi egalitarianism, Trobriand kula exchange, and Minangkabau matriliny. As such, this volume can stand alone as an introduction to central ethnographic concepts through these 15 societies, or serve as a valuable companion to anthropology texts. Many of the peoples presented are involved in the diaspora; some struggle to preserve old ways in new places. All sketches follow a logical, consistent organization that makes it easy for students to understand major themes such as history, subsistence, sociopolitical organization, belief systems, marriage, kinship, and contemporary issues.

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

An anecdotal case study in psychological anthropology of two retired middle school teachers’ perceptions of classroom life in the united states.

• Department of Teaching and Learning, Austin Peay State University, Clarksville, TN, United States

In this qualitative study, interviews of two former middle school teachers were conducted and analyzed for how they fostered a supportive classroom environment in the United States despite the national stress of the Vietnam War during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Half a century later in 2020-2021, similar trends seem to remain just as important in society though the context has shifted. Implications for social-emotional learning from then and now are discussed. Each of the two participants in this study established centralized control through slightly different means and both used written guidelines and rules while emphasizing prosocial behaviors. Three themes emerged: 1) a syllabus was important in management style, 2) sports, and 3) the national social context—such as the Vietnam War—manifested itself in the discourse of the social environment to affect classroom life. Implications for the socio-spatial context of school architectural layout are explored.

Introduction

This case study provides an answer to the question: What was a perspective of middle school classroom life and management from the Vietnam War era? This question was asked because of the approaching fifty-year anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War. This seemed like a historical moment to get the recollections of former middle school teachers as a snapshot in time and for their implications for middle school classroom life. The interviews that are the focus of this paper are of two former middle school teachers who taught in the late 1960s to early 1970s.

The purpose of this study was to explore the research question: What changes or continuities in middle school classroom management were there in America from a case study perspective of former in-service middle school teachers? The assumption is that there are generational cultural cycles. This is a qualitative case study in psychological anthropology, what Stein (1985) , Rosa (1996) called psychoanthropology. According to Stromberg (2009) , psychological anthropologists “are interested in many of the same questions as Psychologists, except that we PAs (psychological anthropologists) always try to think about the possibility that human activity is based not only in personality or the nervous system but also in a person’s culture and social environment” (para. 2). Two former middle school teachers who taught between the years 1967–1971 agreed to interview for this study. The semi-structured interviews were transcribed. The difference in time and age is an intentional component of the study because this is a case study comparison ( Stake, 1995 ) between two former middle school teachers. Discussion will include the importance of architecture and classroom organization to the social process of teaching and learning.

Literature Review

The concept of middle school has undergone changes in the late 20th century as “middle school” replaced “junior high school” in many districts in the United States ( Tamer, 2012 ). The language used to describe the middle grades suggests how education is conceptualized ( Wortham, 2008 ). The junior high school tended to be more focused on subject matter content, while the concept of middle school attempts to balance subject matter content with social-emotional development that educational psychologists suggested is important for the age group in grades 6–8 ( Roeser et al., 2000 ).

Managing the middle school classroom was also increasingly viewed as distinct from elementary school and high school in the late 20th century and twenty-first century. While fostering positive relationships between students and teachers has long been established as important at every grade level, the middle school context of early adolescence requires its own strategy of relationship-building. According to Beaty-O’Ferrall et al. (2010) : “Teachers who adopt a relationship-building approach to classroom management by focusing on developing the whole person are more likely to help students develop positive, socially-appropriate behaviors” (p. 5). This is not a different process from high school, but it can include a different level of quasi-parental perspective as it is the transitional age group between child and adolescent ( Akmal and Larsen, 2004 ). Related to these observations through a social cognitive lens is the role that the coach identity can have in potentially supporting teacher authority which often seem to be anecdotal, yet influential ( Cossentino, 2004 ; Pope et al. 2014 ; Dervent and Inan 2015 ).

Social support in school promotes student retention and graduation across student groups ( Demir and Leyendecker, 2018 ). The middle school sets the stage for students going into high school, so the ways in which middle schools are structured socially and psychologically can either incentivize or disincentivize prosocial and academic development ( Beaty-O’Ferrall et al., 2010 ). Middle school design can facilitate co-regulation skills in students so that the teacher is more a facilitator of learning than behavior manager. As Quackenbush and Bol (2020) concluded in their study of the social dynamic of co-regulation blurring together with social regulation between teacher and students in a middle school mathematics classroom: “In these two cases, the teachers were effectively but implicitly sparking socially-shared regulation of learning among teams of students” (p. 7). Such a process can be seen throughout modern schooling going back at least to the mid-twentieth century. This study provides another vantage point of discussion for this concept of social regulation and co-regulation in the middle school classroom.

Each generation has its own context while also having many continuities from previous generations that overlap. The Vietnam War was a time of socio-political change and civil rights marches. This context affected the students, families, teachers, and administrators in schools across the United States. One of the many effects of the Vietnam War legacy was, in part, its influence on immigration to the United States. For example, English language learning (ELL) began to be implemented more widely and systematically in the 1970s to meet the needs of language learners, especially those who were refugees from the Vietnam War that decade ( McCall and Vang, 2012 ). The increased attention to ELL in American public schools in the 1970s was caused, in part, because of the socio-political changes of the Vietnam War ( Nguyen, 2018 ).

Using the life-history method, Nguyen (2018) interviewed three individuals who were English language learners in Vietnam to explore their perceptions and experiences of school. The Vietnam War influenced perceptions; influencing geopolitics that affected teachers as well as students. According to Nguyen (2018) , “Drawing on the narratives of the participants, we can see that this language conveyed political implications specific to the socio-historical milieu of Vietnam during the 1975–1990 period” (p. 624). The Vietnam War had a lasting influence on socio-political contexts of school in both Vietnam and the United States and, thus, is an important reference point in time for the study of schools and educational context. Lessons from those influences are important in the study of change and continuity of school structure.

Conceptual Framework

This is a case study of two former middle school teachers’ perspectives of their time teaching in the United States from 1967 to 1971. This case study method is based in part on the sociocultural approach of Bartlett and Vavrus (2014) that situates a study across micro-level to macro-level contexts. This type of multidisciplinary approach is what Stromberg (2009) called psychological anthropology. The interview method was informed by Sawyer and Norris (2013) concept of duoethnography in which the two participants are the case study. Semi-structured interviews were used as this gathers primary information for analysis ( Briggs, 2007 ). This study is a combined conceptual framework similar to a prism in that the output is a result of analyzing separate components of the data that are connected yet different in their implication.

This case study addresses an aspect of social-emotional development for the middle school classroom environment as seen through the lens of two retired middle school teachers who taught during a time of social change in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The two teachers in this study addressed social-emotional learning in different ways for social studies and science classes, respectively. The interviews were recorded and transcribed manually. On the qualitative spectrum, this study is part of a hermeneutical understanding of school environments based on a semi-structured interview protocol of individual perception in context of larger social phenomena (e.g., the context of the Vietnam War in the late 1960s and early 1970s) and that the socio-spatial structure of schools affects individual roles (see Appendix ).

Research Design

After reading the informed consent statement as approved by this researcher’s Institutional Review Board, the two participants were given the semi-structured interview protocol ahead of the interviews ( Stake, 1995 ). The interviews were voice recorded and transcribed by this researcher. The voice recorder was placed on the table in between the researcher and participant after acknowledging that the interview was being recorded for this study in accordance with the informed consent statement. Participants were given their transcribed interviews after completion for them to review. Anonymity was ensured by redacting any personal information in the transcription.

This researcher interviewed the two participants with a voice recorder and then transcribed the recording manually. The transcripts were given to the participants to review before finalizing and to ensure that identifying information was redacted. Themes were derived by this researcher manually without software based on a modified duoethnography model ( Sawyer and Norris, 2013 ). The modification to the Sawyer and Norris (2013) model is that instead of this researcher entering a dialogue with another researcher about the interviews, this researcher entered dialogue with the participants directly to check for thematic agreement (e.g., the importance of the Vietnam War on the social-emotional context of the United States in the late 1960s and early 1970s). The participants reviewed the transcript prior to writing the paper and then read the first draft of the paper prior to submission. As part of the purpose of this study was to explore anecdotal perception of classroom life from recollections of the Vietnam War era in the United States, the effects of the Vietnam War legacy on social-emotional development emerged as a theme. The role of sports in middle grades social-emotional development also emerged during the interviews. Likewise, this researcher was interested in the transition from the junior high school model to the middle school model and what potential insights individuals who were teachers during the late 1960s and 1970s might have that could provide further understanding of this thematic shift in the structure of early adolescent education. As such, this study is a psychological-anthropological case study in anecdotal experience that provides anecdotal insights into middle grades educational continuity and change based on a larger social context.

The transcripts that are analyzed from the two retired middle school teachers’ interviews are like narration ready for unpacking to understand what Pinar et al. (1995) suggested were the heretofore hidden “stories that never end, stories in which the listener, the ‘narratee,’ may become a character or indeed the narrator, in which all structure is provisional, momentary, a collection of twinkling stars in a firmament of flux” (p. 449). In other words, individual narratives are as important as large data sets, though different in how they are used for recommendations for curricular practice. Interview data presents a story that would otherwise go unread.

This study focuses on the interview data as a case study exploring the concept of middle school classroom life from a snapshot in time. This case study being structured on an interview of two former middle school teachers allows for reflection on their teaching practice based on the things that most imprinted on their memories. The individual within the larger school culture emerged as important. The years 1967–1971 are emphasized because of an interest in commemorating the fifty-year anniversary of the end of the Vietnam War. With sociopolitical unrest leading to social change, there are parallels that an anecdotal case study can illuminate for discussion.

Findings and Discussion

The findings from each of the two interviews were more different than similar. As a case study using a semi-structured interview protocol, the individual participants determined what they saw as personally important. Although both schools that the participants taught at were urban and during the same time frame, the two schools were on different coasts of the United States, had different population composites, different sizes, different emphasis on sports, and different classroom management styles because of local culture. Three themes emerged: 1) a syllabus was important in management style, 2) sports were important in social cohesion and the absence of sports was seen as a deficit, and 3) the national social context—such as the Vietnam War—manifested itself in the discourse of the classroom environment to affect classroom management practice.

Participant 1—a male social studies teacher—noted that although his mentor teacher during his student teaching practicum was authoritarian, Participant 1 considered himself to be “cooperative” and not “assertively authoritative.” He seemed to reference his role as a football coach as one that was more pastoral than authoritarian. Participant 1 noted that this style of management worked because:

(Participant 1) My style was more to be in a partnership with the students—more or less informal and not particularly disciplinarian—but demanding academically. And it worked with my particular students. It would not have worked in many other school atmospheres in my opinion, but it certainly worked in the school I was in and the students I was teaching.

This suggests that because he was of the same culture as the majority, that there was a cultural understanding in which the dominant culture of the area expected a somewhat “informal” approach to discipline. Rules, in other words, did not necessarily need to be written and posted on the wall. This seems to be in keeping with what Caughlan (2005) observed of “pastoral power,” as well as what Pope et al. (2014) suggested about the importance of the coach identity as a role of social importance in communities.

Both participants indicated that they provided a syllabus to their seventh-grade students at the beginning of the school year. Participant 1 noted:

(Participant 1) Well, I did have a syllabus. Let me back up a little bit; I certainly had a syllabus, but I didn’t have specific rules for behavior in the classroom. But I did have a specific syllabus that I handed out at the beginning of the year, the academic period.

Participant 2 (a female science teacher from the east coast) on the other hand indicated that explicitly spelled-out rules were needed—because of experience.

(Interviewer) Did you have written rules and guidelines?

(Participant 2) Not the first year.

(Interviewer) And the second year?

(Participant 2) The second year I did.

(Interviewer) And how did you go about constructing those rules?

(Participant 2) I thought about it over the summer—I mean always had a syllabus, but I think what you’re talking about are other expectations.

(Interviewer)Yes.

(Participant 2) What I came to understand my first year is that children that age want rules; they want structure—they want to know what the expectation is. Because, as I said, seventh grade is such an extremely difficult year. My experience in the area where I was, was that students needed and wanted to be told by an adult that they trusted what the expectation was. They did not want to make those decisions for themselves—for the most part. And so, over the summer, when I thought about the challenges I had for the first year, I spent a great deal of time thinking about how I would structure my approach during the second year. So, I did, I had rules—hopefully not too many rules, but just basically what the rules were. You know, about speaking or, you know, what would seem now to be maybe insignificant—but, chewing gum or where you sit or things like that. That was all set out, because I just found that kids that age in that area wanted to know exactly what was expected of them.

Participant 2’s experience in her first year of teaching prompted her to change from the relatively informal management style (as outlined by Participant 1) to the more formal management style of rules to be documented in the syllabus like a contract. Participant 2 suggested that implementing the formal rules in her next year of teaching seemed to be an integral part of fostering a stable learning environment. Both participants had protocols, but they manifested differently. Participant 2, the science teacher, began this way in the second year after adapting her management style from what she learned her first year of teaching:

(Participant 2) They came in, I let them sit where they wanted to sit, and told them very specifically to choose carefully because they were not going to be able to change seats at all the whole year. I then made a seating chart and made sure that I memorized the name of every student. I found that is amazing for having a calm class—is to be able to redirect a student by immediately calling them by name, not having to walk over to them or talk to them or anything—simply calling them by name calmly, clearly calmly redirecting conduct.

(Participant 2) Okay, my second year, I felt like I had no disciplinary problems. And, as I said, I think the reason for that was that I made sure I knew every child’s name by the second day in class. And so I tried to exude self-confidence and was very clear and directive when I spoke to them. So, I just think that created an atmosphere where the student knew what was expected of him or her—including the fact that I set forth the rules from the start. The first year I thought I did have some discipline problems with the one class that I was warned that I would (laughter), and, I’m not sure that I ever did—I don’t think it was until the end of the year that I ever felt that things calmed down in that class at all.

