Gender: Male, female, non-binary, other
To demonstrate these data science statistical practices and pitfalls, we used data from the 2017 Nationwide Inpatient Sample (NIS) from the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project (HCUP). The NIS is an approximately 20% sample of all-payer hospitalizations that are included as part of HCUP that are then weighted to provide national estimates. This weighting means that each observed hospitalization in the sample represents a specific number of hospitalizations in the population. With this, the sample of 7.1 million hospitalizations represents more than 35.7 million hospitalizations. It includes parameters covering patient demographics (race, gender, age, payer, etc.), admission and discharge status, diagnoses, procedures, length of stay (LOS), and cost. All data are at the discharge-level and the NIS does not provide patient identifiers to be able to link hospitalizations. In this study we identified patients who underwent emergency general surgery (EGS) in 2017. Here, EGS is defined as appendectomy, colectomy and colostomy, laparotomy, laparoscopy, lysis of adhesions, small bowel resection, ulcer repair, and gallbladder procedures, as previously described by Smith et al. [ 1 ]. Specifically, we required that the hospitalization contain both a diagnosis and procedure code for EGS.
Of note, NIS data are structured to be able to perform a weighted adjustment to establish a nationally representative sample. For this article, however, the only weighted analysis we present is for the overall number of EGS procedures. This weighting followed guidelines from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) using the given weights, cluster, and strata. Because of this weighting, the national estimates are presented with standard errors. Data cleaning was done via SAS, version 9 (SAS Institute, Cary, NC) with visualizations made in R version 3.6.1 using the tidyverse and patchwork packages [ 2 , 3 ]. Sample data available online were also used to build the skewed distributions in Figure 1 [ 4 ].
Example of normal and skewed distributions, using simulated data.
Using these data, we demonstrate how to construct a demographics table or Table 1 while also showing the value of graphical visualization of data to illustrate the distribution of age and LOS. The 2017 NIS contained 7,159,694 admissions that, when weighted, represent a national estimate of 35,798,453 hospitalizations. There was a total of 11,034 (1.6%) hospitalizations for emergency general surgery (EGS), representing an estimated 555,170 ± 5,969 (1.6% ± 0.01) nationally in 2017.
Data collection is typically organized via a data table, spreadsheet, or data frame. These datasets are typically organized such that each row of data represents one observation or unit to be studied (such as a single patient, one admission, or a hospital) and each column of data is a collected parameter (such as age or sex). Broadly, there are two types of variables: categorical (nominal and ordinal) and numeric (interval and ratio) ( Table 1 ). Categorical data represent named groups of observations and are not quantitative. Categorical data can be ordered (ordinal) or not ordered (nominal). In our example below, represented by Table 2 , gender, race, payer, and disposition are examples of categorical nominal variables. In the below example, the age categories (<18 years, 18–34, 35–49, etc.) are examples of ordered categorical variables.
Table of Demographics
Non-EGS | EGS | |
---|---|---|
n = 7,048,660 | n = 111,034 | |
Gender n (%) | ||
Female | 3,975,703 (55.5) | 61,549 (55.4) |
Race/ethnicity n (%) | ||
White | 4,375,714 (62.1) | 69,306 (62.4) |
Black | 1,039,483 (14.8) | 10,465 (9.4) |
Hispanic | 836,059 (11.9) | 20,111 (18.1) |
Asian Pacific Islander | 210,608 (3.0) | 3,091 (2.8) |
Native American | 43,609 (0.6) | 697 .6) |
Other | 240,386 (3.4) | 3,833 (3.5) |
Missing | 302,712 (4.3) | 3,530 (1.2) |
Payer n (%) | ||
Medicare | 2,866,436 (40.7) | 36,350 (32.8) |
Medicaid | 1,632,996 (23.2) | 21,151 (19.1) |
Private insurance | 2,047,129 (29.1) | 42,481 (38.3) |
Self-pay | 272,578 (3.9) | 7,190 (6.5) |
No charge | 20,261 (0.3) | 600 (0.5) |
Other | 196,537 (2.8) | 3,052 (2.8) |
Age | ||
Mean (SD) | 49.5 (27.5) | 51.4 (21.3) |
Median (IQR) | 56 (29–72) | 54 (36–68) |
<18 years old | 1,066,298 (15.1) | 8,870 (8.0) |
18–34 | 1,130,528 (16.0) | 17,410 (15.7) |
35–49 | 848,116 (12.0) | 21,106 (19.0) |
40–64 | 1,411,924 (20.0) | 29,158 (26.3) |
65–79 | 1,601,174 (22.7) | 24,808 (22.3) |
80+ | 990,282 (14.1) | 9,678 (8.7) |
Admission type n (%) | ||
Non-elective | 5,550,479 (78.9) | 92,878 (83.8) |
Elective | 1,485,303 (21.1) | 17,982 (16.2) |
LOS | ||
Mean (SD) | 4.6 (6.9) | 5.1 (6.2) |
Median (IQR) | 3 (2–5) | 3 (2–6) |
Total charges | ||
Mean (SD) | $49,442.52 ($96,256.50) | $71,664.93 ($86,774.56) |
Median (IQR) | $26,443 ($12,800–$53,971) | $50,688 ($33,422–$81,303) |
Disposition n (%) | ||
Routine | 4,791,116 (68.0) | 90,324 (81.4) |
Transfer to short-term | 140,316 (2.0) | 818 (0.7) |
Transfer other (SNF, ICF, other) | 993,680 (14.1) | 8,285 (7.5) |
Home health care | 884,954 (12.6) | 10,219 (9.2) |
Against medical advice | 93,840 (1.3) | <300 |
Died | 138,701 (2.0) | 1,037 (0.9) |
Alive, destination unknown | 1,280 (0.02) | <11 |
Description of the study population, comparing those hospitalization not for EGS and those for EGS. These data come from the 2017 Nationwide Inpatient Sample. Note that two cells are presented as “<” (less than); this is due to data restrictions of displaying cells less than 11.
EGS = emergency general surgery; SD = standard deviation; IQR = interquartile range; LOS = length of stay; SNF = skilled nursing facility; ICF = intermediate care facility.
Numerical data are collected as numbers. Length of stay is an example of numerical data. Length of stay is a continuous variable, meaning that it is a measure of length, represented by the unit “days” and usually rounded to the nearest integer. Length of stay is also an example of “ratio” data, whereby the numbers are meaningfully related and zero is an absolute number. In other words, a person who had a LOS of 6 days was in the hospital twice as long as a person in the hospital for 3 days, and no one has a negative LOS. This differs from interval data. Interval data are characterized by numbers that have equal distances between values but there is no fixed beginning. An example of this is time in a 12-hour clock. These distinctions are important because some numbers should not be added or subtracted, and only ratio data can be interpreted as multiples of each other. Some numeric data should not be treated as continuous, such as injury severity scale (ISS) because an ISS of 20 is not twice as bad as an ISS of 10. Furthermore, other seemingly numeric data do not even represent numbers, such as medical record number or zip code, which should be considered categorical data because the numbers are really only assigned labels.
