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• Published: 28 August 2024

Sperm-origin paternal effects on root stem cell niche differentiation

• Tianhe Cheng   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8553-3441 1 ,
• Zhenzhen Liu 1 ,
• Haiming Li 1 ,
• Xiaorong Huang 1   nAff2 ,
• Wei Wang 1 ,
• Ce Shi   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-8920-8750 1 ,
• Xuecheng Zhang   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8667-4740 1 ,
• Hong Chen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8432-6646 1 ,
• Zhuang Yao 1 ,
• Peng Zhao   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-1904-8955 1 ,
• Xiongbo Peng   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-9436-5072 1 &
• Meng-Xiang Sun   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-6959-8405 1  

Nature ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

• Fertilization
• Plant embryogenesis
• Root apical meristem

Fertilization introduces parental genetic information into the zygote to guide embryogenesis. Parental contributions to postfertilization development have been discussed for decades, and the data available show that both parents contribute to the zygotic transcriptome, suggesting a paternal role in early embryogenesis 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 . However, because the specific paternal effects on postfertilization development and the molecular pathways underpinning these effects remain poorly understood, paternal contribution to early embryogenesis and plant development has not yet been adequately demonstrated 7 . Here our research shows that TREE1 and its homologue DAZ3 are expressed exclusively in Arabidopsis sperm. Despite presenting no evident defects in sperm development and fertilization, tree1 daz3 unexpectedly led to aberrant differentiation of the embryo root stem cell niche. This defect persisted in seedlings and disrupted root tip regeneration, comparable to congenital defects in animals. TREE1 and DAZ3 function by suppression of maternal RKD2 transcription, thus mitigating the detrimental maternal effects from RKD2 on root stem cell niche. Therefore, our findings illuminate how genetic deficiencies in sperm can exert enduring paternal effects on specific plant organ differentiation and how parental-of-origin genes interact to ensure normal embryogenesis. This work also provides a new concept of how gamete quality or genetic deficiency can affect specific plant organ formation.

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Distinct chromatin signatures in the Arabidopsis male gametophyte

Equal parental contribution to the transcriptome is not equal control of embryogenesis

Targeted reprogramming of H3K27me3 resets epigenetic memory in plant paternal chromatin

Data availability.

All data in this work are publicly available. The following RNA-seq datasets were used for analysis of expression levels in this study: egg cells, Zy14, Zy24 and 32 C ( GSE121003 ), 8 C ( GSE33713 ), stems ( GSE102694 ) and roots and rosettes ( GSE87760 ). Sequence data were obtained from the Arabidopsis Information Resource database ( www.arabidopsis.org ) with accession nos. AT4G35610 for TREE1 and AT4G35700 for DAZ3 . Source Data are provided with this paper.

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Acknowledgements

We thank J. Xu (Temasek Life Sciences Laboratory, Singapore) for reporter lines pWOX5::GFP and pDR5::GFP ; F. Berger (Gregor Mendel Institute, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria) for the pHTR10::HTR10-RFP marker; H. Qiao (University of Texas at Austin, USA) for daz3 tree1-1 seeds; S. Song (Capital Normal University, China) for opr3 seeds; and R. Yao (Hunan University, China) and D. Xie (Tsinghua University, China) for coi1-2 seeds. This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (nos. 32130031 and 31991201) and China Postdoctoral Science Foundation (no. 2021M702524).

Author information

Xiaorong Huang

Present address: State Key Laboratory of Cellular Stress Biology, School of Life Sciences, Xiamen University, Xiamen, China

Authors and Affiliations

State Key Laboratory of Hybrid Rice, College of Life Sciences, Wuhan University, Wuhan, China

Tianhe Cheng, Zhenzhen Liu, Haiming Li, Xiaorong Huang, Wei Wang, Ce Shi, Xuecheng Zhang, Hong Chen, Zhuang Yao, Peng Zhao, Xiongbo Peng & Meng-Xiang Sun

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Contributions

T.C. and M.-X.S. conceived and designed the project. T.C. performed most of the experiments, including transgenic plant creation, semi-in vivo ovule culture, microscopic observation and root regeneration. Z.L., H.L., X.H., C.S., W.W., X.Z., H.C., Z.Y., P.Z. and X.P. participated in experiments for plasmid constructs, plant cultivation, mutant analysis and data analysis. T.C. and M.-X.S. wrote the original draft, reviewed and finalized the manuscript and acquired funding. All authors checked and approved the manuscript.

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Correspondence to Meng-Xiang Sun .

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Extended data figures and tables

Extended data fig. 1 tree1 and daz3 expression patterns..

a , RT-qPCR analysis of TREE1 expression in both vegetative and reproductive tissues. b , RT-qPCR analysis of DAZ3 expression in both vegetative and reproductive tissues. The expression level in root was set to 1. Data are the mean ± s.d. from three biological replicates in both a and b . c , TREE1 signal was gradually disappeared after one-cell embryo stage. d , The GFP signal values of nuclei were statistically analyzed at different stages ( n  = 30). e , TREE1-GFP signal is not detected in the root, shoot and leaf. f , DAZ3 signal was also gradually disappeared soon after zygote division. g , The GFP signal of embryos was statistically analyzed at different developmental stages after fertilization ( n  = 30). h , DAZ3-GFP signal was not detected in the root, shoot and leaf. GFP, GFP fluorescence; Merge, overlaid images. Zy14, zygote at 14 h after pollination (HAP); Zy24, zygote at 24 HAP; 1-cell, one-cell-stage embryo; 2/4-cell, two/four-cell-stage embryo; 8-cell, eight-cell-stage embryo; enn, endosperm nucleus; zy, zygote; ac, apical cell; bc, basal cell; em, embryo proper; sus, suspensor. Scale bars, 10 μm (embryo), 50 μm (root, shoot) and 20 μm (leaf).

Source Data

Extended Data Fig. 2 DAZ3 expresses in sperm cell and is delivered to the egg cell via fertilization.

a - d , The expression pattern of pDAZ3::DAZ3-GFP . DAZ3-GFP signal firstly appeared in sperm cell of early tricellular pollen and gradually enhanced in the sperm cell of mature pollen and pollen tubes. e - l , DAZ3 protein from sperm cell was delivered to the egg cell via fertilization. DAZ3-GFP was detected in the early embryos only when pDAZ3::DAZ3-GFP line was used as paternal plants. m , RT-qPCR test of the DAZ3 expression in the egg cells. The mRNA level of ECS1 was set to 1 and SSP was used as a negative control. The total RNAs from the isolated ovules after 24 h of emasculation (total 500 ovules). Data represents the mean ± s.d. of three independent replicates. One-way ANOVA with Bonferroni correction multiple tests; P  < 0.05 indicates significant differences. BP, bicellular pollen; ETP, early tricellular pollen; MP, mature pollen; DAPI, 4′,6-diamidino-2-phenylindole; GFP, green fluorescence protein; Merge, overlayed image of DAPI, GFP and bright field ( a - c ), overlayed image of GFP and bright field ( d - l ); gn, generative cell nucleus; vn, vegetative cell nucleus; sn, sperm cell nucleus; sc, sperm cell; ec, egg cell; syc, synergid cell; ccn, central cell nucleus; enn, endosperm nucleus; zy, zygote; ac, apical cell; bc, basal cell; em, embryo proper; sus, suspensor. 1-cell, one-cell-stage embryo; 8-cell, eight-cell-stage embryo. Scale bars, 5 μm ( a - d ) and 20 μm ( e-l ).