Keeping the seventh-grade classes under control seemed to be a constant process of negotiation. Mediating venues that were attached to the school but not class, such as sports events, seemed to be a part of that negotiation process. Sports—football in particular—seemed to be a means that Participant 1 could use as a mode of amplifying his negotiating authority, because of his status as the assistant coach for what he noted was a “very successful” football program. Participant 1 noted that the authority of a football coach was a special type of authority different from the authority he had as a teacher:

(Participant 1) That’s easy because if you’re a coach you are the authority. And, you demand discipline. Any athletic endeavor demands discipline. If the individuals don’t conform to that discipline then they’re benched—they’re marginalized. And no student really wants to be marginalized, particularly when they are all out competing for a position on the football team—a successful football team. If the program is successful, if the athletic endeavor is successful, and it garners a lot of positive reaction from parents, students, coaches, the public in general, then it has an inherent discipline all of its own. It’s easy to get the kids to cooperate—it’s never a problem in a successful athletic endeavor—it’s never a problem.

This extra type of authority seemed to amplify his authority as a teacher. Participant 2, however, taught at a school that did not have any after-school sports programs. Perhaps this missing layer of school-sponsored sports removed a potential additional source of authority from teachers. Participant 1 suggested that motivation was the key factor surrounding sports and that the motivation within sports could be complimentary to motivating academic performance.

Individual students seemed to respect Participant 1’s authority as the football coach and teacher combined. The combination of roles as football coach and teacher reinforced each other to augment the teacher’s classroom authority. This seems to support Dervent and Inan (2015) social cognitive theory of football coaches’ influence on student-athletes’ academic success and social development through the concept of social role modeling. The coach identity can be an important component of a teacher’s management effectiveness inside and outside the classroom ( Pope et al., 2014 ). Similarly, Cossentino (2004) noted that the coach identity can be an important way for teachers to reinforce their pedagogical authority.

Participant 1 indicated that his football team was considered successful and that some of the players were also students in his classes. Classroom management overlapped with football field management and the combination seemed to be an effective means of generating self-contained respect in which students respected him as a teacher-coach without needing any assistance from administration. In other words, Participant 1 was a nearly self-contained figure of authority from the beginning.

(Interviewer) How often did you have to involve administration in disciplinary issues?

(Participant 1) Very rarely; I rarely bothered them. The students were full of energy, but they were never hostile. So, and they were never really hostile toward each other either. They were just full of energy or they were emotional over something—could be a positive emotion, could be a negative one—but there was no real friction on a personal ad hominem level, detectable by myself. And if there ever was ever anything like that, particularly with the 11th graders, if they were interested in football, I would resolve it on the football field. … Everybody would have a laugh. It was never hostile. I was never assertively authoritative—I didn’t try to heavily assert my authority. I would just say that it’s time for you to calm down and it’s time to cooperate.

This further suggests Participant 1’s authority as both coach and teacher in effectively maintaining a goal-oriented management approach for social studies similar to the goal-oriented approach in football discussed by Dervent and Inan (2015) . His identity as football coach and teacher created additional strategies for maintaining authority in which the football field was a second classroom. The two fields—classroom and football—reinforced the teacher’s authority. This was done in what Jansen and Kiefer (2020) discussed as a social-emotional development approach relevant to middle school students to meet them where they are and to encourage prosocial skills within school environments that include the classroom and the sports field.

Participant 2, the female science teacher, although in a different context from the male social studies teacher, also exuded a sense of self-contained authority who very rarely needed administrator assistance with discipline. Without an identity of a sports coach, she seemed to rely more on the structure of written and spoken rules at the beginning and on the basis of scientific process. Even without the additional identity of sports coach, Participant 2 seemed to utilize the subject—science—as a way to establish a method for students to follow. Every student had an assigned seat, for example, and so that established a set routine that they could follow the entire year. They had set times for lecture, discussion, and interactive laboratory work. Again, a methodological structure was established by Participant 2 so that students “knew what was expected of him or her—including the fact that I set forth the rules from the start” (Participant 2 interview note).

National-level political and social movements seemed to affect teacher practice on a nearly continual basis. The school was not isolated from larger political and social situations. Both participants spoke of their experience teaching during what became known as the height of the Vietnam War. Both participants mentioned the Vietnam War throughout their interview as it related to classroom topics and behavior. Sometimes, the conflict in Vietnam would be discussed in class, especially if Participant 1 thought students were distracted:

(Participant 1) So, I tried to gauge: What was on the minds of these students today? Was it a headline about something in Civil Rights, a headline about the [Vietnam] War? Or some other headline that dominated television or their parents’ conversation? And try to relate that to the subject matter during that classroom time. On the other hand, if it was something that had happened at school that they didn’t like or that they were puzzled over or that it was concerning to them, then we would talk about it—we would just stop the academic side of class for 10 min and I’d just let them talk. Then I would bring it back and I tried never to take a position on those things and explain it as best I could.

This was a management tactic to redirect potentially disruptive behavior into a productive activity within the context of the course. In other words, this teacher did not blame the student for being distracted. Instead, the social dynamics of society were acknowledged and allowed to be discussed within the learning environment. This acknowledgment validated students as stakeholders in their own education.

Participant 2, who was teaching on a military base, suggested an even more pronounced affect that the conflict in Vietnam had on student—and teacher—behavior. One of the main affects seemed to be a feeling of uncertainty in which the concept of home moved:

(Participant 2) This was a large urban school. It was on a very large military installation. So to that extent it was probably different from many other large urban schools, and because it was during the height of the Vietnam War people were constantly moving. The teachers moved in and out, the students were moving in and out. And more to the point, I think that the students had more challenges than students at other schools, because most of those students had a father who was absent fighting in the Vietnam War, and had a mother who was working and trying to keep things together at home.

To compensate for the uncertainty, Participant 2 indicated that having delineated rules and expectations on a syllabus and through repetition of example fostered a sense of calm. Participant 2 had a seating chart where each student was assigned a seat for the whole year. This seemed to be a tactic for (re)establishing a sense of home or stability—in a subtle but identifiable way—so that students would come to school knowing that they could always go to the same seat in the same classroom with the same teacher and have a sense of affirming structure. Establishing routine through structured social protocols was important because of relatively low parent involvement.

(Interviewer) Were there any specific curricular guidelines given to you?

(Participant 2) We were given the books that we were supposed to use. And I had two books to use—one book to be used for, as I say, the more gifted students. And a different book for those who were more challenged. We were told what we were supposed to cover. The type of curriculum it was is there were reading assignments—I would give homework assignments—and we would have discussions, lectures and discussion. And because it was a science class, I also would have a lab. Because money was so tight in this particular area, in fact, I bought a lot of my own supplies for the labs. If I wanted to do particular labs, the school often times didn’t have the materials and so I purchased them myself. (pause) Very different from the tax base that we have now for some of our K-12 schools, and (State redacted) was very different from (State redacted). (State redacted) had much more of a focus on the tax base for schools; in (State redacted) that just wasn’t the case, at that time.

Money was a much more pronounced issue for Participant 2 than Participant 1 because the local school district in Participant 2’s areas was economically depressed.

(Interviewer) Were you an advisor for any extracurricular activities?

(Participant 2) No, and the reason for that is that these kids did not have a parent who could pick them up after school. So, there virtually were no after-school activities. They either got on the bus or if they were lucky enough to have a parent who could pick them up they could. But, there was no ability to keep a child after school either voluntarily or involuntarily. So, anything that needed to be done in terms of communicating with a child or parent needed to be done during the structured school day.

External financial constraints and the Vietnam War draft was a major cause for parent detachment from their children’s school. Parent support is important for student success. If parent support is missing, then it is up to school staff to step in as a local quasi-parent ( Akmal and Larsen, 2004 ). This seemed to be the case during the Vietnam War era, too, as suggested in this interview. Parent support did not seem to be a problem for Participant 1 on the west coast. The contrast is particularly remarkable as well because Participant 2’s school did not have after-school sports.

In the context of the late 1960s and 1970s, the United States middle grades system was largely organized into what where called “junior high schools.” Starting in the late 1980s junior high schools started to be reorganized into middle schools. Some districts still retained the junior high school model into the 2010s. The junior high school tended to be grades 7–8 while middle schools tended to be grades 6–8. Sometimes, a junior high school was grades 7–9 in which case the high school included only grades 10–12 and called a senior high school ( Tamer, 2012 ). These organizational shifts to the middle grades structure are important because of their reflection of the changing understandings regarding developmental psychology and educational psychology.

As much as the changes were psychological, they were also linguistic for cultural appeal. The term middle school infers something different than junior high school. As Tamer (2012) suggested, middle school infers a more student-centered approach while junior high school suggests a more content-driven approach. While a generalization, it does frame the context for why the change in structure of grades 6–8 shifted. While psychological, the labels were also sociocultural and affected the way that middle grades education was conceptualized and taught. Even the design of the school buildings changed so that the architecture reflected the apparent shift in focus of the middle school in comparison to the junior high school.

The language used to describe the middle grades is important because the language use can be what Wortham (2008) called “social action in practice.” Here is where the transition from educational psychology to educational anthropology takes place—it is in the social practice of teaching and learning in the middle grades where student social development is as important as their academic development. These concepts are present in the background of interviews with middle school teachers who must consider many different variables of curriculum design and implementation within the changing social context of early adolescent learners in the middle grades.

The physical design of the learning space affects classroom management practice. Social action in practice for management and organization of schools also took the form of changes in the physical design of middle schools. The architecture and layout of a school suggests the priorities and function of the teaching and learning space. Among the spectrum of school designs, there is variation from the traditional segmented, rigidly separate rooms with disciplinary boundaries to the open concept plans that foster interdisciplinary collaboration. Floorplans and architectural design can influence social cognitive process, according to Dovey and Fisher (2014) .

While classroom management in the middle grades has often been analyzed from psychological perspectives, there is much to be learned from anthropological research methods in conjunction with the psychological study of the middle school environment ( Jansen and Kiefer, 2020 ). The shift in focus from the junior high school model to the middle school model can be inferred in the physical design of the school buildings. The physical redesigns that began to emerge in the late 1970s infer the curriculum reforms. The junior high school layout tended to emphasize content-focused instruction.

The middle school layout tended to emphasize the concept of student-centered instruction. The hybrid instructional format would become more common in which there is a balance between these two models. With the blending of content-focused and student-centered instruction came the blending of the physical layout of the school building itself. The architecture was partially a reflection of the instructional type. The student-centered or hybrid models tended to reflect what Dovey and Fisher (2014) discussed as the renewed interest in the role of socio-spatial variables in teaching and learning.

The two interviews analyzed in this qualitative study suggest that each of the two former middle school teachers interviewed fostered an inclusive and supportive classroom environment in different ways depending on their local school social context. The importance of national social trends (e.g., politics in the Vietnam War), classroom structuring from the start of the year (e.g., syllabus and classroom rules), and the importance of the coach identity manifested differently. These seem to be common themes across classrooms and time, anecdotally substantiating studies by Pope et al. (2014) and Dervent and Inan (2015) on the coach identity in which they concluded that such an identity can augment the teacher’s authority because of social modeling in social cognitive theory in which students look up to a coach as a role model or figure of authority. Each of the two participants in this study established centralized control through slightly different means and both used written guidelines and rules. But the reliance on written rules varied based on each teacher’s assessment of the social-emotional development of their students at that time and within the larger community context.

The divergence in the two participants’ experiences with sports was perhaps the largest contrast. The social studies teacher was also the assistant football coach, and this added to his authority. The science teacher was at a school where parent involvement was relatively low because of external financial and work constraints coupled with the school not having sports programs. There was a code of conduct, but that code seemed to be based mostly on unwritten principles of respect and conventions of interpersonal conduct through personality, constructs of protection or safety (such as defending each other for team cohesion on and off the field), and the negotiation between individual and team in which the individual has more freedom up to the point where that freedom intersects the team goal.

Data Availability Statement

The interview data from this study is quoted in this article. The raw interview data may be made available upon request. Identifying information is redacted in accordance with the approved research protocol.

Ethics Statement

This study involving human participants was reviewed and approved by the Austin Peay State University Institutional Review Board. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study.

Author Contributions

The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication.

Conflict of Interest

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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Semi-structured interview protocol

To Participant (“interviewee,” also addressed as “you” or “your”):

This interview is intended for former school teachers and in-service teachers. You have been asked to participate in this study because of your status as a former or current school teacher (including any grade level in K-12). Interviews will be voice recorded and transcribed. Results will be published in the researcher’s dissertation and potentially other scholarly venues, including but not limited to scholarly journals and books. Any personally identifiable information from the participants (interviewees) will be redacted for publication to maintain interviewee anonymity. You may stop your interview at any time. Your transcribed interview is available upon request from the researcher conducting the interview.

The purpose of this interview is to add to the field of educational research on school and classroom life and management. The questions in this survey are designed to specifically 1) identify the manners that characterized classrooms and schools by 2) saving your first-person account of your experience as a K-12 teacher.

The researcher (interviewer) will publish in whole or in part your interview (with any personally identifiable information redacted) and will analyze your interview and other participants’ interviews with the purpose of adding to the literature on classroom life and management and any other applicable fields of educational research. Interview questions:

1. What grade levels did you teach? What year(s) did you teach? How would you generally describe the school—urban or rural, et cetera?

2. How would you characterize students’ manners in your school?

a. Did you have a specific idea of your classroom management plan at the beginning of the school year?

b. What was your philosophy of authority and management in the classroom? In extracurricular activities?

i. Did you try to instill specific manners in your classroom management plan?

ii. How would you characterize the ways in which students interacted with each other in your classroom?

iii. Were there significant differences between genders in their manners?

c. How would you characterize teachers’ manners in your school?