Numerical data can be converted to categories if the researchers believe this conversion is appropriate. However, it is important to remember that converting data from continuous to categorical necessarily results in loss of information granularity. This may limit future analyses. Age is a continuous numerical variable that consists of ratio data. In Table 2 , age is described multiple ways. As continuous numerical data, age can be represented as a distribution with a mean and standard deviation, or a median and interquartile range. Alternatively, age was also converted into a categorical ordinal variable. We elected to present standard groups, namely, <18, 18–34, 35–49, 40–64, 65–79, 80+. These groups are not even intervals but are socially representative of groups that have similar attributes (child, young adult, etc.); another way to categorize age might be by deciles. Yet another way to group numerical data would be into those either above or below the median value for that parameter. Finally, numerical data may be grouped into categories to replicate findings from previous research, in which certain groupings were found to be meaningful. The researchers can decide which data presentation is most appropriate for their study and study question, and whether “cutting” numeric data into categories is useful or advantageous to demonstrate specific concepts being studied.
When visualizing data, we are often seeking some conclusion regarding the distribution of the data, that is the shape of the data. Frequently, researchers try to determine if data follow a normal (or bell-shaped) distribution but often encounter data that is either left-skewed or right-skewed. Figure 1 demonstrates a normal distribution as well as distributions that are both left-skewed and right-skewed. The normal distribution is often desired because it allows for a number of powerful statistical tests to be conducted with the data, such as a Student t-test and linear regression, whereas skewed distributions violate important statistical assumptions of these tests. Another common distribution found in medical research is a bimodal distribution that as two peaks, which may occur, for example, if we saw the highest frequencies of a disease or condition in young adulthood and then again in older adulthood. Whereas the normal distribution is the most commonly discussed, it is actually found in only the minority of cases. It is important to note that there are numerous other statistical distributions with their own assumptions and analyses that are beyond the scope of this article but that researchers may encounter in the literature.
Mean, median, and mode are called measures of central tendency and are the simplest way to describe where the middle of numerical data distribution lies. The arithmetic mean is the average of all the numbers (the sum of numbers divided by the total count of items that were included in the sum). Technically, numeric scales such as Likert scales or injury severity scores that are not ratio data should not be presented as means. In a 10-point Likert scale, a value of eight is not twice as large as a level of four, nor is it four times as bad as a value of two, and thus a mean value cannot really be interpreted. A mean is most appropriate when a ratio continuous variable is normally distributed, or the values are shaped like a classic bell curve. Means can also be used more confidently when sample sizes are large and are therefore more likely to follow a normal distribution.
The median value is the middle number if all numerical values are lined up sequentially. A median and range is less affected to outliers than a mean and standard deviation, which makes the median a better choice for variables with a skewed distribution, a large number of outliers, or small sample size. Because no arithmetic is used to calculate them, median values are more interpretable for things such as scales or scores that cannot be added or subtracted. The mode is the value observed frequently. For a parameter that is distributed normally, the mean, median, and mode are all the same.
In addition to measurements of central tendency, the range, interquartile range, and standard deviation are useful properties. The range is displayed as the minimum and maximum value for the variable. Reviewing the minimum and maximum values can often help identify data entry errors, for example, an age of 510 years entered by mistake when the actual age was 51 years. The interquartile range represents the 25th percentile to the 75th percentile for the variable and is typically listed after the median. Mean values are typically displayed with a standard deviation, which indicates how wide the spread of numbers is around the average value.
In the example demographics table ( Table 2 ), categorical variables such as gender, race, payer, admission type, and disposition are presented as n (%) and these are relatively straightforward. Important groupings here are dependent on the researcher's aims. For example, race groups or disposition can be combined or separated.
We present multiple ways to show numerical data. Looking first at age, there is a small difference between mean and median, where the mean age for EGS and non-EGS groups is slightly lower than the median age, suggesting that there are young outliers that skew the mean age with a leftward tail. Grouping by age categories may provide extra detail about age distribution, showing more than one-half of all EGS and non-EGS admissions occur in adults over the age of 40, whereas hospitalizations for EGS occurs in a lower proportion of pediatric patients.
Alternatively, the mean values for LOS as well as total charges are much larger than the median values, suggesting that there are outliers with long LOS that skew the data to have a long rightward tail. This is common for hospital and intensive care unit LOS data. For total charges, the standard deviations are larger than the value of the means, suggesting that there is a wide variation in charges and utilizing the mean for this variable is likely not the best approach for further analysis. Thus, without even seeing the actual data, the reader can make inferences about their shape based on the differences between mean and median calculations and also on the relative size of the standard deviation compared with the mean. Familiarity with the most common shapes of data such as age and LOS will also draw attention to unusual patterns and alert readers when the incorrect statistical test is being applied.
Although there are several statistical tests to assess for normality of a certain parameter, often the most obvious method is visual interpretation of a histogram. A histogram is a visual representation of the distribution of the data, where the frequency of a value is plotted on the y-axis, typically as bars, against the value of the variable on the x-axis. We present several histograms below, overlaying the normal distribution to highlight skewness. Of note, the y-axis here is not the frequency (the number of individuals in each bin) but rather the density. The density is a re-scaling of the frequency to accommodate a true normal distribution, where the area under the curve and the sum of the area of the bars equals one. The visual shape of the distribution will be identical with either frequency or density on the y-axis. Formal comparisons of these data are presented in a follow-up article [ 5 ]. Figure 2 highlights the distribution of age between non-EGS cases and EGS hospitalizations. As suggested by the demographics table, there is a large number of young non-EGS admissions, which leads to skewing of the age data; the histogram shows this more clearly than simply the presentation of the means and medians. Note also that the non-EGS age has a tri - modal distribution, with three peaks of frequency compared with only a single peak in the EGS group.
Distribution of age (in years) stratified by those hospitalizations that were not for emergency general surgery (EGS) and those that were for EGS.