Extended Data Fig. 3 tree1 daz3 sperm cells show normal morphology and fertilization ability.

a , DAPI staining of pollen in WT and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . b , Statistic analysis of the ratio of normal mature pollen base on the DAPI staining (WT, n  = 663; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , n  = 633). c , Marker HTR10-RFP indicates the number of sperm cell of WT and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . d , Statistic analysis of the ratio of normal two-sperm pollen based on HTR10-RFP indication (Control, n  = 673; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , n  = 694). e , Statistical analysis of the ratio of successful fertilization. Limited pollen grains were pollinated on the emasculated stigma and ovules were observed by DIC after 24 h (WT, n  = 642; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , n  = 688). f and g , Proembryo development of wild type and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . h , Statistic analysis of normal asymmetric zygote division (WT, n  = 648; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , n  = 669). DAPI, 4′,6-diamidino-2-phenylindole; BF, bight field. vn, vegetative cell nucleus; sn, sperm cell nucleus; HTR10, HTR10-RFP; Merge, overlaid images of HTR10-RFP and bright filed. zy, zygote; ac, apical cell; bc, basal cell; em, embryo proper; sus, suspensor; 1-cell, one-cell-stage embryo; 8-cell, eight-cell-stage embryo. Data represent the mean ± s.d. from three biological replicates; two-tailed Student’s t -test was used and P  > 0.05 indicates no statistically significant difference. Scale bars, 10 μm ( a and c ). 20 μm ( f and g ).

Extended Data Fig. 4 Statistic analysis of abnormal hypophysis phenotype in tree1 daz3 and different supplemental lines.

a , Hypophysis phenotype in different genotypes (WT, n  = 339; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , n  = 312; tree1-L2 daz3-L1 , n  = 320; daz3 tree1-1 , n  = 375; ♀ Col-0 × ♂ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , n  = 303; ♀ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 × ♂ Col-0, n  = 337; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 pTREE1::TREE1-GFP , n  = 308; tree1-L1 daz3-L1 pDAZ3::DAZ3-GFP , n  = 329). b , Statistic of the hypophysis phynotypes. c - h , EAR motifs are essential for TREE1 and DAZ3 function. c , Protein structure of TREE1 and mutated TREE1 with the disrupted EAR domains (DLN»AAA). d , Protein structure of DAZ3 and mutated DAZ3 with the disrupted EAR domains (DLN»AAA). e and f , TREE1m (the mutated TREE1) and DAZ3m (the mutated DAZ3) were expressed in sperm cells normally. g and h , TREE1m and DAZ3m driven by the native promoters respectively could not rescue cell division abnormality of hypophysis in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . i , There is no significant difference of abnormal hypophysis ratios between tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ( n  = 312) and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 pTREE1::TREE1m-GFP plants (L1, n  = 311; L7, n  = 421), or between tree1-L1 daz3-L1 and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 pDAZ3::DAZ3m-GFP plants (L2, n  = 302; L5, n  = 317). The white arrows indicate anomalous cell division planes of hypophysis. GFP, green fluorescent protein; Merge, overlaid image; BF, bright field; MP, mature tricellular pollen; sc, sperm cell. Data represent the mean ± s.d. from three independent experiments. One-way ANOVA with Bonferroni correction multiple tests ( b ); One-way ANOVA with Dunnett correction multiple tests ( i ); ns, P  > 0.05 reprsent no significant difference. The white arrows indicate abnormal cell division. Scale bars, 10 μm.

Extended Data Fig. 5 Endosperm development is normal in tree1 daz3.

a and b show localization and number of free nuclei of the wild type endosperm ( a ) and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ( b ) at the same stage. c and d , Autofluorescence of seeds. Endosperm cellularization in wild type 6 DAP ( c ), Endosperm cellularization in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 was as normal as wild type ( d ); lower image is an enlargement of the white frame. e and h , Ectopic expression of TREE1 or DAZ3 driven by DD22 promoter in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . f and g , Abnormal hypophysis appeared in different lines of tree1 daz3 pDD22::TREE1-GFP , similar as that in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . i and j , Hypophysis observed in tree1 daz3 pDD22::DAZ3-GFP plants. Ectopic expression of DAZ3 cannot rescue abnormal hypophysis. k , There is no significant difference in the ratio of abnormal hypophysis between tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ( n  = 346) and tree1 daz3 pDD22::TREE1-GFP (L4, n  = 315; L11, n  = 348) plants or tree1 daz3 pDD22::DAZ3-GFP plants (L2, n  = 377; L8, n  = 343). ccn, central cell nucleus; ec, egg cell; syc, synergid cell; enn, endosperm nucleus; GFP, green fluorescence protein; Merge, overlayed images of GFP and bright field; DAP, days after pollination. Data represent the mean ± s.d. from three independent experiments, one-way ANOVA test with Dunnett correction was used for the data analysis, ns, P  > 0.05 indicates no statistically significant differences. Scale bars, 10 μm.

Extended Data Fig. 6 TREE1 and DAZ3 binding motif is essential for the inhibition of RKD2.

a , Fragments per kilobase of transcript per million mapped reads (FPKM) values (Mean ± s.d.) of RKD2 transcripts in egg cells and zygotes. RNA-seq data of EC (egg cell), Zy14 (14 HAP zygote), Zy24 (24 HAP zygote) and 32-cell (thirty-two-cell-stage embryo) are all from our reported transcriptomes 6 , 8-cell (eight-cell-stage embryo) ( GSE33713 ), stems from GSE102694 , roots and rosettes from GSE87760 . b , RKD2-GFP signal could not be detected in mature pollen. c , RKD2-GFP signal could not be detected in root tip, shoot and leaf. d , Expression pattern of RKD2 in ovules. RKD2-GFP signal was first appeared in the egg cell, degraded after fertilization, and disappeared in one-cell-stage embryo. e - g , DAZ3 represses the expression of RKD2 in vivo. e , The activity of RKD2 promoter in egg cells. f , Ectopic expression of DAZ3 driven by embryo sac-specific promoter ES1 in pRKD2::H2B-GFP plants. g , Statistic analysis of GFP fluorescence intensity of egg cell nuclei (30 egg cell nuclei measured in each line). The results indicate that DAZ3 inhibited the transcription of RKD2 in vivo. h , TREE1 and DAZ3 binding motif was mutated in the RKD2 promoter, resulting in an invalid inhibition of RKD2 in early embryos. RKD2 continually expressed in one-cell-stage embryos. i , RKD2-GFP fluorescent signal was statistically analyzed in the nuclei of egg cells and zygotes, and compared between pRKD2::RKD2-GFP and pRKD2m::RKD2-GFP lines ( n  = 20 individual transgenic lines). j , Cell division orientation of the hypophysis was altered when RKD2 expression was not inhibited. k , There is significant difference of abnormal hypophysis ratios between pRKD2::RKD2-GFP ( n  = 339) and pRKD2m::RKD2-GFP (L5, n  = 321; L7, n  = 430). MP, mature tricellular pollen; GFP, green fluorescent protein; Merge, overlaid images; RFP, RFP fluorescence; ec, egg cell; syc, synergid cell; ccn, central cell nucleus; zy, zygote; 1-cell, one-cell-stage embryo; ac, apical cell; bc, basal cell; 8-cell, eight-cell-stage embryo; em, embryo proper; sus, suspensor. Data represent the mean ± s.d. from three independent assays. Two-tailed Student’s t -test ( g and i ); One-way ANOVA with Dunnett correction for multiple testing ( k ); P  < 0.05 indicates statistically significant differences. The central lines indicated the median; the boxes represent the interquartile range and the whiskers extend to the minima and maxima ( g and i ). Scale bars, 20 μm (MP, leaf and embryo); 50 μm (root and shoot).