Keywords: classroom life, middle school teachers, semi-structured interview, social-emotional development, socio-spatial context, psychological anthropology, Vietnam War legacy, coach identity

Citation: Attwood AI (2021) An Anecdotal Case Study in Psychological Anthropology of Two Retired Middle School Teachers’ Perceptions of Classroom Life in the United States. Front. Educ. 6:655457. doi: 10.3389/feduc.2021.655457

Received: 18 January 2021; Accepted: 15 June 2021; Published: 02 July 2021.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2021 Attwood. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY). The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Adam I. Attwood, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

007811702x 2012 Ideal for any Cultural Anthropology course, this brief and inexpensive collection of ethnographic case studies exposes students to fifteen different cultures. Culture Sketches introduces students to ethnography without overwhelming them with excessive reading material. Each sketch, or chapter, was selected for its relevance to students and for its ability to reflect the basic concepts found in introductory courses. All sketches follow a logical, consistent organization that makes it easy for students to understand major themes such as geography, myth creation, history, sociopolitical systems, and belief systems. The new edition offers a new chapter, "The Roma: , Rights, and the Road Ahead", adding geographic breadth to the text. To obtain an instructor login for this Online Learning Center, ask your . If you're an instructor thinking about adopting this textbook, for review. and . is one of the many fine businesses of . Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices. 3 Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology Katie nelson, inver hills community college [email protected] http://kanelson.com/. Learning Objectives Discuss what is unique about ethnographic fieldwork and how it emerged as a key strategy in anthropology. Explain how traditional approaches to ethnographic fieldwork contrast with contemporary approaches. Identify some of the contemporary ethnographic fieldwork techniques and perspectives. Discuss some of the ethical considerations in doing anthropological fieldwork. Summarize how anthropologists transform their fieldwork data into a story that communicates meaning. FINDING THE FIELD My first experience with fieldwork as a student anthropologist took place in a small indigenous community in northeastern Brazil studying the Jenipapo-Kanindé of Lagoa Encantada (Enchanted Lake). I had planned to conduct an independent research project on land tenure among members of the indigenous tribe and had gotten permission to spend several months with the community. My Brazilian host family arranged for a relative to drive me to the rural community on the back of his motorcycle. After several hours navigating a series of bumpy roads in blazing equatorial heat, I was relieved to arrive at the edge of the reservation. He cut the motor and I removed my heavy backpack from my tired, sweaty back. Upon hearing us arrive, first children and then adults slowly and shyly began to approach us. I greeted the curious onlookers and briefly explained who I was. As a group of children ran to fetch the cacique (the chief/political leader), I began to explain my research agenda to several of the men who had gathered. I mentioned that I was interested in learning about how the tribe negotiated land use rights without any private land ownership. After hearing me use the colloquial term “ índio ” (Indian), a man who turned out to be the cacique’s cousin came forward and said to me, “Well, your work is going to be difficult because there are no Indians here; we are only Brazilians.” Then, abruptly, another man angrily replied to him, stating firmly that, in fact, they were Indians because the community was on an Indian reservation and the Brazilian government had recognized them as an indigenous tribe. A few women then entered the rapid-fire discussion. I took a step back, surprised by the intensity of my first interaction in the community. The debate subsided once the cacique arrived, but it left a strong impression in my mind. Eventually, I discarded my original research plan to focus instead on this disagreement within the community about who they were and were not. In anthropology, this type of conflict in beliefs is known as contested identity . I soon learned that many among the Jenipapo-Kanindé did not embrace the Indian identity label. The tribe members were all monolingual Portuguese-speakers who long ago had lost their original language and many of their traditions. Beginning in the 1980s, several local researchers had conducted studies in the community and had concluded that the community had indigenous origins. Those researchers lobbied on the community’s behalf for official state and federal status as an indigenous reservation, and in 1997 the Funai ( Fundação Nacional do Índio or National Foundation for the Indian) visited the community and agreed to officially demarcate the land as an indigenous reservation. More than 20 years later, the community is still waiting for that demarcation. Some in the community embraced indigenous status because it came with a number of benefits. The state (Ceará), using partial funding from Funai, built a new road to improve access to the community. The government also constructed an elementary school and a common well and installed new electric lines. Despite those gains, some members of the community did not embrace indigenous status because being considered Indian had a pejorative connotation in Brazil. Many felt that the label stigmatized them by associating them with a poor and marginalized class of Brazilians. Others resisted the label because of long-standing family and inter-personal conflicts in the community. Fieldwork is the most important method by which cultural anthropologists gather data to answer their research questions. While interacting on a daily basis with a group of people, cultural anthropologists document their observations and perceptions and adjust the focus of their research as needed. They typically spend a few months to a few years living among the people they are studying. The “field” can be anywhere the people are—a village in highland Papua New Guinea or a supermarket in downtown Minneapolis. Just as marine biologists spend time in the ocean to learn about the behavior of marine animals and geologists travel to a mountain range to observe rock formations, anthropologists go to places where people are. Doing Anthropology In this short film, Stefan Helmreich, Erica James, and Heather Paxson, three members of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Anthropology Department, talk about their current work and the process of doing fieldwork . Making the Strange Familiar and the Familiar Strange The cultural anthropologist’s goal during fieldwork is to describe a group of people to others in a way that makes strange or unusual features of the culture seem familiar and familiar traits seem extraordinary. The point is to help people think in new ways about aspects of their own culture by comparing them with other cultures. The research anthropologist Margaret Mead describes in her monograph Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) is a famous example of this. In 1925, Mead went to American Samoa, where she conducted ethnographic research on adolescent girls and their experiences with sexuality and growing up. Mead’s mentor, anthropologist Franz Boas, was a strong proponent of cultural determinism, the idea that one’s cultural upbringing and social environment, rather than one’s biology, primarily determine behavior. Boas encouraged Mead to travel to Samoa to study adolescent behavior there and to compare their culture and behavior with that of adolescents in the United States to lend support to his hypothesis. In the foreword of Coming of Age in Samoa , Boas described what he saw as the key insight of her research: “The results of her painstaking investigation confirm the suspicion long held by anthropologists that much of what we ascribe to human nature is no more than a reaction to the restraints put upon us by our civilization.” [1] Mead studied 25 young women in three villages in Samoa and found that the stress, anxiety, and turmoil of American adolescence were not found among Samoan youth. Rather, young women in Samoa experienced a smooth transition to adulthood with relatively little stress or difficulty. She documented instances of socially accepted sexual experimentation, lack of sexual jealousy and rape, and a general sense of casualness that marked Samoan adolescence. Coming of Age in Samoa quickly became popular, launching Mead’s career as one of the most well-known anthropologists in the United States and perhaps the world. The book encouraged American readers to reconsider their own cultural assumptions about what adolescence in the United States should be like, particularly in terms of the sexual repression and turmoil that seemed to characterize the teenage experience in mid-twentieth century America. Through her analysis of the differences between Samoan and American society, Mead also persuasively called for changes in education and parenting for U.S. children and adolescents. Another classic example of a style of anthropological writing that attempted to make the familiar strange and encouraged readers to consider their own cultures in a different way is Horace Miner’s Body Ritual among the Nacirema (1956). The essay described oral hygiene practices of the Nacirema (“American” spelled backward) in a way that, to cultural insiders, sounded extreme, exaggerated, and out of context. He presented the Nacirema as if they were a little-known cultural group with strange, exotic practices. Miner wrote the essay during an era in which anthropologists were just beginning to expand their focus beyond small-scale traditional societies far from home to large-scale post-industrial societies such as the United States. He wrote the essay primarily as a satire of how anthropologists often wrote about “the Other” in ways that made other cultures seem exotic and glossed over features that the Other had in common with the anthropologist’s culture. The essay also challenged U.S. readers in general and anthropologists in particular to think differently about their own cultures and re-examine their cultural assumptions about what is “normal.” Emic and Etic Perspectives When anthropologists conduct fieldwork, they gather data. An important tool for gathering anthropological data is ethnography —the in-depth study of everyday practices and lives of a people. Ethnography produces a detailed description of the studied group at a particular time and location, also known as a “ thick description ,” a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book The Interpretation of Cultures to describe this type of research and writing. A thick description explains not only the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. Such descriptions help readers better understand the internal logic of why people in a culture behave as they do and why the behaviors are meaningful to them. This is important because understanding the attitudes, perspectives, and motivations of cultural insiders is at the heart of anthropology. Ethnographers gather data from many different sources. One source is the anthropologist’s own observations and thoughts. Ethnographers keep field notebooks that document their ideas and reflections as well as what they do and observe when participating in activities with the people they are studying, a research technique known as participant observation . Other sources of data include informal conversations and more-formal interviews that are recorded and transcribed. They also collect documents such as letters, photographs, artifacts, public records, books, and reports. Different types of data produce different kinds of ethnographic descriptions, which also vary in terms of perspective—from the perspective of the studied culture ( emic ) or from the perspective of the observer ( etic ). Emic perspectives refer to descriptions of behaviors and beliefs in terms that are meaningful to people who belong to a specific culture, e.g., how people perceive and categorize their culture and experiences, why people believe they do what they do, how they imagine and explain things. To uncover emic perspectives, ethnographers talk to people, observe what they do, and participate in their daily activities with them. Emic perspectives are essential for anthropologists’ efforts to obtain a detailed understanding of a culture and to avoid interpreting others through their own cultural beliefs. Etic perspectives refer to explanations for behavior by an outside observer in ways that are meaningful to the observer. For an anthropologist, etic descriptions typically arise from conversations between the ethnographer and the anthropological community. These explanations tend to be based in science and are informed by historical, political, and economic studies and other types of research. The etic approach acknowledges that members of a culture are unlikely to view the things they do as noteworthy or unusual. They cannot easily stand back and view their own behavior objectively or from another perspective. For example, you may have never thought twice about the way you brush your teeth and the practice of going to the dentist or how you experienced your teenage years. For you, these parts of your culture are so normal and “natural” you probably would never consider questioning them. An emic lens gives us an alternative perspective that is essential when constructing a comprehensive view of a people. Most often, ethnographers include both emic and etic perspectives in their research and writing. They first uncover a studied people’s understanding of what they do and why and then develop additional explanations for the behavior based on anthropological theory and analysis. Both perspectives are important, and it can be challenging to move back and forth between the two. Nevertheless, that is exactly what good ethnographers must do. TRADITIONAL ETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACHES Early armchair anthropology. Before ethnography was a fully developed research method, anthropologists in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries used techniques that were much less reliable to gather data about people throughout the world. From the comfort of their homes and library armchairs, early scholars collected others’ travel accounts and used them to come to conclusions about far-flung cultures and peoples. The reports typically came from missionaries, colonists, adventurers, and business travelers and were often incomplete, inaccurate, and/or misleading, exaggerated or omitted important information, and romanticized the culture. Early scholars such as Wilhelm Schmidt and Sir E. B. Tylor sifted through artifacts and stories brought back by travelers or missionaries and selected the ones that best fit their frequently pre-conceived ideas about the peoples involved. By relying on this flawed data, they often drew inaccurate or even racist conclusions. They had no way of knowing how accurate the information was and no way to understand the full context in which it was gathered. The work of Sir James Frazer (1854–1941) provides a good example of the problems associated with such anthropological endeavors. Frazer was a Scottish social anthropologist who was interested in myths and religions around the world. He read historical documents and religious texts found in libraries and book collections. He also sent questionnaires to missionaries and colonists in various parts of the world asking them about the people with whom they were in contact. He then used the information to draw sweeping conclusions about human belief systems. In his most famous book, The Golden Bough , he described similarities and differences in magical and religious practices around the world and concluded that human beliefs progressed through three stages: from primitive magic to religion and from religion to science. This theory implied that some people were less evolved and more primitive than others. Of course, contemporary anthropologists do not view any people as less evolved than another. Instead, anthropologists today seek to uncover the historical, political, and cultural reasons behind peoples’ behaviors rather than assuming that one culture or society is more advanced than another. The main problem with Frazer’s conclusion can be traced back to the fact that he did not do any research himself and none of the information he relied on was collected by an anthropologist. He never spent time with the people he was researching. He never observed the religious ceremonies he wrote about and certainly never participated in them. Had he done so, he might have been able to appreciate that all human groups at the time (and now) were equally pragmatic, thoughtful, intelligent, logical, and “evolved.” He might also have appreciated the fact that how and why the information is gathered affects the quality of the information. For instance, if a colonial administrator offered to pay people for their stories, some of the storytellers might have exaggerated or even made up stories for financial gain. If a Christian missionary asked recently converted parishioners to describe their religious practices, they likely would have omitted non-Christian practices and beliefs to avoid disapproval and maintain their positions in the church. A male traveler who attempted to document rite-of-passage traditions in a culture that prohibited men from asking such questions of women would generate data that could erroneously suggest that women did not participate in such activities. All of these examples illustrate the pitfalls of armchair anthropology. Off the Veranda Fortunately, the reign of armchair anthropology was brief. Around the turn of the twentieth century, anthropologists trained in the natural sciences began to reimagine what a science of humanity should look like and how social scientists ought to go about studying cultural groups. Some of those anthropologists insisted that one should at least spend significant time actually observing and talking to the people studied. Early ethnographers such as Franz Boas and Alfred Cort Haddon typically traveled to the remote locations where the people in question lived and spent a few weeks to a few months there. They sought out a local Western host who was familiar with the people and the area (such as a colonial official, missionary, or businessman) and found accommodations through them. Although they did at times venture into the community without a guide, they generally did not spend significant time with the local people. Thus, their observations were primarily conducted from the relative comfort and safety of a porch—from their verandas . Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski’s (1884–1942) pioneering method of participant observation fundamentally changed the relationship between ethnographers and the people under study. In 1914, he traveled to the Trobriand Islands and ended up spending nearly four years conducting fieldwork among the people there. In the process, he developed a rigorous set of detailed ethnographic techniques he viewed as best-suited to gathering accurate and comprehensive ethnographic data. One of the hallmarks of his method was that it required the researcher to get off the veranda to interact with and even live among the natives. In a well-known book about his research, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), Malinowski described his research techniques and the role they played in his analysis of the Kula ceremony, an exchange of coral armbands and trinkets among members of the social elite. He concluded that the ceremonies were at the center of Trobriand life and represented the culmination of an elaborate multi-year venture called the Kula Ring that involved dangerous expeditions and careful planning. Ultimately, the key to his discovering the importance of the ceremony was that he not only observed the Kula Ring but also participated in it. This technique of participant observation is central to anthropological research today. Malinowski did more than just observe people from afar; he actively interacted with them and participated in their daily activities. And unlike early anthropologists who worked through translators, Malinowski learned the native language, which allowed him to immerse himself in the culture. He carefully documented all of his observations and thoughts. Malinowski’s techniques are now central components of ethnographic fieldwork. Salvage Ethnography Despite Malinowski’s tremendous contributions to ethnography and anthropology generally, he was nevertheless a man of his time. A common view in the first half of the twentieth century was that many “primitive” cultures were quickly disappearing and features of those cultures needed to be preserved (salvaged) before they were lost. Anthropologists such as Malinowski, Franz Boas, and many of their students sought to document, photograph, and otherwise preserve cultural traditions in “dying” cultures in groups such as Native Americans and other traditional societies experiencing rapid change due to modernization, dislocation, and contact with outside groups. They also collected cultural artifacts, removing property from the communities and placing it in museums and private collections. Others who were not formally trained in the sciences or in anthropology also participated in salvage activities. For instance, in his “documentary” film Nanook of the North (1922), Robery Flaherty filmed the life of an Inuit man named Nanook and his family in the Canadian Arctic. In an effort to preserve on film what many believed was a traditional way of life soon to be lost, Flaherty took considerable artistic license to represent the culture as he imagined it was in the past, including staging certain scenes and asking the Inuit men to use spears instead of rifles to make the film seem more “authentic.” Photographers and artists have likewise attempted to capture and preserve traditional indigenous life in paintings and photographs. Renowned painter George Catlin (1796–1872), for example, is known to have embellished scenes or painted them in ways that glossed over the difficult reality that native people in the nineteenth century were actively persecuted by the government, displaced from their lands, and forced into unsustainable lifestyles that led to starvation and warfare. Photographer Edward S. Curtis (1868–1952) has been criticized for reinforcing romanticized images of “authentic” native scenes. In particular, he is accused of having perpetuated the problematic idea of the noble savage and, in the process, distracted attention from the serious social, political, and economic problems faced by native people. [2] Today, anthropologists recognize that human cultures constantly change as people respond to social, political, economic, and other external and internal influences—that there is no moment when a culture is more authentic or more primitive. They acknowledge that culture is fluid and cannot be treated as isolated in time and space. Just as we should not portray people as primitive vestiges of an earlier stage of human development, we also should not romanticize a culture or idealize another’s suffering as more authentic or natural. In the throes of salvage ethnography, anthropologists in the first half of the twentieth century actively documented anything and everything they could about the cultures they viewed as endangered. They collected artifacts, excavated ancient sites, wrote dictionaries of non-literate languages, and documented cultural traditions, stories, and beliefs. In the United States, those efforts developed into what is known today as the four-field approach or simply as general anthropology. This approach integrates multiple scientific and humanistic perspectives into a single comprehensive discipline composed of cultural, archaeological, biological/physical, and linguistic anthropology. A hallmark of the four-field approach is its holistic perspective: anthropologists are interested in studying everything that makes us human. Thus, they use multiple approaches to understanding humans throughout time and throughout the world. They also acknowledge that to understand people fully one cannot look solely at biology, culture, history, or language; rather, all of those things must be considered. The interrelationships between the four subfields of anthropology are important for many anthropologists today. Linguistic anthropologists Edward Sapir and Benjamin Whorf, for instance, examined interrelationships between culture, language, and cognition. They argued that the language one speaks plays a critical role in determining how one thinks, particularly in terms of understanding time, space, and matter. They proposed that people who speak different languages view the world differently as a result. In a well-known example, Whorf contrasted the Hopi and English languages. Because verbs in Hopi contained no future or past tenses, Whorf argued that Hopi-speakers understand time in a fundamentally different way than English-speakers. An observation by an English-speaker would focus on the difference in time while an observation by a Hopi-speaker would focus on validity. [3] In another example, Peter Gordon spent many years living among the Pirahã tribe of Brazil learning their language and culture. He noted that the Pirahã have only three words for numbers: one, two, and many. He also observed that they found it difficult to remember quantities and numbers beyond three even after learning the Portuguese words for such numbers. [4] Pirahã Numerical Terms In this short film, linguist Daniel Everett illustrates Pirahã numerical terms . Although some scholars have criticized Whorf and Gordon’s conclusions as overly deterministic, their work certainly illustrates the presence of a relationship between language and thought and between cultural and biological influences. Words may not force people to think a particular way, but they can influence our thought processes and how we view the world around us. The holistic perspective of anthropology helps us to appreciate that our culture, language, and physical and cognitive capacities for language are interrelated in complex ways. ETHNOGRAPHY TODAY Anthropology’s distinctive research strategy. Ethnography is cultural anthropology’s distinctive research strategy. It was originally developed by anthropologists to study small-scale, relatively isolated cultural groups. Typically, those groups had relatively simple economies and technologies and limited access to larger, more technologically advanced societies. Early ethnographers sought to understand the entirety of a particular culture. They spent months to years living in the community, and in that time, they documented in great detail every dimension of people’s lives, including their language, subsistence strategies, political systems, formation of families and marriages, and religious beliefs. This was important because it helped researchers appreciate the interconnectedness of all dimensions of social life. The key to the success of this ethnographic approach was not only to spend considerable time observing people in their home settings engaged in day-to-day activities but also to participate in those activities. Participation informed an emic perspective of the culture, something that had been missing in earlier social science research. Because of how useful the ethnographic research strategy is in developing an emic perspective, it has been adopted by many other disciplines including sociology, education, psychology, and political science. Education researchers, for example, use ethnography to study children in classrooms to identify their learning strategies and how they understand and make sense of learning experiences. Sociologists use ethnography to study emerging social movements and how participants in such movements stay motivated and connected despite their sometimes-conflicting goals. New Sites for Ethnographic Fieldwork Like the cultures and peoples studied, anthropology and ethnography are evolving. Field sites for ethnographic research are no longer exclusively located in far-flung, isolated, non-industrialized societies. Increasingly, anthropologists are conducting ethnographic research in complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States and in urban environments elsewhere in the world. For instance, my doctoral research took place in the United States. I studied identity formation among undocumented Mexican immigrant college students in Minnesota. Because some of my informants were living in Mexico when my fieldwork ended, I also traveled to Veracruz, Mexico, and spent time conducting research there. Often, anthropologists who study migration, diasporas , and people in motion must conduct research in multiple locations. This is known as multi-sited ethnography. Anthropologists use ethnography to study people wherever they are and however they interact with others. Think of the many ways you ordinarily interact with your friends, family, professors, and boss. Is it all face-to-face communication or do you sometimes use text messages to chat with your friends? Do you also sometimes email your professor to ask for clarification on an assignment and then call your boss to discuss your schedule? Do you share funny videos with others on Facebook and then later make a Skype video call to a relative? These new technological “sites” of human interaction are fascinating to many ethnographers and have expanded the definition of fieldwork. Problem-Oriented Research In the early years, ethnographers were interested in exploring the entirety of a culture. Taking an inductive approach, they generally were not concerned about arriving with a relatively narrow predefined research topic. Instead, the goal was to explore the people, their culture, and their homelands and what had previously been written about them. The focus of the study was allowed to emerge gradually during their time in the field. Often, this approach to ethnography resulted in rather general ethnographic descriptions. Today, anthropologists are increasingly taking a more deductive approach to ethnographic research. Rather than arriving at the field site with only general ideas about the goals of the study, they tend to select a particular problem before arriving and then let that problem guide their research. In my case, I was interested in how undocumented Mexican immigrant youth in Minnesota formed a sense of identity while living in a society that used a variety of dehumanizing labels such as illegal and alien to refer to them. That was my research “problem,” and it oriented and guided my study from beginning to end. I did not document every dimension of my informants’ lives; instead, I focused on the things most closely related to my research problem. Quantitative Methods Increasingly, cultural anthropologists are using quantitative research methods to complement qualitative approaches. Qualitative research in anthropology aims to comprehensively describe human behavior and the contexts in which it occurs while quantitative research seeks patterns in numerical data that can explain aspects of human behavior. Quantitative patterns can be gleaned from statistical analyses, maps, charts, graphs, and textual descriptions. Surveys are a common quantitative technique that usually involves closed-ended questions in which respondents select their responses from a list of pre-defined choices such as their degree of agreement or disagreement, multiple-choice answers, and rankings of items. While surveys usually lack the sort of contextual detail associated with qualitative research, they tend to be relatively easy to code numerically and, as a result, can be easier to analyze than qualitative data. Surveys are also useful for gathering specific data points within a large population, something that is challenging to do with many qualitative techniques. Anthropological nutritional analysis is an area of research that commonly relies on collecting quantitative data. Nutritional anthropologists explore how factors such as culture, the environment, and economic and political systems interplay to impact human health and nutrition. They may count the calories people consume and expend, document patterns of food consumption, measure body weight and body mass, and test for the presence of parasite infections or nutritional deficiencies. In her ethnography Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa (1993), Katherine Dettwyler described how she conducted nutritional research in Mali, which involved weighing, measuring, and testing her research subjects to collect a variety of quantitative data to help her understand the causes and consequences of child malnutrition. Mixed Methods In recent years, anthropologists have begun to combine ethnography with other types of research methods. These mixed-method approaches integrate qualitative and quantitative evidence to provide a more comprehensive analysis. For instance, anthropologists can combine ethnographic data with questionnaires, statistical data, and a media analysis. Anthropologist Leo Chavez used mixed methods to conduct the research for his book The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens, and the Nation (2008). He started with a problem: how has citizenship been discussed as an identity marker in the mainstream media in the United States, especially among those labeled as Latinos. He then looked for a variety of types of data and relied on ethnographic case studies and on quantitative data from surveys and questionnaires. Chavez also analyzed a series of visual images from photographs, magazine covers, and cartoons that depicted Latinos to explore how they are represented in the American mainstream. Mixed methods can be particularly useful when conducting problem-oriented research on complex, technologically advanced societies such as the United States. Detailed statistical and quantitative data are often available for those types of societies. Additionally, the general population is usually literate and somewhat comfortable with the idea of filling out a questionnaire. ETHNOGRAPHIC TECHNIQUES AND PERSPECTIVES Cultural relativism and ethnocentrism. The guiding philosophy of modern anthropology is cultural relativism —the idea that we should seek to understand another person’s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their culture rather than our own. Anthropologists do not judge other cultures based on their values nor view other cultural ways of doing things as inferior. Instead, anthropologists seek to understand people’s beliefs within the system they have for explaining things. Cultural relativism is an important methodological consideration when conducting research. In the field, anthropologists must temporarily suspend their own value, moral, and esthetic judgments and seek to understand and respect the values, morals, and esthetics of the other culture on their terms. This can be a challenging task, particularly when a culture is significantly different from the one in which they were raised. During my first field experience in Brazil, I learned firsthand how challenging cultural relativism could be. Preferences for physical proximity and comfort talking about one’s body are among the first differences likely to be noticed by U.S. visitors to Brazil. Compared to Americans, Brazilians generally are much more comfortable standing close, touching, holding hands, and even smelling one another and often discuss each other’s bodies. Children and adults commonly refer to each other using playful nicknames that refer to their body size, body shape, or skin color. Neighbors and even strangers frequently stopped me on the street to comment on the color of my skin (It concerned some as being overly pale or pink—Was I ill? Was I sunburned?), the texture of my hair (How did I get it so smooth? Did I straighten my hair?), and my body size and shape (“You have a nice bust, but if you lost a little weight around the middle you would be even more attractive!”). During my first few months in Brazil, I had to remind myself constantly that these comments were not rude, disrespectful, or inappropriate as I would have perceived them to be in the United States. On the contrary, it was one of the ways that people showed affection toward me. From a culturally relativistic perspective, the comments demonstrated that they cared about me, were concerned with my well-being, and wanted me to be part of the community. Had I not taken a culturally relativistic view at the outset and instead judged the actions based on my cultural perspective, I would have been continually frustrated and likely would have confused and offended people in the community. And offending your informants and the rest of the community certainly is not conducive