Another commonly used figure is the boxplot, seen in the lower half of Figure 3 . This is another way to demonstrate the distribution of the data and is a very efficient method of communicating data. The middle bar represents the median, the edges of the box are the first and third quartiles, and the lines (commonly called whiskers) represent the data extending to 1.5 times the interquartile range. Points outside this are displayed and represent the most extreme outliers. They are another useful visualization, especially when presenting the distribution of a value across groups (e.g., LOS stratified by race). Figures 2 and and3 3 demonstrate the distribution, and particularly the skewness, of two of the continuous variables of interest: age ( Fig. 3 ) and LOS. In particular, LOS shows a skewed distribution and inflation of the mean but arriving at these conclusions can be much easier using well-developed data visualizations such as Figure 3 . In these figures we can clearly see the outliers in the boxplots, whereas the histograms confirm that the distributions do not follow a normal distribution (the black curve overlaid). Additionally, we would likely want to present the median and interquartile range when describing these variables because we know the mean and standard deviation are highly sensitive to these outliers. Although we present these figures in this article, in a study we would likely include them as a supplement for reviewers and fellow researchers to reference if needed.
Distribution, both histogram and boxplot, of the age (in years) of those hospitalizations for emergency general surgery (EGS). The y-axis of the histogram represents the density (not frequency), and the normal curve for these data is overlaid to highlight the skew in age data for this population.
Ideally, the methods section of an article will be comprehensive enough that would allow for your work to be reproduced. In addition to the overview, data source(s), study population, inclusion/exclusion criteria, and variables of interest (as we do in our own methods section), it is important to describe how data will be displayed. The portion of the methods that includes this information, from a hypothetical study, could be as follows: “Numerical data are expressed as median (interquartile range) and were assessed for normality using both the XXX test and visually using both histograms and boxplots. Categorical data are expressed as number (%). Because age was not distributed normally, and rather followed a bimodal distribution, this variable was converted to categorical and dichotomized around the median. Time to surgery was also not distributed normally and so converted into three categories: <24 hours, 24–72 hours, and >72 hours, based on our prior study (appropriate citation).”
The complete description of our data, as the first step of the analysis stage, is crucial to understanding the study population as well as informing our later statistical decisions. This process of describing the data can also serve as a mechanism for study validity and ensure that earlier parts of the study (e.g., data cleaning, processing, and management) did not introduce any errors. One example of this may be if we were studying a condition primarily prevalent in older adults but identified younger adults in the exploratory analysis. This would either suggest a data or coding error, which should be investigated thoroughly, or unique cases of the condition of study that may warrant exclusion.
This ability to spot errors also links to the ability to make additional study cohort restrictions to better refine the study population or remove heterogeneity. In our example of EGS, there are two key areas in our data exploration that could influence future analytic decisions: age and admission type. Of our EGS population, 8% of hospitalizations were children and 31% were 65 years old or older ( Table 1 ). In our study we would first, perhaps, exclude children from the analysis by considering potential heterogeneity or differences, in disease presentation and management across later age groups. If our study question was to examine only the geriatric population, we might restrict our analysis to the 31% that are 65 years old or older. Furthermore, although termed emergency general surgery, we identified that 16.2% of hospitalizations for EGS were labelled elective ( Table 1 ), which highlights a limitation of administrative data and use of diagnosis codes. For that reason, and in hopes of creating the most accurate case definition, we could consider restricting on both age and admission type, to focus on older adults who were non-elective admissions.
Once the study cohort has been identified and the initial descriptive statistics have been conducted, data visualization is an important next step. This visualization of the data, much like the description of the data, serves two important purposes: first it provides a way to convey important information about your study population and second it aids decisions for subsequent statistical analyses. In addition to these important principles to convey your data and findings, these visualizations can help assess the normality of variables that identifies skewness and informs the validity of statistical comparisons and regression models, discussed in more detail elsewhere. Lack of normality and distributions, would require us to utilize non-parametric analyses, which again are detailed in a follow-up article [ 5 ].
Another important consideration in the creation of a Demographics Table is whether or not to include p values. Historically, these tables have included p values as a way to identify statistically significant differences between the two groups efficiently, with a threshold of significance to be 0.05 (that is, only p values <0.05 are considered statistically significant). This statistical value was introduced to prominence by statistician Ronald Fisher in 1925 as a mechanism to assess the probability that the result obtained is as or more extreme than what was observed due to chance alone [ 6 , 7 ]. In recent years, however, there has been a shift away from the reliance on p values because of a myriad of factors, including the increasing emphasis on the threshold to determine significance or results, and the often misleading interpretation or reasoning surrounding these cut points [ 6–8 ]. One additional limitation of an arbitrary p value is that in large datasets such as the NIS, statistical significance is easily achieved even when differences between groups are small and likely not clinically or meaningfully significant. For these reasons, we have chosen not to display them and, instead, focus our description of the data on meaningful differences while leaving hypothesis testing to specific questions in comparing the data.
The final important point to raise in this article is our analysis of the unweighted data. The NIS, and many other federal and nationally representative datasets, includes weighting information, which makes it possible to create national estimates. We did present the national estimate for the number of hospitalizations, but the rest of our description was on the unweighted and thus cannot be taken as national estimates. One must think critically about the intention of the study and its goals when deciding on weighting, as weighting adds another layer of complexity to describing the data, conducting the analyses, and reporting the results. Primarily, weighting results in standard errors for each estimate and its proportion. This standard error helps capture the complex survey design elements but makes reporting the results much more challenging. As the point of this article was not to produce national estimates but to demonstrate statistical principles, we chose not to account for weight.
In conclusion, accurately describing data in tables and figure helps to make important decisions on study inclusion criteria, present and convey results to readers, and make decisions regarding which statistical approach is valid. Although the field has previously emphasized including p values in tables, recent advancements have de-emphasized this and, instead, descriptions of data should focus on meaningful differences not just those that may be statistically significant.
Dr. Ho is supported by the Case Western Reserve University Clinical and Translational Science Collaborative of Cleveland (KL2TR002547).
Dr. Ho's spouse is a consultant for Zimmer Biomet, Sig Medical, Atricure, and Medtronic.
This publication was made possible by the Clinical and Translational Science Collaborative of Cleveland, KL2TR002547 from the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS) component of the National Institutes of Health and NIH roadmap for Medical Research. Its contents are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH.
D onald Trump thinks he’s identified a crucial mistake of his first term: He was too nice.
We’ve been talking for more than an hour on April 12 at his fever-dream palace in Palm Beach. Aides lurk around the perimeter of a gilded dining room overlooking the manicured lawn. When one nudges me to wrap up the interview, I bring up the many former Cabinet officials who refuse to endorse Trump this time. Some have publicly warned that he poses a danger to the Republic. Why should voters trust you, I ask, when some of the people who observed you most closely do not?
As always, Trump punches back, denigrating his former top advisers. But beneath the typical torrent of invective, there is a larger lesson he has taken away. “I let them quit because I have a heart. I don’t want to embarrass anybody,” Trump says. “I don’t think I’ll do that again. From now on, I’ll fire.”