Extended Data Fig. 7 Multiple phenotypes of RKD2 gain of function lines.

a , Plants, enlarged exhibitions of leaf, inflorescence and stripped silique in pZC2::GFP , pZC2::RKD2-GFP (L11) and pZC2::RKD2-GFP (L14). b , Proembryos in wild type, pZC2::RKD2-GFP (L11) and pZC2::RKD2-GFP (L14). Abnormal cell division in hypophysis was companied by abnormal suspensor cell divisions in L11 (1.28 ± 0.26%, n  = 311) and L14 (1.16 ± 0.17%, n  = 339). em, embryo proper; sus, suspensor; Yellow arrow indicates anomalous cell division planes of hypophysis and suspensor cell. White frames outline anomalous cell divisions of suspensor cells. Scale bars, 1 cm ( a ), 10 μm ( b ).

Extended Data Fig. 8 Relative expression levels of the genes related to cell fate and cell division in different genotypes.

a - c , The expression levels of cell fate-related genes WIP2 , WIP4 and WIP5 in wild type, tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , pZC2::RKD2-GFP (transgenic line L11) and pZC2::RKD2-GFP (transgenic line L14) lines. d and e , The expression levels of cell cycle factor CYCD3 and microtubule-stabilizing factor WDL7 in wild type, tree1-L1 daz3-L1 , pZC2::RKD2-GFP and pZC2::RKD2-GFP lines. mRNA level in the WT was set to 1. Data represent the mean ± s.d. ( n  = 3). The total RNA was from the ovules at 2 days after pollination (total 500 ovules; One-way ANOVA with Dunnett correction for multiple testing; P  < 0.05 indicates statistically significant differences).

Extended Data Fig. 9 Root-tip-regeneration ability was reduced significantly in tree1 daz3 roots.

a and b , Root tip regeneration in pWOX5::GFP and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 pWOX5::GFP lines after 3/4 meristem was cut off. Regenerated root tip in WT and differentiated root tip in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 after 72-hour culture. c , Statistical analysis of the frequency of root tip regeneration between wild type and tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . Data represent the mean ± s.d. ( n  = 121 in WT, 114 in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ). d and e , Root regeneration in ♀ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 × ♂ Col-0 and ♀ Col-0 × ♂ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . Regenerated root tip in ♀ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 × ♂ Col-0 and differentiated root tip in ♀ Col-0 × ♂ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 after 72-hour culture. f , Statistical analysis of the frequency of root tip regeneration between ♀ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 × ♂ Col-0 and ♀ Col-0 × ♂ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . Data represent the mean ± s.d. ( n  = 118 in ♀ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 × ♂ Col-0 and 124 in ♀ Col-0 × ♂ tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ). All root tips at 3 days after germination were used for root regeneration experiments. Three independent biological experiments were carried out. (Two-tailed Student’s t -test, P  < 0.05 indicates statistically significant differences). Scale bars, 50 μm.

Extended Data Fig. 10 The phenotype observed in hypophysis cannot be rescued by ectopic expression of TREE1 and DAZ3 in tree1 daz3 embryos.

a and b , TREE1 or DAZ3 expression driven by ABI3 promoter from two/four-cell-stage embryo to cotyledon embryo in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . a , pABI3::TREE1-GFP was transferred into tree1-L1 daz3-L1 plant. TREE1-GFP signal indicates that TREE1 started expression in two/four-cell-stage embryo and persistently expressed in mature embryos. b , pABI3::DAZ3-GFP was transferred into tree1-L1 daz3-L1 line. DAZ3-GFP signal indicates that DAZ3 started expression in 2/4-cell embryo and persistently expressed in mature embryos. c , Abnormal hypophysis in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 . d and e , Cell division pattern of hypophysis in tree1 daz3 pABI3::TREE1-GFP and tree1 daz3 pABI3::DAZ3-GFP was observed by DIC. The embryo phenotype cannot be recovered by ectopic expression of TREE1 or DAZ3 . f , The abnormal hypophysis not rescued in tree1 daz3 pABI3::TREE1-GFP (L3, n  = 322; L6, n  = 399) and tree1 daz3 pABI3::DAZ3-GFP (L3, n  = 415; L7, n  = 330) compared to tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ( n  = 305). The ability of root tissue regeneration not enhanced in tree1 daz3 pABI3::TREE1-GFP (L3, n  = 111; L6, n  = 103) and tree1 daz3 pABI3::DAZ3-GFP (L3, n  = 109; L7, n  = 108) compared to tree1 daz3 ( n  = 113). g - k , Abnormal hypophysis of tree1 daz3 was rescued by pEC1::TREE1-GFP and pEC1::DAZ3-GFP . g and h , TREE1 and DAZ3 expression in the zygotes and proembryos. TREE1-GFP present in zygote and proembryo ( g ). DAZ3-GFP present in zygote and early embryo ( h ). i and j , Abnormal hypophysis in tree1-L1 daz3-L1 rescued by zygotic expression of TREE1 and DAZ3 respectively. k , Statistical analysis showed they were significant difference of abnormal hypophysis between tree1-L1 daz3-L1 ( n  = 329) and tree1 daz3 pEC1::TREE1-GFP (L2, n  = 392; L14, n  = 367), tree1 daz3 pEC1::DAZ3-GFP plants (L5, n  = 404; L9, n  = 351). zy, zygote; ac, apical cell; bc, basal cell; 1-cell, one-cell-stage embryo; 2/4-cell, two/four-cell-stage embryo; em, embryo proper; sus, suspensor; Globular, globular-stage embryo; Heart, heart-shaped-stage embryo; Cotyledon, cotyledon-stage embryo. Data represent the mean ± s.d. from three independent assays; One-way ANOVA with Dunnett correction for multiple testing; ns, P  > 0.05 indicates no statistically significant differences. Scale bars, 10 μm.

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Primer sequences used in this work are listed in Supplementary Table 1.

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Working parents are in crisis: new data and the 5 best responses.

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Working parents are struggling.

The future of work doesn’t look good for working parents, and especially for working mothers. New data from multiple sources demonstrates working parents are concerned about their children, struggling with work-life and taking steps back in their careers. They are also especially stressed about global and national issues.

But among all the bad news, there are actions individuals, communities and employers can take to have constructive effects on working parents and tilt the balance back toward a positive work-life experience.

The Good News

It’s important to start with the fact that the news isn’t all bad—there are some glimmers of good news. In particular, according to a study by KinderCare , 69% of working parents feel they’ve been able to be more involved in their children’s lives because of more flexible work schedules. Hybrid work and greater autonomy about where, when and how people work has many benefits, and quality of life and time with family and children certainly top the list.