to completing high-quality ethnography! Had I not fully understood the importance of body contact and physical proximity in communication in Brazil, I would have missed an important component of the culture. Another perspective that has been rejected by anthropologists is ethnocentrism —the tendency to view one’s own culture as most important and correct and as a stick by which to measure all other cultures. People who are ethnocentric view their own cultures as central and normal and reject all other cultures as inferior and morally suspect. As it turns out, many people and cultures are ethnocentric to some degree; ethnocentrism is a common human experience. Why do we respond the way we do? Why do we behave the way we do? Why do we believe what we believe? Most people find these kinds of questions difficult to answer. Often the answer is simply “because that is how it is done.” They believe what they believe because that is what one normally believes and doing things any other way seems wrong. Ethnocentrism is not a useful perspective in contexts in which people from different cultural backgrounds come into close contact with one another, as is the case in many cities and communities throughout the world. People increasingly find that they must adopt culturally relativistic perspectives in governing communities and as a guide for their interactions with members of the community. For anthropologists in the field, cultural relativism is especially important. We must set aside our innate ethnocentrisms and let cultural relativism guide our inquiries and interactions with others so that our observations are not biased. Cultural relativism is at the core of the discipline of anthropology. Objectivity and Activist Anthropology Despite the importance of cultural relativism, it is not always possible and at times is inappropriate to maintain complete objectivity in the field. Researchers may encounter cultural practices that are an affront to strongly held moral values or that violate the human rights of a segment of a population. In other cases, they may be conducting research in part to advocate for a particular issue or for the rights of a marginalized group. Take, for example, the practice of female genital cutting (FGC), also known as female genital mutilation (FGM), a practice that is common in various regions of the world, especially in parts of Africa and the Middle East. Such practices involving modification of female genitals for non-medical and cultural reasons range from clitoridectomy (partial or full removal of the clitoris) to infibulation, which involves removal of the clitoris and the inner and outer labia and suturing to narrow the vaginal opening, leaving only a small hole for the passage of urine and menstrual fluid  Anthropologists working in regions where such practices are common often understandably have a strong negative opinion, viewing the practice as unnecessary medically and posing a risk of serious infection, infertility, and complications from childbirth. They may also be opposed to it because they feel that it violates the right of women to experience sexual pleasure, something they likely view as a fundamental human right. Should the anthropologist intervene to prevent girls and women from being subjected to this practice? Anthropologist Janice Boddy studied FGC/FGM in rural northern Sudan and sought to explain it from a culturally relativistic perspective. She found that the practice persists, in part, because it is believed to preserve a woman’s chastity and curb her sexual desire, making her less likely to have affairs once she is married. Boddy’s research showed how the practice makes sense in the context of a culture in which a woman’s sexual conduct is a symbol of her family’s honor, which is important culturally. [5] Boddy’s relativistic explanation helps make the practice comprehensible and allows cultural outsiders to understand how it is internally culturally coherent. But the question remains. Once anthropologists understand why people practice FGC/FGM, should they accept it? Because they uncover the cultural meaning of a practice, must they maintain a neutral stance or should they fight a practice viewed as an injustice? How does an anthropologist know what is right? Unfortunately, answers to these questions are rarely simple, and anthropologists as a group do not always agree on an appropriate professional stance and responsibility. Nevertheless, examining practices such as FGC/FGM can help us understand the debate over objectivity versus “activism” in anthropology more clearly. Some anthropologists feel that striving for objectivity in ethnography is paramount. That even if objectivity cannot be completely achieved, anthropologists’ ethnography should be free from as much subjective opinion as possible. Others take the opposite stance and produce anthropological research and writing as a means of fighting for equality and justice for disempowered or voiceless groups. The debate over how much (if any) activism is acceptable is ongoing. What is clear is that anthropologists are continuing to grapple with the contentious relationship between objectivity and activism in ethnographic research. Science and Humanism Anthropologists have described their field as the most humanistic of the sciences and the most scientific of the humanities. Early anthropologists fought to legitimize anthropology as a robust scientific field of study. To do so, they borrowed methods and techniques from the physical sciences and applied them to anthropological inquiry. Indeed, anthropology today is categorized as a social science in most academic institutions in the United States alongside sociology, psychology, economics, and political science. However, in recent decades, many cultural anthropologists have distanced themselves from science-oriented research and embraced more-humanistic approaches, including symbolic and interpretive perspectives. Interpretive anthropology treats culture as a body of “texts” rather than attempting to test a hypothesis based on deductive or inductive reasoning. The texts present a particular picture from a particular subjective point of view. Interpretive anthropologists believe that it is not necessary (or even possible) to objectively interrogate a text. Rather, they study the texts to untangle the various webs of meaning embedded in them. Consequently, interpretive anthropologists include the context of their interpretations, their own perspectives and, importantly, how the research participants view themselves and the meanings they attribute to their lives. Anthropologists are unlikely to conclude that a single approach is best. Instead, anthropologists can apply any and all of the approaches that best suit their particular problem. Anthropology is unique among academic disciplines for the diversity of approaches used to conduct research and for the broad range of orientations that fall under its umbrella. Science in Anthropology For a discussion of science in anthropology, see the following article published by the American Anthropological Association: AAA Responds to Public Controversy Over Science in Anthropology . Observation and Participant Observation Of the various techniques and tools used to conduct ethnographic research, observation in general and participant observation in particular are among the most important. Ethnographers are trained to pay attention to everything happening around them when in the field—from routine daily activities such as cooking dinner to major events such as an annual religious celebration. They observe how people interact with each other, how the environment affects people, and how people affect the environment. It is essential for anthropologists to rigorously document their observations, usually by writing field notes and recording their feelings and perceptions in a personal journal or diary. As previously mentioned, participant observation involves ethnographers observing while they participate in activities with their informants. This technique is important because it allows the researcher to better understand why people do what they do from an emic perspective. Malinowski noted that participant observation is an important tool by which “to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of his world.” [6] To conduct participant observation, ethnographers must live with or spend considerable time with their informants to establish a strong rapport with them. Rapport is a sense of trust and a comfortable working relationship in which the informant and the ethnographer are at ease with each other and agreeable to working together. Participant observation was an important part of my own research. In 2003, I spent six months living in two Mayan villages in highland Chiapas, Mexico. I was conducting ethnographic research on behalf of the Science Museum of Minnesota to document changes in huipil textile designs. Huipiles (pronounced “we-peel-ayes”) are a type of hand-woven blouse that Mayan women in the region weave and wear, and every town has its own style and designs. At a large city market, one can easily identify the town each weaver is from by the colors and designs of her huipiles . For hundreds of years, huipil designs changed very little. Then, starting around 1960, the designs and colors of huipiles in some of the towns began to change rapidly. I was interested in learning why some towns’ designs were changing more rapidly than other towns’ were and in collecting examples of huipiles to supplement the museum’s existing collection. I spent time in two towns, Zinacantán and San Andrés Larráinzar. Zinacantán was located near the main city, San Cristóbal de las Casas. It received many tourists each year and had regularly established bus and van routes that locals used to travel to San Cristóbal to buy food and other goods. Some of the men in the town had worked in the United States and returned with money to build or improve their family homes and businesses. Other families were supported by remittances from relatives working in the United States or in other parts of Mexico. San Andrés, on the other hand, was relatively isolated and much further from San Cristóbal. Most families there relied on subsistence farming or intermittent agricultural labor and had limited access to tourism or to outside communities. San Andrés was also the site of a major indigenous revolt in the mid-1990s that resulted in greater autonomy, recognition, and rights for indigenous groups throughout Mexico. Politically and socially, it was a progressive community in many ways but remained conservative in others. I first asked people in Zinacantán why their huipil designs, motifs, and colors seemed to change almost every year. Many women said that they did not know. Others stated that weaving was easy and could be boring so they liked to make changes to keep the huipiles interesting and to keep weaving from getting dull. When I asked people in San Andrés what they thought about what the women in Zinacantán had said, the San Andrés women replied that “Yes, perhaps they do get bored easily. But we in San Andrés are superior weavers and we don’t need to change our designs.” Neither response seemed like the full story behind the difference. Though I spent hundreds of hours observing women preparing to weave, weaving, and selling their textiles to tourists, I did not truly understand what the women were telling me until I tried weaving myself. When I watched them, the process seemed so easy and simple. They attached strings of thread vertically to two ends of the back-strap looms. When weaving, they increased and decreased the tension on the vertical threads by leaning backward and forward with the back strap and teased individual threads horizontally through the vertical threads to create the desired pattern. After each thread was placed, they pushed it down with great force using a smooth, flat wooden trowel. They did the entire process with great ease and fluidity. When I only watched and did not participate, I could believe the Zinacantán women when they told me weaving was easy. When I began to weave, it took me several days simply to learn how to sit correctly with a back-strap loom and achieve the appropriate tension. I failed repeatedly at setting up the loom with vertically strung threads and never got close to being able to create a design. Thus, I learned through participant observation that weaving is an exceptionally difficult task. Even expert weavers who had decades of experience sometimes made mistakes as half-finished weavings and rejected textiles littered many homes. Although the women appeared to be able to multi-task while weaving (stoking the fire, calling after small children, cooking food), weaving still required a great deal of concentration to do well. Through participant observation, I was able to recognize that other factors likely drove the changes in their textiles. I ultimately concluded that the rate of change in huipil design in Zinacantán was likely related to the pace of cultural change broadly in the community resulting from interactions between its residents and tourists and relatively frequent travel to a more-urban environment. Participant observation was an important tool in my research and is central to most ethnographic studies today. Conversations and Interviews Another primary technique for gathering ethnographic data is simply talking with people—from casual, unstructured conversations about ordinary topics to formal scheduled interviews about a particular topic. An important element for successful conversations and interviews is establishing rapport with informants. Sometimes, engaging in conversation is part of establishing that rapport. Ethnographers frequently use multiple forms of conversation and interviewing for a single research project based on their particular needs. They sometimes record the conversations and interviews with an audio recording device but more often they simply engage in the conversation and then later write down everything they recall about it. Conversations and interviews are an essential part of most ethnographic research designs because spoken communication is central to humans’ experiences. Gathering Life Histories Collecting a personal narrative of someone’s life is a valuable ethnographic technique and is often combined with other techniques. Life histories provide the context in which culture is experienced and created by individuals and describe how individuals have reacted, responded, and contributed to changes that occurred during their lives. They also help anthropologists be more aware of what makes life meaningful to an individual and to focus on the particulars of individual lives, on the tenor of their experiences and the patterns that are important to them. Researchers often include life histories in their ethnographic texts as a way of intimately connecting the reader to the lives of the informants. The Genealogical Method The genealogical (kinship) method has a long tradition in ethnography. Developed in the early years of anthropological research to document the family systems of tribal groups, it is still used today to discover connections of kinship , descent, marriage, and the overall social system. Because kinship and genealogy are so important in many nonindustrial societies, the technique is used to collect data on important relationships that form the foundation of the society and to trace social relationships more broadly in communities. When used by anthropologists, the genealogical method involves using symbols and diagrams to document relationships. Circles represent women and girls, triangles represent men and boys, and squares represent ambiguous or unknown gender. Equal signs between individuals represent their union or marriage and vertical lines descending from a union represent parent-child relationships. The death of an individual and the termination of a marriage are denoted by diagonal lines drawn across the shapes and equal signs. Kinship charts are diagramed from the perspective of one person who is called the Ego, and all of the relationships in the chart are based on how the others are related to the Ego. Individuals in a chart are sometimes identified by numbers or names, and an accompanying list provides more-detailed information. Key Informants Within any culture or subculture, there are always particular individuals who are more knowledgeable about the culture than others and who may have more-detailed or privileged knowledge. Anthropologists conducting ethnographic research in the field often seek out such cultural specialists to gain a greater understanding of certain issues and to answer questions they otherwise could not answer. When an anthropologist establishes a rapport with these individuals and begins to rely more on them for information than on others, the cultural specialists are referred to as key informants or key cultural consultants. Key informants can be exceptional assets in the field, allowing the ethnographer to uncover the meanings of behaviors and practices the researcher cannot otherwise understand. Key informants can also help researchers by directly observing others and reporting those observations to the researchers, especially in situations in which the researcher is not allowed to be present or when the researcher’s presence could alter the participants’ behavior. In addition, ethnographers can check information they obtained from other informants, contextualize it, and review it for accuracy. Having a key informant in the field is like having a research ally. The relationship can grow and become enormously fruitful. A famous example of the central role that key informants can play in an ethnographer’s research is a man named Doc in William Foote Whyte’s Street Corner Society (1943) . In the late 1930s, Whyte studied social relations between street gangs and “corner boys” in a Boston urban slum inhabited by first- and second-generation Italian immigrants. A social worker introduced Whyte to Doc and the two hit it off. Doc proved instrumental to the success of Whyte’s research. He introduced Whyte to his family and social group and vouched for him in the tight-knit community, providing access that Whyte could not have gained otherwise. Field Notes Field notes are indispensable when conducting ethnographic research. Although making such notes is time-consuming, they form the primary record of one’s observations. Generally speaking, ethnographers write two kinds of notes: field notes and personal reflections. Field notes are detailed descriptions of everything