Six months from the 2024 presidential election, Trump is better positioned to win the White House than at any point in either of his previous campaigns. He leads Joe Biden by slim margins in most polls, including in several of the seven swing states likely to determine the outcome. But I had not come to ask about the election, the disgrace that followed the last one, or how he has become the first former—and perhaps future—American President to face a criminal trial . I wanted to know what Trump would do if he wins a second term, to hear his vision for the nation, in his own words.
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What emerged in two interviews with Trump , and conversations with more than a dozen of his closest advisers and confidants, were the outlines of an imperial presidency that would reshape America and its role in the world. To carry out a deportation operation designed to remove more than 11 million people from the country, Trump told me, he would be willing to build migrant detention camps and deploy the U.S. military, both at the border and inland. He would let red states monitor women’s pregnancies and prosecute those who violate abortion bans. He would, at his personal discretion, withhold funds appropriated by Congress, according to top advisers. He would be willing to fire a U.S. Attorney who doesn’t carry out his order to prosecute someone, breaking with a tradition of independent law enforcement that dates from America’s founding. He is weighing pardons for every one of his supporters accused of attacking the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, more than 800 of whom have pleaded guilty or been convicted by a jury. He might not come to the aid of an attacked ally in Europe or Asia if he felt that country wasn’t paying enough for its own defense. He would gut the U.S. civil service, deploy the National Guard to American cities as he sees fit, close the White House pandemic-preparedness office, and staff his Administration with acolytes who back his false assertion that the 2020 election was stolen.
Trump remains the same guy, with the same goals and grievances. But in person, if anything, he appears more assertive and confident. “When I first got to Washington, I knew very few people,” he says. “I had to rely on people.” Now he is in charge. The arranged marriage with the timorous Republican Party stalwarts is over; the old guard is vanquished, and the people who remain are his people. Trump would enter a second term backed by a slew of policy shops staffed by loyalists who have drawn up detailed plans in service of his agenda, which would concentrate the powers of the state in the hands of a man whose appetite for power appears all but insatiable. “I don’t think it’s a big mystery what his agenda would be,” says his close adviser Kellyanne Conway. “But I think people will be surprised at the alacrity with which he will take action.”
The courts, the Constitution, and a Congress of unknown composition would all have a say in whether Trump’s objectives come to pass. The machinery of Washington has a range of defenses: leaks to a free press, whistle-blower protections, the oversight of inspectors general. The same deficiencies of temperament and judgment that hindered him in the past remain present. If he wins, Trump would be a lame duck—contrary to the suggestions of some supporters, he tells TIME he would not seek to overturn or ignore the Constitution’s prohibition on a third term. Public opinion would also be a powerful check. Amid a popular outcry, Trump was forced to scale back some of his most draconian first-term initiatives, including the policy of separating migrant families. As George Orwell wrote in 1945, the ability of governments to carry out their designs “depends on the general temper in the country.”
Every election is billed as a national turning point. This time that rings true. To supporters, the prospect of Trump 2.0, unconstrained and backed by a disciplined movement of true believers, offers revolutionary promise. To much of the rest of the nation and the world, it represents an alarming risk. A second Trump term could bring “the end of our democracy,” says presidential historian Douglas Brinkley, “and the birth of a new kind of authoritarian presidential order.”
Trump steps onto the patio at Mar-a-Lago near dusk. The well-heeled crowd eating Wagyu steaks and grilled branzino pauses to applaud as he takes his seat. On this gorgeous evening, the club is a MAGA mecca. Billionaire donor Steve Wynn is here. So is Speaker of the House Mike Johnson , who is dining with the former President after a joint press conference proposing legislation to prevent noncitizens from voting. Their voting in federal elections is already illegal, and extremely rare, but remains a Trumpian fixation that the embattled Speaker appeared happy to co-sign in exchange for the political cover that standing with Trump provides.
At the moment, though, Trump’s attention is elsewhere. With an index finger, he swipes through an iPad on the table to curate the restaurant’s soundtrack. The playlist veers from Sinead O’Connor to James Brown to The Phantom of the Opera. And there’s a uniquely Trump choice: a rendition of “The Star-Spangled Banner” sung by a choir of defendants imprisoned for attacking the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, interspersed with a recording of Trump reciting the Pledge of Allegiance. This has become a staple of his rallies, converting the ultimate symbol of national unity into a weapon of factional devotion.
The spectacle picks up where his first term left off. The events of Jan. 6 , during which a pro-Trump mob attacked the center of American democracy in an effort to subvert the peaceful transfer of power, was a profound stain on his legacy. Trump has sought to recast an insurrectionist riot as an act of patriotism. “I call them the J-6 patriots,” he says. When I ask whether he would consider pardoning every one of them, he says, “Yes, absolutely.” As Trump faces dozens of felony charges, including for election interference, conspiracy to defraud the United States, willful retention of national-security secrets, and falsifying business records to conceal hush-money payments, he has tried to turn legal peril into a badge of honor.
In a second term, Trump’s influence on American democracy would extend far beyond pardoning powers. Allies are laying the groundwork to restructure the presidency in line with a doctrine called the unitary executive theory, which holds that many of the constraints imposed on the White House by legislators and the courts should be swept away in favor of a more powerful Commander in Chief.
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Nowhere would that power be more momentous than at the Department of Justice. Since the nation’s earliest days, Presidents have generally kept a respectful distance from Senate-confirmed law-enforcement officials to avoid exploiting for personal ends their enormous ability to curtail Americans’ freedoms. But Trump, burned in his first term by multiple investigations directed by his own appointees, is ever more vocal about imposing his will directly on the department and its far-flung investigators and prosecutors.
In our Mar-a-Lago interview, Trump says he might fire U.S. Attorneys who refuse his orders to prosecute someone: “It would depend on the situation.” He’s told supporters he would seek retribution against his enemies in a second term. Would that include Fani Willis , the Atlanta-area district attorney who charged him with election interference, or Alvin Bragg, the Manhattan DA in the Stormy Daniels case, who Trump has previously said should be prosecuted? Trump demurs but offers no promises. “No, I don’t want to do that,” he says, before adding, “We’re gonna look at a lot of things. What they’ve done is a terrible thing.”
Trump has also vowed to appoint a “real special prosecutor” to go after Biden. “I wouldn’t want to hurt Biden,” he tells me. “I have too much respect for the office.” Seconds later, though, he suggests Biden’s fate may be tied to an upcoming Supreme Court ruling on whether Presidents can face criminal prosecution for acts committed in office. “If they said that a President doesn’t get immunity,” says Trump, “then Biden, I am sure, will be prosecuted for all of his crimes.” (Biden has not been charged with any, and a House Republican effort to impeach him has failed to unearth evidence of any crimes or misdemeanors, high or low.)