The Sobering News

But there is also a raft of negative impacts of the pandemic, the economy and the current conditions for working parents.

Parents Are Concerned About Their Kids

According to a study by the American Psychological Association (APA) , parents are concerned about their children based on the conditions created by the pandemic:

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• 73% worry about their children’s social life or development
• 71% worry about academic development
• 71% worry about emotional health and development
• 68% worry about cognitive development
• 65% worry about physical health and development

Parents Are Concerned About Childcare

The APA study found 72% of working parents were stressed based on disruptions and uncertainty about school and childcare schedules. In addition, the KinderCare research found 39% of working parents said finding quality chidcare was getting in the way of successfully navigating parenting.

Parents Are Concerned About Surrounding Conditions

And according to the research, parents are also more stressed than non-parents about other issues as well.

• 80% are concerned about money (compared to 58% for non-parents)
• 77% are concerned about the economy (compared to 59%)
• 72% are concerned about housing costs (compared to 39%)

Parents Are Enduring Rising Costs And Career Hits

Parents’ concerns about costs are well-founded as they are also experiencing increasing costs for child care. This is according to a report by LendingTree , which found parents have seen an average annual increase of 41% in childcare costs for center-based services. Families with children under five were hit the hardest in terms of cost increases. And parents in Hawaii have it worst, experiencing childcare which demands 29% of average wages.

The impact on working moms is especially great. According to a study by the to a Pew Research Center , working moms were significantly more likely to leave their jobs as a response to childcare challenges. In fact, about one third of working mothers have left their jobs since the start of the pandemic. This is according to Seramount .

Supporting families must be a priority.

The Best Responses

Given the number of parents who work (89.1% of families with children have one working parent, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics), effective responses are critical. When parents are supported at work, it’s better for them, for families and for communities. But it’s also better for business, because people can bring their best effort when they’re supported in all aspects of their lives.

So what are the approaches to support working parents—on the part of communities and companies?

#1 - Provide Predictability

One of the best ways to support working moms and dads is to provide predictability in terms of schedules and work hours. A tough challenge for parents is when they can’t predict working hours, or when childcare or school hours are in flux. Predictability can be relatively easy to accomplish for businesses which provide work schedules and set clear expectations for when people need to be reporting for work. It can be a tougher challenge when daycares must close for health reasons or when bus schedules change based on a lack of available drivers.

But the takeaway message is clear: Create as much predictability as possible in terms of when, where and how people work and in terms of children’s schedules. When there are changes that must occur, provide as much notice as possible so parents have time to make backup plans.

#2 - Provide Choice and Control

Another classic way to reduce stress on anyone—working parents included—is to provide as much choice and control over schedules, benefits and work as possible. Multiple studies have demonstrated when people feel they can control their schedules, their routines and their life choices, they experience greater quality of life and less stress. They also report that they parent better. Again, this is good for individuals, families and communities, but it’s also advantageous for business—because people can be more effective at work when they feel more on top of the demands they face.

#3 - Provide Community

Another significant way to buffer stress, foster happiness and increase wellbeing is by creating the conditions for plenty of connection and community. People need the support of others—whether through a culture which fosters great teamwork or an employer which sets up effective mentorship programs. People benefit from affinity groups where they can share their challenges and experience listening ears, and they benefit from leaders who are empathetic and compassionate. Employers can take these kinds of steps, and employees can take the initiative to advocate for these kinds of programs as well.

#4 - Provide Childcare

Perhaps one of the most impactful ways employers can help with the parenting crisis is by providing childcare. In addition to the obvious benefits for parents, families and communities, employer-provided childcare can also positively impact attraction and retention. And the data proves this. The KinderCare study showed:

• 60% of working parents reported they would stay in their current jobs if they had subsidized child care
• 55% said they would take a pay cut to work for a company that provided quality childcare
• 81% of working parents said a company’s childcare benefits were a key criterion in the consideration of a job

In a related study by with Yahoo! Finance , 68% of working parents said they would be more likely to accept an offer from an employer that offers flexible scheduling for childcare needs, and 62% said they would be more likely to accept an offer when a monthly childcare stipend was on offer.

For companies considering childcare supports for parents, the business case is easy to make based on these data.

#5 - Ensure Equity

Overall, companies must—of course—create equity across all kinds of workers. Ironically, this means not providing greater benefits, flexibility or goodies to parents as compared to non-parents—a risk as companies seek to support parents.

In fact, a study by ResumeLab found non-parents sometimes feel discriminated against because they don’t get as much flexibility, vacation or control over their schedules. While companies seek to offer substantive and comprehensive support for parents, they are also wise to ensure they’re not overcorrecting and leaving out those who are not parents.

The pandemic has been hard on everyone—for sure, and communities will feel the effects for many years to come. But it has had disproportionately greater negative impacts on working parents and women.

As organizations consider their roles in lives, families and communities they are wise to adopt comprehensive support measures. Likewise, employees are empowered to initiate, advocate and create the conditions for themselves and colleagues to support the work-family experience.

Work is a fundamental way people contribute their talents and skills to the community and feel a sense of value and meaning. Likewise, parenting is one of the most precious and important roles people can fulfill—for themselves, their families and communities. Contributive justice demands people of every ilk have the supports they need to contribute fully—and support for working parents is one aspect of this requirement.

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The childcare conundrum: How can companies ease working parents’ return to the office?

Finding quality, affordable childcare has long been an issue for working parents in the United States, but events of the past two years have only intensified the challenge and highlighted what a porous, patchwork system childcare has become.

The global pandemic drove many day care centers, after-school programs, private nannies and babysitters, and other childcare resources to reduce their hours, change the scope of their services, or close their doors altogether. In response, some working parents in the United States left or considered leaving the workforce  as they struggled to meet employers’ work-from-home demands while still attending to the needs of homebound toddlers and school-aged children.

According to survey research we conducted recently with the Marshall Plan for Moms, 1 In February 2022, we conducted surveys of working parents across the United States. The surveys spanned multiple industries and demographic groups, with a population that was representative of census-tract demographics. There were 2,000 respondents who were parents of children under age 14 and 1,003 parents of children aged five and under. Marshall Plan for Moms (marshallplanformoms.com) is a campaign of the nonprofit organization Girls Who Code. the childcare conundrum continues: workable childcare options remain elusive for those planning a return to the workforce, for those who never left, and particularly for working mothers with preschool-aged children.

Indeed, the survey shows that 45 percent of mothers with children aged five and under who left the workforce during the COVID-19 pandemic cited childcare as a major reason for their departure, compared with just 14 percent of fathers who said the same. Additionally, 24 percent of the mothers with children aged five and under said they had considered reducing their hours or moving to a part-time schedule, compared with 18 percent of the fathers.

Many of these parents are midtenure employees who enhance the social fabric of their organizations— as many women managers have done in supporting colleagues’ health and well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic. If these parents do drop out, companies stand to lose functional expertise, institutional knowledge, managerial capabilities, and mentorship at a time when such skills are needed most.

As companies begin to think about managing returning talent and attracting new joiners—whether in traditional or hybrid work environments —they can no longer ignore employees’ (and potential employees’) childcare requirements. In this article, we review the findings from our research and outline the key challenges for working parents (particularly working mothers) with respect to affordability, quality, reliability, convenience, and accessibility of childcare.