the ethnographer observes and experiences. They include specific details about what happened at the field site, the ethnographer’s sensory impressions, and specific words and phrases used by the people observed. They also frequently include the content of conversations the ethnographer had and things the ethnographer overheard others say. Ethnographers also sometimes include their personal reflections on the experience of writing field notes. Often, brief notes are jotted down in a notebook while the anthropologist is observing and participating in activities. Later, they expand on those quick notes to make more formal field notes, which may be organized and typed into a report. It is common for ethnographers to spend several hours a day writing and organizing field notes. Ethnographers often also keep a personal journal or diary that may include information about their emotions and personal experiences while conducting research. These personal reflections can be as important as the field notes. Ethnography is not an objective science. Everything researchers do and experience in the field is filtered through their personal life experiences. Two ethnographers may experience a situation in the field in different ways and understand the experience differently. For this reason, it is important for researchers to be aware of their reactions to situations and be mindful of how their life experiences affect their perceptions. In fact, this sort of reflexive insight can turn out to be a useful data source and analytical tool that improves the researcher’s understanding. The work of anthropologist Renato Rosaldo provides a useful example of how anthropologists can use their emotional responses to fieldwork situations to advance their research. In 1981, Rosaldo and his wife, Michelle, were conducting research among the Ilongots of Northern Luzon in the Philippines. Rosaldo was studying men in the community who engaged in emotional rampages in which they violently murdered others by cutting off their heads. Although the practice had been banned by the time Rosaldo arrived, a longing to continue headhunting remained in the cultural psyche of the community. Whenever Rosaldo asked a man why he engaged in headhunting, the answer was that rage and grief caused him to kill others. At the beginning of his fieldwork, Rosaldo felt that the response was overly simplistic and assumed that there had to be more to it than that. He was frustrated because he could not uncover a deeper understanding of the phenomenon. Then, on October 11, 1981, Rosaldo’s wife was walking along a ravine when she tripped, lost her footing, and fell 65 feet to her death, leaving Rosaldo a grieving single father. In his essay “Grief and a Headhunter’s Rage,” Rosaldo later wrote that it was his own struggle with rage as he grieved for his wife that helped him truly grasp what the Ilongot men meant when they described their grief and rage. Only a week before completing the initial draft of an earlier version of this introduction, I rediscovered my journal entry, written some six weeks after Michelle’s death, in which I made a vow to myself about how I would return to writing anthropology, if I ever did so, by writing Grief and a Headhunter’s Rage . . . My journal went on to reflect more broadly on death, rage, and headhunting by speaking of my wish for the Ilongot solution; they are much more in touch with reality than Christians. So, I need a place to carry my anger – and can we say a solution of the imagination is better than theirs? And can we condemn them when we napalm villages? Is our rationale so much sounder than theirs? All this was written in despair and rage. [7] Only through the very personal and emotionally devastating experience of losing his wife was Rosaldo able to understand the emic perspective of the headhunters. The result was an influential and insightful ethnographic account. ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS Ethical guidelines. From the earliest days of anthropology as a discipline, concern about the ethical treatment of people who take part in studies has been an important consideration. Ethical matters are central to any research project and anthropologists take their ethical responsibilities particularly seriously. As discussed throughout this chapter, anthropologists are oriented toward developing empathy for their informants and understanding their cultures and experiences from an emic perspective. Many also have a sense of personal responsibility for the well-being of the local people with whom they work in the field. The American Anthropological Association has developed a Code of Ethics that all anthropologists should follow in their work. Among the many ethical responsibilities outlined in the code, doing no harm, obtaining informed consent, maintaining subjects’ anonymity, and making the results of the research accessible are especially important responsibilities. First and foremost, anthropologists must ensure that their involvement with a community does not harm or embarrass their informants. Researchers must carefully consider any potential harm associated with the research, including legal, emotional, political, economic, social, and cultural dimensions, and take steps to insulate their informants from such harm. Since it is not always possible to anticipate every potential repercussion at the outset, anthropologists also must continually monitor their work to ensure that their research design and methods minimize any risk. Regrettably, the proscription to do no harm is a deceptively complex requirement. Despite their best efforts, anthropologists have run into ethical problems in the field. Work by Napoleon Chagnon among an isolated indigenous tribe of the Amazon, the Yonomami, is a well-known example of ethical problems in anthropological research. In his groundbreaking ethnography Yanomamö: The Fierce People (1968), Chagnon portrayed the Yanomami as an intensely violent and antagonistic people. The ethnography was well received initially. However, not long after its publication, controversy erupted. Anthropologists and other scholars have accused Chagnon of encouraging the violence he documented, staging fights and scenes for documentary films and fabricating data. Today, Do No Harm is a central ethical value in anthropology. However, it can be difficult to predict every challenge one may encounter in the field or after the work is published. Anthropologists must continually reevaluate their research and writing to ensure that it does not harm the informants or their communities. Before fieldwork begins, researchers from universities, colleges, and institutions usually must submit their research agendas to an institutional review board (IRB). IRBs review research plans to ensure that the proposed studies will not harm human subjects. In many cases, the IRB is aware of the unique challenges and promise of anthropological research and can guide the researcher in eliminating or mitigating potential ethical problems. Obtain Informed Consent In addition to taking care to do no harm, anthropologists must obtain informed consent from all of their informants before conducting any research. Informed consent is the informant’s agreement to take part in the study. Originally developed in the context of medical and psychological research, this ethical guideline is also relevant to anthropology. Informants must be aware of who the anthropologist is and the research topic, who is financially and otherwise supporting the research, how the research will be used, and who will have access to it. Finally, their participation must be optional and not coerced. They should be able to stop participating at any time and be aware of and comfortable with any risks associated with their participation. In medical and psychological research settings in the United States, researchers typically obtain informed consent by asking prospective participants to sign a document that outlines the research and the risks involved in their participation, acknowledging that they agree to take part. In some anthropological contexts, however, this type of informed consent may not be appropriate. People may not trust the state, bureaucratic processes, or authority, for example. Asking them to sign a formal legal-looking document may intimidate them. Likewise, informed consent cannot be obtained with a signed document if many in the community cannot read. The anthropologist must determine the most appropriate way to obtain informed consent in the context of the particular research setting. Maintain Anonymity and Privacy Another important ethical consideration for anthropologists in the field is ensuring the anonymity and privacy of informants who need such protection. When I did research among undocumented Mexican immigrant college students, I recognized that my informants’ legal status put them at considerable risk. I took care to use pseudonyms for all of the informants, even when writing field notes. In my writing, I changed the names of the informants’ relatives, friends, schools, and work places to protect them from being identified. Maintaining privacy and anonymity is an important way for anthropologists to ensure that their involvement does no harm. Make Results Accessible Finally, anthropologists must always make their final research results accessible to their informants and to other researchers. For informants, a written report in the researcher’s native language may not be the best way to convey the results. Reports can be translated or the results can be converted into a more accessible format. Examples of creative ways in which anthropologists have made their results available include establishing accessible databases for their research data, contributing to existing databases, producing films that portray the results, and developing texts or recommendations that provide tangible assistance to the informants’ communities. Though it is not always easy to make research results accessible in culturally appropriate ways, it is essential that others have the opportunity to review and benefit from the research, especially those who participated in its creation. WRITING ETHNOGRAPHY Analysis and interpretation of research findings. Once all or most of the fieldwork is complete, ethnographers analyze their data and research findings before beginning to write. There are many techniques for data analysis from which to choose based on the strategy and goals of the research. Regardless of the particular technique, data analysis involves a systematic interpretation of what the researcher thinks the data mean. The ethnographer reviews all of the data collected, synthesizes findings from the review, and integrates those findings with prior studies on the topic. Once the analysis is complete, the ethnographer is ready to write an account of the fieldwork. Ethnographic Authority In recent years, anthropologists have expressed concern about how ethnographies should be written in terms of ethnographic authority: how ethnographers present themselves and their informants in text. In a nonfiction text, the author is a mediator between readers and the topic and the text is written to help readers understand an unfamiliar topic. In an ethnography, the topic is people, and people naturally vary in terms of their thoughts, opinions, beliefs, and perspectives. That is, they have individual voices. In the past, anthropologists commonly wrote ethnographic accounts as if they possessed the ultimate most complete scientific knowledge on the topic. Subsequently, anthropologists began to challenge that writing style, particularly when it did not include the voices of their informants in the text and analysis. Some of this criticism originated with feminist anthropologists who noted that women’s experiences and perspectives frequently were omitted and misrepresented in this style of writing. Others believed that this style of writing reinforced existing global power dynamics and privileges afforded to Western anthropologists’ voices as most important. Polyvocality In response to criticisms about ethnographic authority, anthropologists have begun to include polyvocality. A polyvocal text is one in which more than one person’s voice is presented, and its use can range from ensuring that informants’ perspectives are presented in the text while still writing in the researcher’s voice to including informants’ actual words rather than paraphrasing them and co-authoring the ethnography with an informant. A good example of polyvocality is anthropologist Ruth Behar’s book Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza’s Story (1993). Behar’s book documents the life story of a Mexican street peddler, Esperanza Hernández, and their unique friendship. Large sections of the book are in Esperanza’s own words and discuss issues that are important to her. Behar also includes pieces of her own life story and an anthropological analysis of Esperanza’s story. By using polyvocality, researchers can avoid writing from the perspective of the ultimate ethnographic authority. A polyvocal style also allows readers to be more involved in the text since they have the opportunity to form their own opinions about the ethnographic data and perhaps even critique the author’s analysis. It also encourages anthropologists to be more transparent when presenting their methods and data. Reflexivity Reflexivity is another relatively new approach to ethnographic research and writing. Beginning in the 1960s, social science researchers began to think more carefully about the effects of their life experiences, status, and roles on their research and analyses. They began to insert themselves into their texts, including information about their personal experiences, thoughts, and life stories and to analyze in the accounts how those characteristics affected their research and analysis. Adoption of reflexivity is perhaps the most significant change in how ethnography is researched and written in the past 50 years. It calls on anthropologists to acknowledge that they are part of the world they study and thus can never truly be objective. Reflexivity has also contributed to anthropologists’ appreciation of the unequal power dynamics of research and the effects those dynamics can have on the results. Reflexivity reminds the ethnographer that there are multiple ways to interpret any given cultural scenario. By acknowledging how their backgrounds affect their interpretations, anthropologists can begin to remove themselves from the throne of ethnographic authority and allow other, less-empowered voices to be heard. Discussion Questions What is unique about ethnographic fieldwork and how did it emerge as a key strategy in anthropology? How do traditional approaches to ethnographic fieldwork contrast with contemporary approaches? What are some of the contemporary ethnographic fieldwork techniques and perspectives and why are they important to anthropology? What are some of the ethical considerations in doing anthropological fieldwork and why are they important? How do anthropologists transform their fieldwork data into a story that communicates meaning? How are reflexivity and polyvocality changing the way anthropologists communicate their work? Contested identity: a dispute within a group about the collective identity or identities of the group. Cultural relativism : the idea that we should seek to understand another person’s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their own culture and not our own. Culture : a set of beliefs, practices, and symbols that are learned and shared. Together, they form an all-encompassing, integrated whole that binds people together and shapes their worldview and lifeways. Deductive : reasoning from the general to the specific; the inverse of inductive reasoning. Deductive research is more common in the natural sciences than in anthropology. In a deductive approach, the researcher creates a hypothesis and then designs a study to prove or disprove the hypothesis. The results of deductive research can be generalizable to other settings. Diaspora: the scattering of a group of people who have left their original homeland and now live in various locations. Examples of people living in the diaspora are Salvadorian immigrants in the United States and Europe, Somalian refugees in various countries, and Jewish people living around the world. Emic: a description of the studied culture from the perspective of a member of the culture or insider. Ethnocentrism: the tendency to view one’s own culture as most important and correct and as the stick by which to measure all other cultures. Ethnography: the in-depth study of the everyday practices and lives of a people. Etic: a description of the studied culture from the perspective of an observer or outsider. Indigenous: people who have continually lived in a particular location for a long period of time (prior to the arrival of others) or who have historical ties to a location and who are culturally distinct from the dominant population surrounding them. Other terms used to refer to indigenous people are aboriginal, native, original, first nation, and first people. Some examples of indigenous people are Native Americans of North America, Australian Aborigines, and the Berber (or Amazigh) of North Africa. Inductive: a type of reasoning that uses specific information to draw general conclusions. In an inductive approach, the researcher seeks to collect evidence without trying to definitively prove or disprove a hypothesis. The researcher usually first spends time in the field to become familiar with the people before identifying a hypothesis or research question. Inductive research usually is not generalizable to other settings. Key Informants: individuals who are more knowledgeable about their culture than others and who are particularly helpful to the anthropologist. Kinship: blood ties, common ancestry, and social relationships that form families within human groups. Land tenure: how property rights to land are allocated within societies, including how permissions are granted to access, use, control, and transfer land. Noble savage : an inaccurate way of portraying indigenous groups or minority cultures as innocent, childlike, or uncorrupted by the negative characteristics of “civilization.” Participant observation: a type of observation in which the anthropologist observes while participating in the same activities in which her informants are engaged. Qualitative : anthropological research designed to gain an in-depth, contextualized understanding of human behavior. Quantitative : anthropological research that uses statistical, mathematical, and/or numerical data to study human behavior. Remittances: money that migrants laboring outside of the region or country send back to their hometowns and families. In Mexico, remittances make up a substantial share of the total income of some towns’ populations. Thick description: a term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his 1973 book The Interpretation of Cultures to describe a detailed description of the studied group that not only explains the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. Undocumented: the preferred term for immigrants who live in a country without formal authorization from the state. Undocumented refers to the fact that these people lack the official documents that would legally permit them to reside in the country. Other terms such as illegal immigrant and illegal alien are often used to refer to this population. Anthropologists consider those terms to be discriminatory and dehumanizing. The word undocumented acknowledges the human dignity and cultural and political ties immigrants have developed in their country of residence despite their inability to establish formal residence permissions. ABOUT THE AUTHOR She received her B.A. in anthropology and Latin American studies from Macalester College, her M.A. in anthropology from the University of California, Santa Barbara, an M.A. in education and instructional technology from the University of Saint Thomas, and her Ph.D. from CIESAS Occidente (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Socia l –Center for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology), based in Guadalajara, Mexico. Katie views teaching and learning as central to her practice as an anthropologist and as mutually reinforcing elements of her professional life. She is the former chair of the Teaching Anthropology Interest Group (2016–2018) of the General Anthropology Division of the American Anthropological Association and currently serves as the online content editor for the Teaching and Learning Anthropology Journal . She has contributed to several open access textbook projects, both as an author and an editor, and views the affordability of quality learning materials as an important piece of the equity and inclusion puzzle in higher education. [8] BIBLIOGRAPHY Behar, Ruth. Translated Woman: Crossing the Border with Esperanza’s Story . Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1993. Boddy, Janice. Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007. Chagnon, Napoleon. Yanomamö: The Fierce People . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968. Chavez, Leo. The Latino Threat: Constructing Immigrants, Citizens and the Nation . Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008. Dettwyler, Katherine A. Dancing Skeletons: Life and Death in West Africa . Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2014 Frazer, James. The Golden Bough: A Study in Comparative Religion . London: Macmillian Press, 1894. Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays . New York: Basic Books, 1973. Gordon, Peter. “Numerical Cognition without Words: Evidence from Amazonia.” Science 306 no. 5695 (2004): 496–499. Malinowski, Bronislaw. Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea . London: Kegan Paul 1922. Mead, Margaret. Coming of Age in Samoa: A Psychological Study of Primitive Youth for Western Civilization . New York: William Morrow and Company, 1928. Miner, Horace. “Body Ritual Among the Nacirema.” American Anthropologist 58 no. 3 (1956): 503-507. Nelson, Katherine. 2015. Between Citizenship and Alienage: Flexible Identity Among Informally Authorized Mexican College Students in Minnesota , USA. PhD diss., CIESAS Occidente (Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social – Institute for Research and Higher Education in Social Anthropology). Rosaldo, Renato. “Grief and a Headhunter’s Rage” in Violence in War and Peace, edited by Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois, 150-156.  Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004. Scheper-Hughes, Nancy. Saints, Scholars, Schizophrenics: Mental Illness in Rural Ireland . Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1979. Whorf, Benjamin Lee. “Science and Linguistics.” MIT Technology Review : 42 (1940): 229–248. Whyte, William Foote. Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993[1943]. Franz Boas, “Foreward,” in Coming of Age in Samoa by Margaret Mead (New York: William Morrow, 1928). ↵ Examples of Curtis’ photography can be found in Edward Curtis, The North American Indian: The Photographic Images (New York: Aperture, 2005). ↵ Benjamin Lee Whorf, “Science and Linguistics,” MIT Technology Review 42 (1940): 229–248. ↵ Peter Gordon, “Numerical Cognition Without Words: Evidence from Amazonia,” Science 306 no. 5695 (2004): 496-499. ↵ Janice Bodd, Civilizing Women: British Crusades in Colonial Sudan (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007). ↵ Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (London: Kegan Paul, 1922), 25. ↵ Renato Rosaldo, “Grief and a Headhunter’s Rage,” in Violence in War and Peace , ed. Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe I. Bourgois (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004), 171. ↵ See: http://perspectives.americananthro.org/ and https://textbooks.opensuny.org/global-perspectives-on-gender/ ↵ People who have continually lived in a particular location for a long period of time (prior to the arrival of others) or who have historical ties to a location and who are culturally distinct from the dominant population surrounding them. How property rights to land are allocated within societies, including how permissions are granted to access, use, control, and transfer land. A dispute within a group about the collective identity or identities of the group. The in-depth study of the everyday practices and lives of a people. A term coined by anthropologist Clifford Geertz to describe a detailed description of the studied group that not only explains the behavior or cultural event in question but also the context in which it occurs and anthropological interpretations of it. A type of observation in which the anthropologist observes while participating in the same activities in which her informants are engaged. A description of the studied culture from the perspective of a member of the culture or insider. A description of the studied culture from the perspective of an observer or outsider. An inaccurate way of portraying indigenous groups or minority cultures as innocent, childlike, or uncorrupted by the negative characteristics of “civilization.” The preferred term for immigrants who live in a country without formal authorization from the state The scattering of a group of people who have left their original homeland and now live in various locations. A type of reasoning that uses specific information to draw general conclusions. In an inductive approach, the researcher seeks to collect evidence without trying to definitively prove or disprove a hypothesis Reasoning from the general to the specific; the inverse of inductive reasoning. Anthropological research designed to gain an in-depth, contextualized understanding of human behavior. Anthropological research that uses statistical, mathematical, and/or numerical data to study human behavior. The idea that we should seek to understand another person’s beliefs and behaviors from the perspective of their own culture and not our own. The tendency to view one’s own culture as most important and correct and as the stick by which to measure all other cultures. Money that migrants laboring outside of the region or country send back to their hometowns and families. In Mexico, remittances make up a substantial share of the total income of some towns’ populations. Blood ties, common ancestry, and social relationships that form families within human groups. Individuals who are more knowledgeable about their culture than others and who are particularly helpful to the anthropologist. Perspectives: An Open Introduction to Cultural Anthropology, 2nd Edition Copyright © 2020 by American Anthropological Association is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted. Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer. To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser . Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. We're Hiring! Help Center Relevance of Case Study Method In Anthropology of Development 1990, Indian Anthropologist Related Papers Forum for development studies Anne Waldrop Yana Spasova The case study is a research method which generally falls into the broader category of qualitative research. It is largely employed by an array of social sciences such as psychology, anthropology, education and health studies and Science and Technology Studies (STS). Even though the subjects of research, or ‘cases’, may differ between disciplines, there are certain strengths, weaknesses and limitations to case studies that can be summarised to provide a general overview of the method. In my essay, I will explore the characteristics of the case study and link them to examples of the previously documented cases. I will focus mainly on the fields of anthropology and STS as two disciplines that have made case studies their main research tool. In doing so I aim to demonstrate the ways that case studies can be a useful tool in a social scientist’s arsenal. in Pink, S (ed) Applications of Anthropology: Professional Anthropology in the Twentyfirst Century, London, Berghahn Books Anthropology Matters Alice Street yesaya gabriely IOSR Journals publish within 3 days Abstract: A Case Study is one of the most popular and widely used methods in social research. Though case studies primarily involve qualitative research techniques, they can also make use of quantitative methods, thus, providing a fascinating turf for the interplay of both qualitative and quantitative methods in carrying out a social research. This paper is an attempt to study and examine the primary attributes of a case-study method and its potential for generating authoritative knowledge. Some of the major dimensions of a case study being reviewed and dealt with in this paper include –a) the debates surrounding the enunciation of precise definitions and key characteristics of a case study method b) the types of researches where case studies can be most aptly employed c) the relative utility and merits/demerits of case studies vis-à-vis other methods of qualitative research d) the issues of reliability and validity of a case study method and e) the seemingly unending debate surrounding the role of a case study in effecting broader generalizations and its future promise. Keywords: case study protocol, generalization, reliability, replication, research design. Canadian Social Science abdulla al mamun Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan erna herawati American Ethnologist Arturo Escobar Loading Preview Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above. RELATED PAPERS Qurat_ul_ain Malik David Arellano-Gault Edgar Ojeda EmmsMt Ntuli Sabiha Yeasmin Rosy Michael Cernea Khullar Junior Lesley Bartlett Research Nepal Journal of Development Studies Dr. Mahendra Sapkota Martin Walsh Routledge eBooks Kasper Tang Vangkilde Differentiating Development Thomas Yarrow Dr. Abid G. Chaudhry NAPA Bulletin Peter D. Little Lucky Osaretin Odia John Van Willigen Emma Varley Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology Bojan Žikić carla guerron montero The Journal of Agricultural Sciences - Sri Lanka rohitha rosairo frédéric bourdier Peter Mollinga David Hulme RELATED TOPICS   We're Hiring!   Help Center Find new research papers in: Health Sciences Earth Sciences Cognitive Science Mathematics Computer Science Academia ©2024 Chapter 3: Cases and Solutions Table of Contents Introduction Chapter 1: Some Issues and Sources on Ethics in Anthropology Chapter 2: The Committee on Ethics: Past, Present, and Future Chapter 4: Cases and Comments Chapter 5: Some Experiences in Teaching Ethics in Fieldwork Classes Chapter 6: How to Hold a Workshop on Ethical Problems in Fieldwork by Sue-Ellen Jacobs The first 12 cases are presented in a format that asks the reader to solve each dilemma. The solutions used by the anthropologists will follow. Some readers disagreed with the "solution" presented by given fieldworkers. Their comments are also included. During the time that Sue-Ellen Jacobs was editing the "Ethical Dilemmas" column in the  Anthropology Newsletter,  a number of people wrote to her (and some called her) regarding specific problems they had encountered that raised general ethical issues. Each issue was officially addressed by the American Anthropological Association, through the Principles of Professional Responsibility or by resolutions passed by the Association during the preceding 15 years. Nevertheless, it appeared that it was often difficult for individuals to readily resolve problems in the field or in other circumstances that involved colleagues. Cases 10, 11, and 12 deal with problems between anthropologists; as such, they represent classic ethical issues faced by anthropologists during the past 50 years. The cases in Chapter 4 raise questions concerning possible courses of behavior. Comments by anthropologists and ethicists recruited by Joan Cassell for publication in  Anthropology Newsletter  follow each case. The names of the anthropologists in each dilemma have been changed and identifying details have been altered or omitted. Case 1: To Medicate or Not to Medicate Case 2: Who Owns the Field Notes? Case 3: Witness to Murder Case 4: Hiding a Suspect Case 5: Anonymity Declined Case 6: Anonymity Revisited Case 7: Robbers, Rogues, or Revolutionaries: Handling Armed Intimidation Case 8: The Case of the Missing Artifact Case 9: "Hot" Gifts Case 10: Professor Purloins Student's Work: Her Recourse? Case 11: The Case of the Falsified Data Case 12: Possible Conflict of Interest Continue Reading   > >   > > >                                                                                                         ~   ~   ~   ~   ~   ~   ~           --   [archive] Wikipedia : cultural anthropology   found at <http://www.tamu.edu/anthropology/news.html. Scroll through the site, noting, in general, that are being reported in the area of Prehistoric Cultures. , write a paragraph or two about what trends you found. This will be the " " to your . of those trends or discoveries that you mentioned in your introduction and explore it in greater depth. If you are looking at those items listed with several entries grouped together are usually the easiest ones to do. . , and ice age , elelctronically stored journals, and look for other items from the . ) you will be required to find and translate at least one foreign language source (which is found at the top of each class WebPage). You might want to start that part of the project now, especially if your project deals with something found in another country (for e.g., Neanderthal in Germany, Chauvet Cave in France, "Ötzi" the "Iceman" now in Bolzano Italy). WebPage to help you figure out a WebPage's language. identifies more than a dozen languages: 1. English, 2. French, 3. Spanish, 4. German, 5. Italian, 6. Dutch, 7. Afrikaans, 8. Norwegian, 9. Danish, 10. Swedish, 11. Portuguese, 12. Icelandic, and 13. Latin. ." of the Case Studies -- you may also use traditional library materials, and, where appropriate, interviews and videotapes. So have a look at one or more of the daily papers to see what they're reporting. ® © ® to discuss your paper with others in the class. . you should consider , , and . For your case studies, your audience should be your classmates in this class. (Do write your college papers to the professor as audience.) " section of the to see the details of what your Case Study report should look like when you hand it in. Basically, it should look like this: ] by George Bush, Jr. Anthropology 1604 Case Study #1 Professor Roufs ) here. [Give this section an interesting subtitle, something other than "Body"] . The " ," , , , , and are often helpful. if you do not have much experience writing college papers. " or "Works Cited" information should go on a separate page. " for information on how to cite items from the web. © 1998 - 2020     Page URL: http:// www.d.umn.edu /cla/faculty/troufs/anth1604/case_studies/caCS-01-2002-02-16.html ~ The is an equal opportunity educator and employer. Breadcrumbs Section. Click here to navigate to respective pages. Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology DOI link for Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology Get Citation Through a set of unique case studies written by an international group of practicing forensic anthropologists, Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology: Bonified Skeletons prepares students and professionals for the diverse range of cases and challenges they will encounter in the field. Every forensic anthropology case is unique. Practitioners routinely face new challenges and unexpected outcomes. Courses and introductory texts generally address standard or ideal cases. In practice, however, forensic anthropologists must improvise frequently during forensic archaeological recoveries and laboratory analyses based on case circumstances. Most forensic anthropologists have encountered unconventional cases with surprising results. While these cases act as continuing education for practitioners—better preparing them for future encounters— such learning opportunities may be limited by the extent of personal experiences. This text exposes practitioners and students to a diverse array of case examples they may not otherwise encounter, sharing experiential knowledge and contributing to the advancement the field. Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology aims to both prepare aspiring forensic anthropologists and inform current practitioners. The cases are interesting and unique, detailing how specific challenges contribute to the body of forensic anthropological knowledge and practice. Key Features Full-color photographs illustrate the scenes and skeletal features "Lessons Learned" sections for each case study emphasize take-away points Thought-provoking "Discussion Questions" encourage readers to think critically and facilitate group discussions Actual case experiences by diverse array of forensic anthropologists who discuss innovative methods and unique challenges TABLE OF CONTENTS Section section i | 1  pages, estimation of the biological profile and positive identification, chapter chapter 1 | 9  pages, death along the tracks: the role of forensic anthropology and social media in a homicide investigation, chapter chapter 2 | 8  pages, the skull in concrete: a multidisciplinary approach to identification, chapter chapter 3 | 7  pages, the use of medical implants to aid in the identification process, chapter chapter 4 | 10  pages, biomechanical analysis of long bones provides the crucial break in decedent identification, chapter chapter 5 | 11  pages, race and the role of sociocultural context in forensic anthropological ancestry assessment, section section ii | 1  pages, forensic taphonomy, chapter chapter 6 | 16  pages, globalization, transnationalism, and the analytical feasibility of ancestry estimation, chapter chapter 7 | 12  pages, what forensic taphonomy can do for you: a case study in rural pennsylvania, chapter chapter 8 | 9  pages, dismembered, burned, and dumped: but in what order, chapter chapter 9 | 8  pages, body in the barrel: complex body disposal and recovery, chapter chapter 10 | 9  pages, sealed for your protection: a triple homicide involving the use of a corrosive agent to obscure identity, chapter chapter 11 | 8  pages, differential diagnosis in forensic entomology: mites versus pathologies and taphonomy, section section iii | 1  pages, chapter chapter 12 | 9  pages, lacustrine skeletal taphonomy from southeastern tennessee, chapter chapter 13 | 12  pages, who pulled the trigger … first bone biomechanics recreate the story behind a “police shooting”, chapter chapter 14 | 12  pages, forensic anthropological contributions to manner of death in a case of multiple suicidal gunshot wounds, chapter chapter 15 | 9  pages, a unique case of skeletal trauma involving scissors, chapter chapter 16 | 13  pages, sharp force trauma with subsequent fire alteration: a complicated case study, section section iv | 1  pages, human rights and mass disasters, chapter chapter 17 | 8  pages, forensic anthropology’s role in clarifying cause of death in the appeal of a no body homicide conviction, chapter chapter 18 | 14  pages, a multiyear forensic archaeological recovery of human remains from a c-124 aircraft crash on colony glacier, alaska, usa, chapter chapter 19 | 13  pages, quadrilateral defects in the tuskulenai and leon trotsky cases: skeletal trauma associated with soviet violence in two different contexts, chapter chapter 20 | 10  pages, sexual offense in skeletonized cadavers: analysis, interpretation, documentation, and case report, chapter chapter 21 | 8  pages, making the best of limited resources and challenges faced in human rights investigations, chapter chapter 22 | 11  pages, search for spanish civil war victims in the cemetery of sant ferran, formentera (spain): oral witness testimonies, secondary deposition site, and perimortem trauma, section section v | 1  pages, other considerations, chapter chapter 23 | 8  pages, excavation and analysis of human remains from mass graves in the western sahara, chapter chapter 24 | 14  pages, the use of human skeletal remains in palo rituals in orange county, florida, chapter chapter 25 | 9  pages, “to understand the parts, it is necessary to understand the whole”: the importance of contextualizing patterns in forensic anthropology casework, chapter chapter 26 | 12  pages, perpetrators, pack rats, and postmortem disturbances: a case study involving multiple contexts, jurisdictions, and identities, chapter chapter 27 | 12  pages, the case of the … cases: the flow of the ordinary into a medical examiner’s office. 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The medial surface of the ischiopubic branch forms a wide and flat ridge; ventral arc slight ridge; convex subpubic concavity; ischiopubic ramus ridge is broad and flat [ 13 , 14 ]. The large sciatic incision is narrow in phase 4 (specific to the male sex) [ 15 ]. Massive nuchal crest with marked bone projection (stage 5); voluminous male-specific mastoid process (stage 4); supraorbital edge thick, rounded (stage 4); glabella prominent, massive (stage 4) [ 16 ]. Figure 1 . 2.1.2. Age Estimation Completely obliterated cranial sutures: 3rd degree of evolution [ 17 ]. Figure 2 . Sternal extremity of ribs: porous recess, edge with sharp protrusions [ 18 ]. Ventral margin of pubic symphysis eroded with excavated surface [ 19 ]; symphyseal face with depression [ 20 ]; auricular surface with marginal lipping, macroporosity, absence of transverse organization with increased irregularity [ 21 ]. Figure 3 . 2.1.3. 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Genetic DNA Identification from Bone Remains in Kinship Analysis Using Automate Extraction System ; IntechOpen: London, UK, 2021; ISBN 978-1-83962-774-3. [ Google Scholar ] Click here to enlarge figure Maximum Sagittal Length (XSL) The sagittal length of the vertebra from the most anterior point on the body to the posterior edge of the spinous process. Maximum Height of the Dens (XDH) The height from the most inferior edge of the anterior border of the body to the most superior point on the dens. Dens Sagittal Diameter (DSD) The maximum sagittal (anteroposterior) diameter of the dens. Dens Transverse Diameter (DTD) The diameter of the dens measured perpendicular to the sagittal diameter. Length of Vertebral Foramen (LVF) The internal length of the vertebral foramen measured at the inferior edge of the foramen in the median plane. Maximum Breadth Across the Superior Facets (SFB) The maximum breadth between the superior articular facets as measured from the most lateral edges of the superior facets. Superior Facet Sagittal Diameter (SFS) The maximum sagittal diameter of the superior articular facet. Superior Facet Transverse Diameter (SFT) The maximum transverse diameter of the superior articular facet measured perpendicular to the sagittal diameter. Study Focus Methods Performed Characteristics of the Study Wescott (2000) [ ] Quantitative method for sex determination using C2 Digital sliding calipers to measure eight dimensions of C2 (as described in ) 100 males and 100 females from Hamann–Todd and Terry anatomical collections, ages 20–79; statistically significant differences between males and females, accuracy: 81.7–83.4% Marlow and Pastor (2011) [ ] Testing Wescott’s method on a different sample Added an extra measurement (width of vertebral foramen); discriminant function analysis 153 individuals from Spitalfields’ anatomical collections; most significant discriminatory values: the maximum sagittal length and the maximum amplitude between the upper articular faces of the axis; a range of valid categorization percentages between 70.91% and 78.9%., discriminant function analysis accuracy rate of 83.3% Bethard and Seet (2013) [ ] Evaluating Wescott’s method in a contemporary American sample Applied Wescott’s method Contemporary American population sample; accuracy: up to 86.7% Gama et al. (2015) [ ] Accuracy of using C2 measurements for sex determination Measured 13 dimensions following Wescott’s method 190 individuals from Coimbra Identified Skeletal Collection and 47 from ISC-XXI; the predictive model showed a high level of accuracy, ranging from 86.7% to 89.7% Rozendaal et al. (2020) [ ] Developing and validating sex estimation functions based on cervical vertebrae Maximum body height, vertebral foramen anterior–posterior and transverse diameter 1020 vertebrae from 295 adults of European ancestry (Athens and Luis Lopes skeletal collections); accuracy: 80.3–84.5% Torimitsu et al. (2016) [ ] Assessing accuracy of sex determination using C2 in a Japanese population Nine measurements obtained from post-mortem CT images 244 deceased individuals; significant measures: DMFS, LMA; accuracy: 83.5–83.1% Xu et al. (1995) [ ] Importance of C2 morphology in surgical intervention Analyzed 18 linear and 4 angular parameters 50 s cervical vertebrae from individuals aged 21–68; significant sex differences in morphological measurements The statements, opinions and data contained in all publications are solely those of the individual author(s) and contributor(s) and not of MDPI and/or the editor(s). MDPI and/or the editor(s) disclaim responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content. Share and Cite Stan, E.; Muresan, C.-O.; Dumache, R.; Ciocan, V.; Ungureanu, S.; Daescu, E.; Enache, A. Sex Determination via the Second Cervical Vertebra and Odontoid Process: A Case Report and a Review of the Literature. Diagnostics 2024 , 14 , 1446. https://doi.org/10.3390/diagnostics14131446 Stan E, Muresan C-O, Dumache R, Ciocan V, Ungureanu S, Daescu E, Enache A. Sex Determination via the Second Cervical Vertebra and Odontoid Process: A Case Report and a Review of the Literature. Diagnostics . 2024; 14(13):1446. https://doi.org/10.3390/diagnostics14131446 Stan, Emanuela, Camelia-Oana Muresan, Raluca Dumache, Veronica Ciocan, Stefania Ungureanu, Ecaterina Daescu, and Alexandra Enache. 2024. "Sex Determination via the Second Cervical Vertebra and Odontoid Process: A Case Report and a Review of the Literature" Diagnostics 14, no. 13: 1446. https://doi.org/10.3390/diagnostics14131446 Article Metrics Article access statistics, further information, mdpi initiatives, follow mdpi. Subscribe to receive issue release notifications and newsletters from MDPI journals 225 IMAGES Anthropology Case Study by Mentors4IAS Intro Anthropology CH 1 17 Anthropology Examples (2024) What is anthropology Case Study Methods The “Self” According To Anthropology VIDEO Cultural Anthropology (सांस्कृतिक मानवशास्त्र) Introduction to Anthropology Anthropological Theories The New Batch of Anthropology Optional is going to commence from "24th of June," Why you study Anthropology for UPSC 😱😱 Why is it important to study anthropology? Jordan Keck COMMENTS Discovering a double murder through skeletal remains: A case report Here we present a complex forensic case regarding a double murder whose victims were found almost completely skeletonized. Post-mortem investigations allowed us to define the biological profile of the two bodies (ancestry, sex, age and stature), to discover their identity through forensic DNA analysis, and to detect peri-mortem injuries caused ... Case study method in anthropology The Case Study Method in Anthropology is used in many different research projects from ethnography of urban poverty, through studies of charismatic Christian movements, Cultural Property and in visual methods. Professor Caroline Moser - Caroline Moser, Professor of Urban Development and Director of GURC uses variations of the case study in her ... Case Study Method in Anthropological Research Case Study Method. A case study is an in-depth examination of a specific phenomenon, individual, or context, usually from a qualitative perspective. The case study method is typically used in social sciences, such as anthropology, sociology, and psychology, to explore real-life, complex, multifaceted phenomena within their context [1]. Case Study Methodology of Qualitative Research: Key Attributes and A case study is one of the most extensively used strategies of qualitative social research. Over the years, its application has expanded by leaps and bounds, and is now being employed in several disciplines of social science such as sociology, management, anthropology, psychology and others. Theory and Practice by Anthropologists: A Case Study Annals of Anthropological Practice is an applied anthropology journal dedicated to the practical problem-solving and policy applications of anthropological knowledge and methods. Theory and Practice by Anthropologists: A Case Study - Peacock - 2000 - NAPA Bulletin - Wiley Online Library PDF What is a Case Study… The concept of 'reasonable person' embodies a form of moral reason that embraces conflict and does not seek to resolve contradictions. A Shared Social System. People inhabit a conflicted but shared social system rather than 'different worlds'. That conflicted social system is the proper subject of anthropological analysis. Case Study Research For example, Hamel, Dufour, and Fortin trace the origins of modern social science case studies through anthropology and sociology, and cite Malinowski's study of the Trobriand Islands native population. Robert Stake (1927-) is credited with systematically establishing processes for case study research. More ... The Inductive Case Study Approach to Teaching Anthropology Stanford University. We present an approach to teaching cultural anthropology that combines an. inductive method and ethnographic case studies. From introductory courses to graduate-level seminars, the inductive case study approach combines written materials, films, and other aids to allow students to discover culture. CUL-. Culture Sketches: Case Studies in Anthropology Ideal for any cultural anthropology course, this brief collection of ethnographic case studies exposes students to 15 different cultures. The groups selected are peoples whose traditional cultures are uniquely their own. Each has distinctive patterns and practices; each has faced the challenge of an encroaching world, with differing results. Context and Culture in Evaluation: A Case Study of Evaluation Anthropology Evaluation anthropology, one of many culturally appropriate approaches, emphasises understanding of socio-cultural environments and contexts, and reflective practice to draw attention to cultural bias. ... The lessons from this case study demonstrate the need for place-specific theory to inform program design and evaluation practice. PDF Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology The Dobe Ju/'hoansi The Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology Series was founded in 1960 under the joint editorship of George and Louise Spindler, both anthropologists at Stanford University. Since that time, more than 200 case studies have been published, and the series has enjoyed wide readership in college and university classrooms around the country and abroad. Culture sketches : case studies in anthropology Culture sketches : case studies in anthropology by Peters-Golden, Holly. Publication date 2012 Topics Ethnology -- Case studies Publisher Dubuque, Iowa : The McGraw-Hill Collection internetarchivebooks; printdisabled Contributor Internet Archive Language English. xi, 306 p. : 24 cm The Biological Anthropology of Living Human Populations: World Physical Anthropology and National Identity. We start with four case studies of the development and role of physical/biological anthropology in Brazil, Portugal, Norway, and Japan, each of which demonstrates how the scientific practices of the field intersected with issues of national identity and colonial power. Frontiers This case study method is based in part on the sociocultural approach of Bartlett and Vavrus (2014) that situates a study across micro-level to macro-level contexts. This type of multidisciplinary approach is what Stromberg (2009) called psychological anthropology. Culture Sketches: Case Studies in Anthropology, 6/e Ideal for any Cultural Anthropology course, this brief and inexpensive collection of ethnographic case studies exposes students to fifteen different cultures. Culture Sketches introduces students to ethnography without overwhelming them with excessive reading material. Each sketch, or chapter, was selected for its relevance to students and for ... Doing Fieldwork: Methods in Cultural Anthropology In my case, I was interested in how undocumented Mexican immigrant youth in Minnesota formed a sense of identity while living in a society that used a variety of dehumanizing labels such as illegal and alien to refer to them. ... She received her B.A. in anthropology and Latin American studies from Macalester College, her M.A. in anthropology ... Identification of a decedent in a 103-year-old homicide case using Pooling resources, as well as collaborating with professionals outside of forensic anthropology, is a useful strategy to pursue when anthropological methods are exhausted.The case study presented here demonstrates a collaborative approach between forensic anthropologists, forensic genetic genealogists, and law enforcement in a century-old homicide. Relevance of Case Study Method In Anthropology of Development The case study is a research method which generally falls into the broader category of qualitative research. It is largely employed by an array of social sciences such as psychology, anthropology, education and health studies and Science and Technology Studies (STS). Chapter 3: Cases and Solutions Case 1: To Medicate or Not to Medicate. Case 2: Who Owns the Field Notes? Case 3: Witness to Murder. Case 4: Hiding a Suspect. Case 5: Anonymity Declined. Case 6: Anonymity Revisited. Case 7: Robbers, Rogues, or Revolutionaries: Handling Armed Intimidation. Case 8: The Case of the Missing Artifact. Archaeology As Anthropology: A Case Study on JSTOR The region discussed in this study occupies a portion of the Colorado Plateau in east-central Arizona. It includes part of the upper drainage of the Little Colorado River and portions of several of its tributaries. It is roughly outlined by parallels 34° 30ʹ on the north, 34° 20ʹ on the south, with meridians 109° 20ʹ and 110° the rough ... Case Study #1 -- Cultural Anthropology For this Case Study -- and all of the Case Studies -- you may also use traditional library materials, and, where appropriate, interviews and ... Anthropology 1604 Case Study #1 Professor Roufs 29 June 2024 Bush 2 [more information on an Introduction] Put your paragraph(s ... Archeology as Anthropology: A Case Study Abstract. Anthropological inferences, made possible by advances in techniques for collecting data in archeological field work and the processing of data with a computer, permit a comparison to be made between the modern western Pueblos and their prehistoric background. One point in the development of Pueblo social organization (approximately A ... Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology Through a set of unique case studies written by an international group of practicing forensic anthropologists, Case Studies in Forensic Anthropology: Bonified Skeletons prepares students and professionals for the diverse range of cases and challenges they will encounter in the field. Every forensic anthropology case is unique. Diagnostics This study aims to give an overview of morphometric analysis of the second cervical vertebra for accurately determining sex in forensic anthropology. Additionally, we will examine a case report to explore the sexual differences in the C2 vertebrae compared to traditional anthropological examination. assignment essay homework paper phd report resume review speech thesis