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Such moves would be potentially catastrophic for the credibility of American law enforcement, scholars and former Justice Department leaders from both parties say. “If he ordered an improper prosecution, I would expect any respectable U.S. Attorney to say no,” says Michael McConnell, a former U.S. appellate judge appointed by President George W. Bush. “If the President fired the U.S. Attorney, it would be an enormous firestorm.” McConnell, now a Stanford law professor, says the dismissal could have a cascading effect similar to the Saturday Night Massacre , when President Richard Nixon ordered top DOJ officials to remove the special counsel investigating Watergate. Presidents have the constitutional right to fire U.S. Attorneys, and typically replace their predecessors’ appointees upon taking office. But discharging one specifically for refusing a President’s order would be all but unprecedented.
Trump’s radical designs for presidential power would be felt throughout the country. A main focus is the southern border. Trump says he plans to sign orders to reinstall many of the same policies from his first term, such as the Remain in Mexico program, which requires that non-Mexican asylum seekers be sent south of the border until their court dates, and Title 42 , which allows border officials to expel migrants without letting them apply for asylum. Advisers say he plans to cite record border crossings and fentanyl- and child-trafficking as justification for reimposing the emergency measures. He would direct federal funding to resume construction of the border wall, likely by allocating money from the military budget without congressional approval. The capstone of this program, advisers say, would be a massive deportation operation that would target millions of people. Trump made similar pledges in his first term, but says he plans to be more aggressive in a second. “People need to be deported,” says Tom Homan, a top Trump adviser and former acting head of Immigration and Customs Enforcement. “No one should be off the table.”
Read More: The Story Behind TIME's 'If He Wins' Trump Cover
For an operation of that scale, Trump says he would rely mostly on the National Guard to round up and remove undocumented migrants throughout the country. “If they weren’t able to, then I’d use [other parts of] the military,” he says. When I ask if that means he would override the Posse Comitatus Act—an 1878 law that prohibits the use of military force on civilians—Trump seems unmoved by the weight of the statute. “Well, these aren’t civilians,” he says. “These are people that aren’t legally in our country.” He would also seek help from local police and says he would deny funding for jurisdictions that decline to adopt his policies. “There’s a possibility that some won’t want to participate,” Trump says, “and they won’t partake in the riches.”
As President, Trump nominated three Supreme Court Justices who voted to overturn Roe v. Wade, and he claims credit for his role in ending a constitutional right to an abortion. At the same time, he has sought to defuse a potent campaign issue for the Democrats by saying he wouldn’t sign a federal ban. In our interview at Mar-a-Lago, he declines to commit to vetoing any additional federal restrictions if they came to his desk. More than 20 states now have full or partial abortion bans, and Trump says those policies should be left to the states to do what they want, including monitoring women’s pregnancies. “I think they might do that,” he says. When I ask whether he would be comfortable with states prosecuting women for having abortions beyond the point the laws permit, he says, “It’s irrelevant whether I’m comfortable or not. It’s totally irrelevant, because the states are going to make those decisions.” President Biden has said he would fight state anti-abortion measures in court and with regulation.
Trump’s allies don’t plan to be passive on abortion if he returns to power. The Heritage Foundation has called for enforcement of a 19th century statute that would outlaw the mailing of abortion pills. The Republican Study Committee (RSC), which includes more than 80% of the House GOP conference, included in its 2025 budget proposal the Life at Conception Act, which says the right to life extends to “the moment of fertilization.” I ask Trump if he would veto that bill if it came to his desk. “I don’t have to do anything about vetoes,” Trump says, “because we now have it back in the states.”
Presidents typically have a narrow window to pass major legislation. Trump’s team is eyeing two bills to kick off a second term: a border-security and immigration package, and an extension of his 2017 tax cuts. Many of the latter’s provisions expire early in 2025: the tax cuts on individual income brackets, 100% business expensing, the doubling of the estate-tax deduction. Trump is planning to intensify his protectionist agenda, telling me he’s considering a tariff of more than 10% on all imports, and perhaps even a 100% tariff on some Chinese goods. Trump says the tariffs will liberate the U.S. economy from being at the mercy of foreign manufacturing and spur an industrial renaissance in the U.S. When I point out that independent analysts estimate Trump’s first term tariffs on thousands of products, including steel and aluminum, solar panels, and washing machines, may have cost the U.S. $316 billion and more than 300,000 jobs, by one account, he dismisses these experts out of hand. His advisers argue that the average yearly inflation rate in his first term—under 2%—is evidence that his tariffs won’t raise prices.
Since leaving office, Trump has tried to engineer a caucus of the compliant, clearing primary fields in Senate and House races. His hope is that GOP majorities replete with MAGA diehards could rubber-stamp his legislative agenda and nominees. Representative Jim Banks of Indiana, a former RSC chairman and the GOP nominee for the state’s open Senate seat, recalls an August 2022 RSC planning meeting with Trump at his residence in Bedminster, N.J. As the group arrived, Banks recalls, news broke that Mar-a-Lago had been raided by the FBI. Banks was sure the meeting would be canceled. Moments later, Trump walked through the doors, defiant and pledging to run again. “I need allies there when I’m elected,” Banks recalls Trump saying. The difference in a second Trump term, Banks says now, “is he’s going to have the backup in Congress that he didn’t have before.”
Trump’s intention to remake America’s relations abroad may be just as consequential. Since its founding, the U.S. has sought to build and sustain alliances based on the shared values of political and economic freedom. Trump takes a much more transactional approach to international relations than his predecessors, expressing disdain for what he views as free-riding friends and appreciation for authoritarian leaders like President Xi Jinping of China, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, or former President Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.
That’s one reason America’s traditional allies were horrified when Trump recently said at a campaign rally that Russia could “do whatever the hell they want” to a NATO country he believes doesn’t spend enough on collective defense. That wasn’t idle bluster, Trump tells me. “If you’re not going to pay, then you’re on your own,” he says. Trump has long said the alliance is ripping the U.S. off. Former NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg credited Trump’s first-term threat to pull out of the alliance with spurring other members to add more than $100 billion to their defense budgets.
But an insecure NATO is as likely to accrue to Russia’s benefit as it is to America’s. President Vladimir Putin’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine looks to many in Europe and the U.S. like a test of his broader vision to reconstruct the Soviet empire. Under Biden and a bipartisan Congress, the U.S. has sent more than $100 billion to Ukraine to defend itself. It’s unlikely Trump would extend the same support to Kyiv. After Orban visited Mar-a-Lago in March, he said Trump “wouldn’t give a penny” to Ukraine. “I wouldn’t give unless Europe starts equalizing,” Trump hedges in our interview. “If Europe is not going to pay, why should we pay? They’re much more greatly affected. We have an ocean in between us. They don’t.” (E.U. nations have given more than $100 billion in aid to Ukraine as well.)