Gone for now, or gone for good? How to play the new talent game and win back workers

We also suggest some ways for companies to better support their employees’ childcare-related needs. And it is important to start doing so now: the social contract between employers and employees in corporate America is being fundamentally rewritten on the fly. By removing penalties for parents who are taking care of young children, companies can turn the Great Attrition into the Great Attraction  and develop and advance more diverse talent.

Understanding the pain points

Our research points to five core challenges parents have had and are still facing in securing sustainable, equitable childcare.

Affordability. The cost of childcare varies across the United States depending on region and age of child; in general, however, care for very young children tends to be the most expensive given the recommended lower child-to-teacher ratios. 2 Hunter Blair and Elise Gould, “Who’s paying now? The explicit and implicit costs of the current early childcare and education system,” Economic Policy Institute, January 15, 2020.

It will likely come as no surprise, then, that for the working parents in our survey with children aged five and under, affordability was ranked as the top childcare concern (or tied for first with another concern). Cost was a particular concern for women and parents who worked hourly jobs and had to find care for children aged five and under (Exhibit 1).

The US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) considers 7 percent of a family’s household income to be the threshold amount for childcare to be deemed affordable. Under that standard, the average annual cost of childcare for one child (about $9,400) would not be affordable for a family with a median household income below $130,000. 3 For information about family copayment contributions, see “Family Copayment Contribution,” Child Care Technical Assistance Network, accessed April 2022; and “Picking up the pieces: Building a better child care system post COVID-19,” Child Care Aware of America, July 2020.

Quality. Respondents ranked quality almost as high as affordability in our survey: 48 percent of parents with children aged five and under who are receiving some form of childcare said quality was their top concern (or tied for first with another concern). Parents overwhelmingly said they want their children in safe, supportive educational environments—though, according to academic research, only 13 percent of two-year-olds in the United States currently attend childcare settings that would be deemed high quality. 4 Emma K. Lee and Zachary Parolin, “The care burden during COVID-19: A national database of child care closures in the United States,” Sociological Research for a Dynamic World , Volume 7, January–December 2021.

Reliability. Industry data show that about 35 percent of childcare centers that were shuttered during the COVID-19 pandemic remain closed for various staffing and financial reasons. 5 Emma K. Lee and Zachary Parolin, “The care burden during COVID-19: A national database of child care closures in the United States,” Sociological Research for a Dynamic World , Volume 7, January–December 2021. When primary childcare options such as these are unavailable, working parents need access to reliable backups so they don’t have to significantly modify their work schedules or take time off entirely. However, only 8 percent of the working parents in our survey with children aged five and under said their employer provided access to emergency and backup childcare, and only 13 percent said their employer provided paid emergency-care days.

The lack of childcare backup may help explain why 50 percent of the working mothers in the cohort with children aged five and under believed their childcare responsibilities became “somewhat more difficult” or “much more difficult” during the COVID-19 pandemic; 40 percent of working fathers in this cohort said the same. Indeed, some 34 percent of working mothers reported childcare concerns as a top reason for voluntarily leaving the workforce, compared with 20 percent of working fathers (Exhibit 2). Those findings square with data from McKinsey and LeanIn.Org’s recent Women in the Workplace  report, which points to high rates of burnout among mothers of young children during the pandemic.

Convenience. Some 28 percent of the parents in our survey with children aged five and under who are receiving some form of childcare rated convenience as a top concern (or tied for first with another concern). While not as much of a deal breaker as affordability, questions of convenience did play a big role in these parents’ childcare decisions—for instance, is the childcare center close to the office (or close to home in the case of hybrid situations)? Do the center’s hours of operation match parents’ work schedules? If not, parents may be discouraged from signing up their children for caregiving programs, and the already-precarious work–life balance for employees may remain off-kilter.

Accessibility. In many US communities, there is often not enough childcare to adequately serve the population. According to a 2018 study by the Center for American Progress (CAP), more than half of US residents live in a childcare desert—communities where there may be three or more children for every available licensed childcare slot. These deserts are situated almost equally within rural and urban communities. 6 The Coronavirus will make child care deserts worse and exacerbate inequality , Center for American Progress Action Fund, June 22, 2020.

How can companies support employees’ childcare needs?

The working parents in our survey highlighted significant pain points in the childcare landscape, particularly in the care of very young children—but they also revealed some of what it would take to mitigate these issues and usher their return to the workplace. The data we compiled on recruitment, retention, and advancement may be of particular interest to companies that are reconsidering their employee value propositions in the wake of the Great Attrition . The employers who pay attention to this feedback, and act thoughtfully to support employees’ childcare needs, may gain a competitive edge with current and prospective employees. They may even establish themselves as destination workplaces over the long term—truly differentiating themselves in the ever-evolving talent game.

Recruitment and attraction

When it comes to recruitment and attraction, 69 percent of the women with children aged five and under who are currently looking for employment said they would be more likely to choose an employer that offered assistance with childcare expenses or provided access to on-site childcare. About half the respondents cited flexible working arrangements as the top reason they would pick one job over another, while 26 percent of respondents ranked predictable hours and scheduling as first priorities (assuming their compensation remained the same).

When deciding whether to stay with a company or switch to another, 83 percent of the women and 81 percent of the men in our survey with children aged five and under said that childcare benefits would be a “very important” or “somewhat important” factor in the decision. About 40 percent of respondents who were considering moving to a less-demanding job said that on-site childcare services at their current company may cause them to reconsider. And 38 percent of respondents said that their companies’ assistance with childcare expenses would also be a key factor in their staying put.

Advancement

The working mothers of children aged five and under in our research base said they received fewer professional-development opportunities as a result of their childcare responsibilities. Indeed, 57 percent reported feeling held back professionally for this very reason, compared with 38 percent of working fathers in our survey (Exhibit 3). Fifty-three percent of working mothers with children aged five and under who left the workforce temporarily, reduced their hours, or moved to a less-demanding job said they did so in full or in part because of childcare responsibilities. Additionally, 40 percent of respondents who refrained from pursuing promotion said having access to on-site childcare would have allowed them to reverse that decision.

Fifty-three percent of working mothers with children aged five and under who left the workforce temporarily, reduced their hours, or moved to a less-demanding job said they did so in full or in part because of childcare responsibilities.

Making the commitment

How companies choose to support employees’ childcare efforts will differ depending on industry context, operational implications, and available resources. However, particularly as people return to work (in whatever combination of physical and virtual presence that entails) and rebuild connections, there is no downside to polling working parents within your organization, identifying the childcare pain points unique to your organization, and discussing ways to address both the company’s and employees’ needs.

That’s what business leaders at the financial services company Synchrony did during the COVID-19 pandemic: they assessed the childcare needs of their corporate and call-center employees through surveys and listening sessions. As a result of that exercise, the company developed a package of benefits that has helped to empower and support working parents. The package included an extension from 25 to 60 days of backup childcare, the addition of virtual after-school and summer camp programs and tutoring, the distribution of laptops to further children’s education, and flexibility in employees’ hours and work location.