Read More: Read the Full Transcripts of Donald Trump's Interviews With TIME
Trump has historically been reluctant to criticize or confront Putin. He sided with the Russian autocrat over his own intelligence community when it asserted that Russia interfered in the 2016 election. Even now, Trump uses Putin as a foil for his own political purposes. When I asked Trump why he has not called for the release of Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich, who has been unjustly held on spurious charges in a Moscow prison for a year , Trump says, “I guess because I have so many other things I’m working on.” Gershkovich should be freed, he adds, but he doubts it will happen before the election. “The reporter should be released and he will be released,” Trump tells me. “I don’t know if he’s going to be released under Biden. I would get him released.”
America’s Asian allies, like its European ones, may be on their own under Trump. Taiwan’s Foreign Minister recently said aid to Ukraine was critical in deterring Xi from invading the island. Communist China’s leaders “have to understand that things like that can’t come easy,” Trump says, but he declines to say whether he would come to Taiwan’s defense.
Trump is less cryptic on current U.S. troop deployments in Asia. If South Korea doesn’t pay more to support U.S. troops there to deter Kim Jong Un’s increasingly belligerent regime to the north, Trump suggests the U.S. could withdraw its forces. “We have 40,000 troops that are in a precarious position,” he tells TIME. (The number is actually 28,500.) “Which doesn’t make any sense. Why would we defend somebody? And we’re talking about a very wealthy country.”
Transactional isolationism may be the main strain of Trump’s foreign policy, but there are limits. Trump says he would join Israel’s side in a confrontation with Iran. “If they attack Israel, yes, we would be there,” he tells me. He says he has come around to the now widespread belief in Israel that a Palestinian state existing side by side in peace is increasingly unlikely. “There was a time when I thought two-state could work,” he says. “Now I think two-state is going to be very, very tough.”
Yet even his support for Israel is not absolute. He’s criticized Israel’s handling of its war against Hamas, which has killed more than 30,000 Palestinians in Gaza, and has called for the nation to “get it over with.” When I ask whether he would consider withholding U.S. military aid to Israel to push it toward winding down the war, he doesn’t say yes, but he doesn’t rule it out, either. He is sharply critical of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, once a close ally. “I had a bad experience with Bibi,” Trump says. In his telling, a January 2020 U.S. operation to assassinate a top Iranian general was supposed to be a joint attack until Netanyahu backed out at the last moment. “That was something I never forgot,” he says. He blames Netanyahu for failing to prevent the Oct. 7 attack, when Hamas militants infiltrated southern Israel and killed nearly 1,200 people amid acts of brutality including burning entire families alive and raping women and girls. “It happened on his watch,” Trump says.
On the second day of Trump’s New York trial on April 17, I stand behind the packed counter of the Sanaa Convenience Store on 139th Street and Broadway, waiting for Trump to drop in for a postcourt campaign stop. He chose the bodega for its history. In 2022, one of the store’s clerks fatally stabbed a customer who attacked him. Bragg, the Manhattan DA, charged the clerk with second-degree murder. (The charges were later dropped amid public outrage over video footage that appeared to show the clerk acting in self-defense.) A baseball bat behind the counter alludes to lingering security concerns. When Trump arrives, he asks the store’s co-owner, Maad Ahmed, a Yemeni immigrant, about safety. “You should be allowed to have a gun,” Trump tells Ahmed. “If you had a gun, you’d never get robbed.”
On the campaign trail, Trump uses crime as a cudgel, painting urban America as a savage hell-scape even though violent crime has declined in recent years, with homicides sinking 6% in 2022 and 13% in 2023, according to the FBI. When I point this out, Trump tells me he thinks the data, which is collected by state and local police departments, is rigged. “It’s a lie,” he says. He has pledged to send the National Guard into cities struggling with crime in a second term—possibly without the request of governors—and plans to approve Justice Department grants only to cities that adopt his preferred policing methods like stop-and-frisk.
To critics, Trump’s preoccupation with crime is a racial dog whistle. In polls, large numbers of his supporters have expressed the view that antiwhite racism now represents a greater problem in the U.S. than the systemic racism that has long afflicted Black Americans. When I ask if he agrees, Trump does not dispute this position. “There is a definite antiwhite feeling in the country,” he tells TIME, “and that can’t be allowed either.” In a second term, advisers say, a Trump Administration would rescind Biden’s Executive Orders designed to boost diversity and racial equity.
Trump’s ability to campaign for the White House in the midst of an unprecedented criminal trial is the product of a more professional campaign operation that has avoided the infighting that plagued past versions. “He has a very disciplined team around him,” says Representative Elise Stefanik of New York. “That is an indicator of how disciplined and focused a second term will be.” That control now extends to the party writ large. In 2016, the GOP establishment, having failed to derail Trump’s campaign, surrounded him with staff who sought to temper him. Today the party’s permanent class have either devoted themselves to the gospel of MAGA or given up. Trump has cleaned house at the Republican National Committee, installing handpicked leaders—including his daughter-in-law—who have reportedly imposed loyalty tests on prospective job applicants, asking whether they believe the false assertion that the 2020 election was stolen. (The RNC has denied there is a litmus test.) Trump tells me he would have trouble hiring anyone who admits Biden won: “I wouldn’t feel good about it.”
Policy groups are creating a government-in-waiting full of true believers. The Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025 has drawn up plans for legislation and Executive Orders as it trains prospective personnel for a second Trump term. The Center for Renewing America, led by Russell Vought, Trump’s former director of the Office of Management and Budget, is dedicated to disempowering the so-called administrative state, the collection of bureaucrats with the power to control everything from drug-safety determinations to the contents of school lunches. The America First Policy Institute is a research haven of pro-Trump right-wing populists. America First Legal, led by Trump’s immigration adviser Stephen Miller, is mounting court battles against the Biden Administration.
The goal of these groups is to put Trump’s vision into action on day one. “The President never had a policy process that was designed to give him what he actually wanted and campaigned on,” says Vought. “[We are] sorting through the legal authorities, the mechanics, and providing the momentum for a future Administration.” That includes a litany of boundary-pushing right-wing policies, including slashing Department of Justice funding and cutting climate and environmental regulations.
Read More: Fact-Checking What Donald Trump Said in His 2024 Interviews With TIME
Trump’s campaign says he would be the final decision-maker on which policies suggested by these organizations would get implemented. But at the least, these advisers could form the front lines of a planned march against what Trump dubs the Deep State, marrying bureaucratic savvy to their leader’s anti-bureaucratic zeal. One weapon in Trump’s second-term “War on Washington” is a wonky one: restoring the power of impoundment, which allowed Presidents to withhold congressionally appropriated funds. Impoundment was a favorite maneuver of Nixon, who used his authority to freeze funding for subsidized housing and the Environmental Protection Agency. Trump and his allies plan to challenge a 1974 law that prohibits use of the measure, according to campaign policy advisers.
Another inside move is the enforcement of Schedule F, which allows the President to fire nonpolitical government officials and which Trump says he would embrace. “You have some people that are protected that shouldn’t be protected,” he says. A senior U.S. judge offers an example of how consequential such a move could be. Suppose there’s another pandemic, and President Trump wants to push the use of an untested drug, much as he did with hydroxychloroquine during COVID-19. Under Schedule F, if the drug’s medical reviewer at the Food and Drug Administration refuses to sign off on its use, Trump could fire them, and anyone else who doesn’t approve it. The Trump team says the President needs the power to hold bureaucrats accountable to voters. “The mere mention of Schedule F,” says Vought, “ensures that the bureaucracy moves in your direction.”
It can be hard at times to discern Trump’s true intentions. In his interviews with TIME, he often sidestepped questions or answered them in contradictory ways. There’s no telling how his ego and self-destructive behavior might hinder his objectives. And for all his norm-breaking, there are lines he says he won’t cross. When asked if he would comply with all orders upheld by the Supreme Court, Trump says he would.
But his policy preoccupations are clear and consistent. If Trump is able to carry out a fraction of his goals, the impact could prove as transformative as any presidency in more than a century. “He’s in full war mode,” says his former adviser and occasional confidant Stephen Bannon. Trump’s sense of the state of the country is “quite apocalyptic,” Bannon says. “That’s where Trump’s heart is. That’s where his obsession is.”
These obsessions could once again push the nation to the brink of crisis. Trump does not dismiss the possibility of political violence around the election. “If we don’t win, you know, it depends,” he tells TIME. “It always depends on the fairness of the election.” When I ask what he meant when he baselessly claimed on Truth Social that a stolen election “allows for the termination of all rules, regulations and articles, even those found in the Constitution,” Trump responded by denying he had said it. He then complained about the “Biden-inspired” court case he faces in New York and suggested that the “fascists” in America’s government were its greatest threat. “I think the enemy from within, in many cases, is much more dangerous for our country than the outside enemies of China, Russia, and various others,” he tells me.
Toward the end of our conversation at Mar-a-Lago, I ask Trump to explain another troubling comment he made: that he wants to be dictator for a day. It came during a Fox News town hall with Sean Hannity, who gave Trump an opportunity to allay concerns that he would abuse power in office or seek retribution against political opponents. Trump said he would not be a dictator—“except for day one,” he added. “I want to close the border, and I want to drill, drill, drill.”
Trump says that the remark “was said in fun, in jest, sarcastically.” He compares it to an infamous moment from the 2016 campaign, when he encouraged the Russians to hack and leak Hillary Clinton’s emails. In Trump’s mind, the media sensationalized those remarks too. But the Russians weren’t joking: among many other efforts to influence the core exercise of American democracy that year, they hacked the Democratic National Committee’s servers and disseminated its emails through WikiLeaks.
Whether or not he was kidding about bringing a tyrannical end to our 248-year experiment in democracy, I ask him, Don’t you see why many Americans see such talk of dictatorship as contrary to our most cherished principles? Trump says no. Quite the opposite, he insists. “I think a lot of people like it.” — With reporting by Leslie Dickstein, Simmone Shah, and Julia Zorthian
Contact us at [email protected]
Watch CBS News
Updated on: August 11, 2024 / 12:15 PM EDT / CBS/AP
The U.S. women's basketball team won its straight 8th Olympic gold medal, beating host France by the tightest of margins: 1 point. Team USA won 67 to 66 in a contested final match that came down to the last shot.
Led by A'ja Wilson, who scored 21 points, the U.S. survived a last-second shot by Gabby Williams that was just inside the 3-point line to hold off France.
No team had been able to push the Americans during this impressive streak of 61 consecutive wins. The win was the closest the U.S. has ever won an Olympic gold medal since the 1988 Games when they beat Yugoslavia by seven points. The only other team to keep the U.S. at single digits in a gold medal game was South Korea at the 1984 Games.
"It's amazing. It truly is a dynasty that we have built here at USAB has been incredible," Wilson said. "And I am so proud of the resilience that my team showed. We could have fumbled it many times, but we pulled through. To say I am a two-time gold medalist, I am so blessed."
With Sunday's victory, the U.S. women's legacy stretches to 61 consecutive wins in Olympic contests. It also breaks a tie with the U.S. men's program that won seven in a row from 1936-68.
The women's victory came fewer than 24 hours after the U.S. men's team also beat France in the title game. This was the first time in Olympic history that both gold medal games featured the same two teams.
Unlike the men's game, this one came down to the final minute and one last shot by France that was just inside the 3-point line.
The Americans were up 67-64 with 3.9 seconds left after Kahleah Copper hit two free throws. Marine Johannes brought the ball up the court to Williams and the former UConn standout caught the ball just inside the 3-point line and banked in over the outstretched arms of Breanna Stewart for the final margin.
There was a brief delay before the officials signaled that it was a two-point shot, which led to the beginning of a celebration and a lot of happy hugs for the Americans and left the French players standing in disbelief after falling just short.
"Gabby hit some great shots down the end, tough shots," Wilson said. "We understood what we had in our locker room and leaning on each other and talking to one another and believing that we believed in each other and that's the greatest thing about it."
The American players went to celebrate with the celebrities sitting courtside including men's basketball players LeBron James, Bam Adebayo, Derrick White, along with U.S. women's greats Lisa Leslie, Sue Bird and Dawn Staley.
Williams, who finished with 19 points, had hit a deep 3 a few seconds earlier to get France within one before Copper's free throws. She got a consoling hug from Staley.
The victory gave Diana Taurasi a sixth consecutive gold medal, making her the most decorated basketball player in Olympic history, breaking a tie with longtime teammate Sue Bird, who won five.
Taurasi, who didn't play in the gold medal game, has been humble about the potential record, saying she cares more about the team winning than her individual success.
It's been a trying Olympics for her as she didn't start any of the knockout phase games, the first time she wasn't in the opening lineup since the 2004 Olympics.