Other forms of commitment to employees may include:

• Addressing the childcare affordability gap. Companies may offer full or partial tuition subsidies for center- or home-based care, flexible-spending accounts for dependent care, or creative financing models to cover childcare costs in the first five years of a child’s life (the most expensive in terms of caregiving services).
• Expanding employees’ access to childcare. Companies may want to explore on-site day care initiatives, as Patagonia has done, offering childcare at its headquarters in California and at a distribution center in Reno, Nevada. Tuition is on a sliding scale, and services are available to both hourly and salaried workers. The company has reported 25 percent lower turnover rates among employees who use the childcare program compared with the overall workforce. 7 Kathryn Mayer, “Patagonia’s secret to employee engagement? Onsite daycare,” Employee Benefit News, June 28, 2017. Alternatively, companies could offer excess space in their facilities to childcare operators or provide demand guarantees to operators in childcare deserts.
• Making childcare more convenient. Companies can make childcare more convenient for working parents by addressing their need for flexible arrangements and hours—for instance, allowing them to change when they start and end their workdays so they can better meet childcare center drop-off and pickup deadlines. One professional-services firm has established a “bring your baby to work” program that allows new working mothers in particular to ease into changed routines at home and at work. Other businesses are offering telework and hybrid work arrangements to working parents (including both salaried and hourly employees). Synchrony, for instance, has adopted enhanced flex scheduling that allows team members to work through a centralized system to determine how and where they may be able to take hours off and make them up later. The company also employs split shifts, which lets employees complete a four-hour shift in the morning and a four-hour shift in the evening with extended time off in the middle of the day. Employees can also take vacation or personal time off in hourly increments.
• Ensuring greater reliability in childcare. Some companies offer services that give employees access to backup care if a nanny is sick, a home-based day care closes suddenly, or another emergency crops up. Such services may be subsidized by the company, in part or in whole. Synchrony’s backup-care benefit is notable in that the company cut the red tape and made it very easy for employees to choose the best provider for the situation ahead of time—whether a family member or a childcare center or other third-party option—ensuring that employees could get backup childcare on short notice.
• Raising the bar on quality. There are many ways employers can help working parents find quality childcare—including serving as a conduit to critical community information. A large clothing retailer, for instance, conducted a childcare census to understand the challenges and needs of working parents. Armed with such data, the company reached out to service providers and other key stakeholders in the community to identify the most relevant resources and share them with working parents.

Following the COVID-19 pandemic and the Great Attrition, the country is at a critical juncture where improving the childcare experience is fundamentally tied to gender equity and economic competitiveness. Corporate leaders have a unique opportunity to innovate in childcare support and help working families achieve their full potential. Providing this kind of support goes beyond the realm of employee benefits; it is core to employers’ value propositions and talent-development strategies.

Sarah Gitlin is an associate partner in McKinsey’s Washington, DC, office; Ayushi Gummadi is a consultant in the Bay Area office, where Alexis Krivkovich is a senior partner and Kunal Modi is a partner.

The authors wish to thank Kweilin Ellingrud, Dina Kuttab, Brandon Lu, Tracy Nowski, and Ramesh Srinivasan for their contributions to this article.

This article was edited by Roberta Fusaro, an executive editor in the Waltham, Massachusetts, office.

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The collective experience of the past pandemic year has led many employees and employers alike to reprioritize the importance of employee quality of life and well-being. For some working parents, this has meant reevaluating and recommitting to their choice of where to live.

Traditionally, companies have chosen locations based on institutional needs such as large talent pools, good infrastructure, tax incentives, and brand exposure. Businesses have expected new hires to do the moving, often including incentives such as relocation packages in job offers for those workers with the flexibility and freedom to relocate geographically.

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But the expectation that workers will uproot and move from the places they love for new work uniquely complicates the career choices of working parents. Employees with children, especially school-age children, are often limited in this path to job opportunity and career growth ; parents’ preference for community stability competes strongly with career mobility once kids become part of the equation.

Recent data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics indicates that there were 33 million families with children under the age of 18 as of 2020. At least one parent was employed in 88.5% of those families. That number jumped to 95.3% among married couples with children, and both parents were employed in over half (59.8%) of this segment. Millennials (now aged 24-40), currently the largest generation represented in the workforce that spans parenting years, have historically valued work-life balance and, since the pandemic began, have indicated its increased importance , along with flexibility in hours and location.

We analyzed data gathered in July 2020 by a U.S.-based business and technology newsletter that had surveyed subscribers (men and women across a wide range of industries and salary levels) about their plans to move over the next six months and their reasons for either moving or not moving. We focused on the parent responses in the sample — 150 cases, or 9% of the 1,618 valid nonmover responses — due to the unique needs and growing size of this segment of the workforce.

Parents Prioritize Community and Lifestyle

The data revealed two dominant factors that explain parents’ preferences for where to live: community embeddedness and replicable lifestyle qualities.

Community embeddedness. The extent to which individuals are enmeshed in their communities through close-knit relationships — which support family well-being — emerged as a key preference for parents.

About the Authors

Teri Leavens ( @terileavens ) is an organizational change strategist/senior manager with Goodwill Industries International and is in the managerial leadership graduate program at the Manning School of Business at the University of Massachusetts Lowell. Kimberly Merriman , Ph.D., ( @kkmerriman ) is a professor of management at the Manning School of Business and an authority on workforce trends. Tamara Montag-Smit, Ph.D., is an assistant professor of management at the Manning School of Business, with expertise in human resource management and organizational behavior. David Greenway ( @davidgreenway ) is a doctoral candidate in leadership/organization studies at the Manning School of Business, with expertise in moral injury and trauma in organizations.

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What research says about the kids of working moms

We spotlight research on working moms. Overall, the research suggests maternal employment has little impact on kid's behavior and academic achievement over the short term and may have long-term benefits.

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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License .

by Denise-Marie Ordway, The Journalist's Resource August 6, 2018

This <a target="_blank" href="https://journalistsresource.org/economics/working-mother-employment-research/">article</a> first appeared on <a target="_blank" href="https://journalistsresource.org">The Journalist's Resource</a> and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.<img src="https://journalistsresource.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/cropped-jr-favicon-150x150.png" style="width:1em;height:1em;margin-left:10px;">

Most American moms work outside the home. Nearly 70 percent of women with children under age 18 were in the labor force in 2015, according to the U.S. Department of Labor.

In recent decades, as more mothers take paid positions, families, policymakers and scholars have wondered how the trend may impact children, especially during their early years. Many women, single parents in particular, must work because they either can’t afford to stay at home to raise their kids or the government agencies they rely on for assistance require them to be employed.

Work is also a choice for a lot of women. As more women in the United States complete college degrees — the percentage of women earning bachelor’s degrees skyrocketed between 1967 and 2015  — many have opted to leave their youngsters with a family member or daycare provider while they pursue careers and other professional interests.

Is this trend good or bad? Are kids with working moms different from kids whose moms are unemployed? Do they have more or fewer behavioral problems? Are their academic skills stronger or weaker? Let’s look at what the research says.

The good news: Overall, maternal employment seems to have a limited impact on children’s behavior and academic achievement over the short term. And there appear to be benefits in the long-term. A study published in 2018 finds that daughters raised by working moms are more likely to be employed as adults and have higher incomes.

Below, we’ve gathered a sampling of the academic research published or released on this topic in recent years. If you’re looking for workforce trend data, check out the U.S. Department of Labor’s website , which offers a variety of reports on women at work. A May 2018 report from the Pew Research Center, “7 Facts about U.S. Moms,” provides some useful context.

———–

“When Does Time Matter? Maternal Employment, Children’s Time With Parents, and Child Development” Hsin, Amy; Felfe, Christina. Demography , October 2014. DOI: 10.1007/s13524-014-0334-5.

Do working moms spend less time with their children? And if they do, does that hurt kids’ cognitive development? Amy Hsin from Queens College-City University of New York and Christina Felfe of the University of St. Gallen in Switzerland teamed up to investigate.

The gist of what they found: Mothers who work full-time do spend less time with their children, but they tend to trade quantity of time for better quality time. “On average, maternal work has no effect on time in activities that positively influence children’s development, but it reduces time in types of activities that may be detrimental to children’s development,” Hsin and Felfe explain. Each week, kids whose mothers work full-time spend 3.2 fewer hours engaged in “unstructured activities” — activities that don’t require children and parents to be actively engaged and speaking to one another — compared to kids whose moms are unemployed.

The researchers also find that children with college-educated mothers spend more time on educational activities as well as “structured” activities, which require kids to be actively engaged with their parents. “For example, college-educated mothers and their partners spend 4.9 hours and 2.5 hours per week, respectively, engaged in educational activities with their children; by comparison, mothers with less than [a] high school diploma and their partners spend only 3.3 hours and 1.7 hours per week in educational activities, respectively,” according to the study.

Maternal employment, generally speaking, appears to have a positive effect on children’s cognitive development. “When comparing the effect of maternal employment on child outcomes between stay-at-home mothers and mothers who work full-time, we see that the reduction in unstructured time resulting from full-time employment amounts to an improvement in children’s cognitive development of 0.03 to 0.04 SD [standard deviation],” the authors write. For children under age 6, the improvement is larger.

“Learning from Mum: Cross-National Evidence Linking Maternal Employment and Adult Children’s Outcomes” McGinn, Kathleen L.; Castro, Mayra Ruiz; Lingo, Elizabeth Long. Work, Employment and Society , April 2018. DOI: 10.1177/0950017018760167.

These researchers analyzed data from two surveys conducted across 29 countries to examine how men and women had been influenced by their mother’s work status. The main takeaway: Daughters raised by working mothers are more likely to have jobs as adults — and those who have jobs are more likely to supervise others, work longer hours and earn higher incomes.

There doesn’t appear to be a link between maternal employment and employment for sons, according to the study. However, men whose mothers worked while they were growing up spend about 50 minutes more caring for family members each week than men whose moms didn’t work.

The study, led by Kathleen L. McGinn of Harvard Business School , notes that these outcomes are “due at least in part to employed mothers’ conveyance of egalitarian gender attitudes and life skills for managing employment and domestic responsibilities simultaneously. Family-of-origin social class matters: women’s likelihood of employment rises with maternal employment across the socio-economic spectrum, but higher incomes and supervisory responsibility accrue primarily to women raised by mothers with more education and higher skill jobs.”

“Increasing Maternal Employment Influences Child Overweight/Obesity Among Ethnically Diverse Families” Ettinger, Anna K.; Riley, Anne W.; Price, Carmel E. Journal of Family Issues , July 2018. DOI: 10.1177/0192513X18760968.

This study looks at how maternal employment affects the weight status of Black and Latino children from low-income families in Boston, Chicago and San Antonio. The researchers find that an increase in a mother’s “work intensity” — for example, when a mother transitions from being unemployed to working or switches from part-time to full-time work — increases the odds that her child will be overweight or obese.

Kids whose mothers increased their work schedules during the children’s first few years of life were more likely to have a weight problem. “Children of mothers who increased their employment status during children’s preschool years had over 2.6 times the odds of being overweight/obese at 7 to 11 years of age compared with children of nonworking mothers,” the authors write. They also write that their results “suggest that changing work schedules and increasing work hours over time may be more disruptive to family environments and child weight than maintaining constant levels of employment over time (whether that is not working at all or working full-time).”

The researchers note that within their sample of 602 children, having consistent family routines such as mealtimes and bedtimes were associated with a 61 percent reduction in the odds of being overweight or obese. They also note that youth whose parents live together, whether married or not, tended to have lower odds of being overweight or obese than children living with single mothers.

“The Effect of Maternal Employment on Children’s Academic Performance” Dunifon, Rachel; Hansen, Anne Toft; Nicholson, Sean; Nielsen, Lisbeth Palmhøj. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 19364, August 2013.

Rachel Dunifon , the interim dean of Cornell University’s College of Human Ecology, led this study, which explores whether maternal employment improves children’s academic achievement. Dunifon and her colleagues analyze a data set for 135,000 children who were born in Denmark between 1987 and 1992 and followed through the ninth grade.

A key finding: Danish children whose mothers worked during their childhood had higher grade-point averages at age 15 than children whose mothers did not work. And children whose mothers worked between 10 and 19 hours a week had better grades than kids whose mothers worked full-time or only a few hours per week. “The child of a woman who worked between 10 and 19 hours per week while her child was under the age of four is predicted to have a GPA that is 2.6 percent higher than an otherwise similar child whose mother did not work at all,” the authors write.

The researchers suggest their paper “presents evidence of a positive causal linkage between maternal work hours and the GPA of Danish teens. These associations are strongest when mothers work part-time, and among more advantaged mothers, and are not accounted for by mothers’ earnings.”

“Maternal Work Early in the Lives of Children and Its Distal Associations with Achievement and Behavior Problems: A Meta-Analysis” Lucas-Thompson, Rachel G.; Goldberg, Wendy A.; Prause, JoAnn. Psychological Bulletin , November 2010. DOI: 10.1037/a0020875.

This is an analysis of 69 studies that, over the span of five decades, look at the relationship between maternal employment during children’s early years and children’s behavior and academic performance later in life. Overall, the analysis suggests that early maternal employment is not commonly associated with lower academic performance or behavior problems.

The analysis did, however, find differences when comparing different types of families. Early maternal employment was associated with “positive outcomes (i.e., increased achievement and decreased behavior problems) for majority one-parent samples,” explain the three researchers, Rachel G. Lucas-Thompson , now an assistant professor at Colorado State University, and Wendy A. Goldberg and JoAnn Prause of the University of California, Irvine. Early maternal employment was associated with lower achievement within two-parent families and increased behavior problems among study samples comprised of a mix of one- and two-parent families.

The researchers offer this explanation: “The results of this meta-analysis suggest that early maternal employment in sole-provider families may bolster children’s achievement and buffer against problem behaviors, perhaps because of the added financial security and health benefits that accompany employment, as well as improved food, clothing, and shelter because of increased income and the psychological importance of having a role model for achievement and responsible behavior. In contrast, early maternal employment may be detrimental for the behavior of children in two-parent families if the increases in family income do not offset the challenges introduced by maternal employment during children’s early years of life.”

There were differences based on household income as well. For families receiving welfare, the researchers found a link between maternal employment and increased student achievement. For middle- and upper-class families, maternal employment was associated with lower achievement.

The researchers note that they tried to gauge how child-care quality might influence these results. But there weren’t enough studies to allow for a detailed analysis.

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New Study Proves Supporting Working Parents Is Good for Business

During a pandemic that has shuttered schools and disrupted childcare arrangements, employees with children need the support of caring leaders and organizations more than ever before.