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WASHINGTON, Aug. 12, 2024 – The Crop Production report issued today by USDA’s National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS) forecasted corn production down from 2023 and soybean production up from last year. Corn production is down 1% from last year, forecast at 15.1 billion bushels; soybean growers are expected to increase their production 10% from 2023, forecast at a record high 4.59 billion bushels.
Average corn yield is forecast at record high 183.1 bushels per acre, up 5.8 bushels from last year. NASS also forecasts record high yields in Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, South Dakota, Washington, and Wisconsin. As of Aug. 4, 67% of this year’s corn crop was reported in good or excellent condition, 10 percentage points above the same time last year.
Soybean yields are expected to average a record high 53.2 bushels per acre, up 2.6 bushels from 2023. If realized, the forecasted yields in Arkansas, Illinois, Indiana, Mississippi, Missouri, and Ohio will be record highs.
All wheat production is forecast at 1.98 billion bushels, up 9% from 2023. Growers are expected to produce 1.36 billion bushels of winter wheat this year, up 1% from the previous forecast and up 9% from last year. Durum wheat production is forecast at 76.9 million bushels, up 30% from 2023. All other spring wheat production is forecast at 544 million bushels, up 8% from last year. Based on Aug. 1 conditions, the U.S. all wheat yield is forecast at 52.2 bushels per acre, up 3.6 bushels from 2023.
Today’s report also included the first NASS production forecast of the season for U.S. cotton. NASS forecasts all cotton production at 15.1 million 480-pound bales, up 25% from last year. Yield is expected to average 840 pounds per harvested acre, down 59 pounds from 2023.
NASS interviewed approximately 14,200 producers across the country in preparation for this report. NASS is now gearing up to conduct its September Agricultural Survey, which will collect final acreage, yield, and production information for wheat, barley, oats, and rye as well as grains and oilseeds stored on farms across the nation. That survey will take place during the first two weeks of September.
Have a question about the Crop Production report? Join #NASS Agricultural Statistics Board Chair Lance Honig for a live #StatChat @usda_nass on X today at 1:15 p.m. EDT. The Crop Production report is published monthly and is available online at nass.usda.gov/Publications .
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Samiha Tasmin, a Master of Science candidate in the Department of Mathematics and Statistics, will present her major research project (MRP) titled “The Impact of Exchange Rate Data on Canadian Inflation: An FPCA and Group LASSO Approach” on Monday, Aug. 19, 2024, at 10:30 a.m., virtually.
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Methods of Data Presentation in Statistics. 1. Pictorial Presentation. It is the simplest form of data Presentation often used in schools or universities to provide a clearer picture to students, who are better able to capture the concepts effectively through a pictorial Presentation of simple data. 2.
Presentation of data is an important process in statistics, which helps to easily understand the main features of data at a glance. Visit BYJU'S to learn how to present the data in a meaningful way with examples. ... Statistics deals with the collection, presentation and analysis of the data, as well as drawing meaningful conclusions from the ...
Data Presentation. Data can be presented in one of the three wa ys: - as text; - in tabular form; or. - in graphical form. Methods of presenta tion must be determined according. to the data ...
The science of statistics deals with the collection, analysis, interpretation, and presentation of data. We see and use data in our everyday lives. Collaborative Exercise. ... Organizing and summarizing data is called descriptive statistics. Two ways to summarize data are by graphing and by using numbers, for example, finding an average. ...
Statistics (from German: Statistik, orig. "description of a state, a country") [ 1][ 2] is the discipline that concerns the collection, organization, analysis, interpretation, and presentation of data. [ 3][ 4][ 5] In applying statistics to a scientific, industrial, or social problem, it is conventional to begin with a statistical population or ...
Data Presentation The purpose of putting results of experiments into graphs, charts and tables is two-fold. First, it is a visual ... SYSTAT are higher-powered programs that perform many statistical tests as well as producing graphs. All of these programs vary in the types of graphs they will produce and the individual features. Playing with
This method of displaying data uses diagrams and images. It is the most visual type for presenting data and provides a quick glance at statistical data. There are four basic types of diagrams, including: Pictograms: This diagram uses images to represent data. For example, to show the number of books sold in the first release week, you may draw ...
Types of descriptive statistics. There are 3 main types of descriptive statistics: The distribution concerns the frequency of each value. The central tendency concerns the averages of the values. The variability or dispersion concerns how spread out the values are. You can apply these to assess only one variable at a time, in univariate ...
General Principles of Diagrammatic Presentation of Data. A diagrammatic presentation is a simple and effective method of presenting the information that any statistical data contains. Here are some general principles of diagrammatic presentation which can help you make them a more effective tool of understanding the data:
Graphical representation is a form of visually displaying data through various methods like graphs, diagrams, charts, and plots. It helps in sorting, visualizing, and presenting data in a clear manner through different types of graphs. Statistics mainly use graphical representation to show data.
Among various types of data presentation, tabular is the most fundamental method, with data presented in rows and columns. Excel or Google Sheets would qualify for the job. Nothing fancy. This is an example of a tabular presentation of data on Google Sheets.
This article reviews types of data, data properties and distributions, and both numerical and graphical methods of data presentation. Methods: For the purposes of illustration, the National Inpatient Sample was queried to categorize patients as having either emergency general surgery or non-emergency general surgery admissions.
Visual aids are your best friends in a statistical presentation. They can turn complex data into understandable and memorable information. Use charts, graphs, and infographics to illustrate trends ...
Gain a comprehensive and balanced training in statistical methods and statistical theory with the doctoral program in statistics. This program emphasizes training students to independently recognize the relevance of statistical methods to the solution of specific problems. It also enables them to develop new methods when they are needed.
As always, Trump punches back, denigrating his former top advisers. But beneath the typical torrent of invective, there is a larger lesson he has taken away.
U.S. head coach Steve Kerr spoke after the game: "Serbia was brilliant today. I'm really humbled to have been a part of this game. It's one of the greatest basketball games I've ever been a part of.
The women's victory came fewer than 24 hours after the U.S. men's team also beat France in the title game. This was the first time in Olympic history that both gold medal games featured the same ...
USDA National Agricultural Statistics Service Information. NASS publications cover a wide range of subjects, from traditional crops, such as corn and wheat, to specialties, such as mushrooms and flowers; from calves born to hogs slaughtered; from agricultural prices to land in farms. The agency has the distinction of being known as The Fact Finders of U.S. Agriculture due to the abundance of ...
STAT 5P99 Master's Project Presentation. Samiha Tasmin, a Master of Science candidate in the Department of Mathematics and Statistics, will present her major research project (MRP) titled "The Impact of Exchange Rate Data on Canadian Inflation: An FPCA and Group LASSO Approach" on Monday, Aug. 19, 2024, at 10:30 a.m., virtually.