Thankfully, the Best Workplaces™ are stepping up to provide that support for both working parents and parents-to-be.

And as our new research has revealed , by helping parents, the Best Workplaces are improving their business results through increased innovation, talent retention and productivity.

What’s more, creating a great work experience for parents can bolster a company’s diversity and inclusion, and help to close the gender wage gap.

These are among the findings of a new report, Parents at the Best Workplaces TM , a joint study between Great Place To Work® and Maven, the world’s largest virtual clinic for women’s and family health .  

The report represents the largest-ever study of working parents , with more than 440,000 parents surveyed at 1,244 U.S. companies.

Great Place To Work released the report in conjunction with the 2020 Best Workplaces for Parents™ list . The new ranking recognizes the 100 companies whose support for parents has stood out during an unprecedented and challenging year for employees with caregiving duties.

Study of working parents – key findings

Investing in working parents is better for business.

Companies that invest in employees and their families experience higher levels of innovation and reap significant competitive advantages in employer branding, retention and productivity.

Supporting parents should be core to companies’ Diversity, Equity & Inclusion strategies — yet we often talk about these two priorities separately

Underrepresented racial groups are more likely to be working parents, and they’re more likely to experience burnout:

• 33% of Black mothers are experiencing burnout
• 25% of Black fathers are experiencing burnout
• 25% of White mothers are experiencing burnout
• 21% of White fathers are experiencing burnout

Mothers are 28% more likely to experience burnout than fathers and are experiencing 2.4 million estimated additional cases of burnout due to unequal demands of home and work.

When companies reduce burnout, their employees are 20 times more likely to stay — but policies need to address the unique reasons for burnout.

Paid parental leave doesn’t just help growing families — it helps close the wage gap and allows parents to bring their best selves back to work

Working mothers lose nearly a month of income on average when supplementing their allotted maternity leave, adding a financial burden to the physical and emotional challenges new parents face. 

Companies with generous leave policies see both mothers and fathers taking more time — ensuring that women don’t leave money on the table and that caregiving is a family affair. 

Benefits shouldn’t start or stop with baby. The best companies are thinking beyond maternity leave to support employees throughout the entire journey of planning and raising a family

• More than 8 in 10 (81%) of Best Workplaces are providing reimbursement for fertility treatments , and over the past three years, nearly half have increased their coverage
• Best Workplaces are also offering benefits like telemedicine for pregnant and postpartum families (49% of Best Workplaces), return-to-work career coaching (48% of Best Workplaces), and breast milk shipping (52% of Best Workplaces)
• They are also supporting their parents' childcare needs by helping them find childcare (78% of Best Workplaces) or backup childcare (56% of Best Workplaces) and offering parent Employee Resource Groups (ERGs) (61% of Best Workplaces)

Amid tough times, the Best Workplaces are proving that it is possible to build a positive employee experience for parents and parents-to-be. And when companies make that investment, their businesses and their employees’ children are better off as a result.

For detailed findings and to learn more about supporting your working parents, read our full report on  Parents at the Best Workplaces .  

Ed Frauenheim

Ed Frauenheim is a former Senior Director of Content at Great Place to Work®. He provides insights and shares stories about how great workplaces are better for business, better for people and better for the world. Ed has spoken at numerous events, published articles in Fortune , Wired and Inc . and co-written three books, including A Great Place to Work For All .

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Parker JJ , Garfield CF , Simon CD, et al. Teleworking, Parenting Stress, and the Health of Mothers and Fathers. JAMA Netw Open. 2023;6(11):e2341844. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.41844

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Teleworking, Parenting Stress, and the Health of Mothers and Fathers

• 1 Division of Advanced General Pediatrics and Primary Care, Department of Pediatrics, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, Northwestern University, Chicago, Illinois
• 2 Division of General Internal Medicine and Geriatrics, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, Chicago, Illinois
• 3 Department of Pediatrics, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, Chicago, Illinois
• 4 Family and Child Health Innovations Program, Smith Child Health Outcomes, Research and Evaluation Center, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois
• 5 Smith Child Health Outcomes, Research, and Evaluation Center, Stanley Manne Children’s Research Institute, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois
• 6 Data Analytics and Reporting, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital, Chicago, Illinois
• 7 Department of Medicine, Northwestern University Feinberg School of Medicine, Chicago, Illinois

The COVID-19 pandemic changed work arrangements with more frequent work from home, or telework . Studies 1 , 2 conducted before COVID-19 have found conflicting associations between telework and employee health. Parents are a unique subset of employees, yet little is known about how telework is related to the health of working parents. 1 The purpose of this study was to examine the associations of telework during the COVID-19 pandemic with parents’ general health, changes to mental health, and parenting stress.

Survey data for this cross-sectional study were collected from May to July 2022 through a panel survey from all 77 neighborhoods in Chicago, Illinois, a sociodemographically diverse urban center. Eligibility criteria included being aged 18 years or older and the parent of 1 or more child living in the household. Respondents were recruited from probability samples (43.1% completion rate; 596 of 1382 eligible invitees) and nonprobability samples (eAppendix in Supplement 1 ). The institutional review board at Lurie Children’s Hospital approved the study, and participants provided informed consent electronically. This study followed the STROBE reporting guideline. Full details of the methods and statistical analysis are shown in the eAppendix and eTable in Supplement 1 .

Among the 1060 parent respondents, 825 (74.3%) who were currently employed composed our analytic sample. Among employed parents, 599 (52.5%) were female and 548 (62.5%) teleworked. A higher proportion of teleworking parents were White (244 parents [45.0%]), vs Black (99 parents [14.6%]) or Hispanic (145 parents [28.5%]); conversely, a higher proportion of on-site working parents were Black (84 parents [26.0%]) and Hispanic (98 parents [41.9%]) than White (71 parents [23.8%]) ( Table 1 ). After adjustment, those who teleworked had increased odds of parenting stress compared with on-site work (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 1.88; 95% CI, 1.20-2.93), but no difference in general health status (aOR, 1.23; 95% CI, 0.78-1.93) or improved mental health (aOR, 1.14; 95% CI, 0.64-2.04) ( Table 2 ). Teleworking fathers reported higher parenting stress than on-site working fathers (aOR, 2.33; 95% CI, 1.03-5.35), but there was no association for mothers (aOR, 1.53; 95% CI, 0.93-2.49).

In this cross-sectional study, parents who teleworked during the COVID-19 pandemic report higher parental stress compared with parents who worked on-site. Otherwise, our findings were consistent with studies 1 , 2 conducted before COVID-19 that found conflicting or no associations between telework and employees’ self-reported health. Our results differed by parent gender: teleworking fathers report higher parenting stress than on-site working fathers, whereas mothers’ parenting stress did not differ by teleworking status. For parents, especially fathers, telework during the COVID-19 pandemic offered a new opportunity to spend time with their children. 3 Our findings suggest teleworking may also add to parenting stress or that parents with more stressful parenting situations preferentially select telework arrangements. Strategies to support parents who telework, such as promoting work schedule autonomy and employee assistance programs, 2 may have important health implications for parents and children.

Study limitations include generalizability and a lack of objective health data. The study period was limited to the first 2 years of the pandemic, which included 13 months of remote instruction in Chicago schools, 4 leading to many parents managing work and schooling at home. Legislation has been proposed to both expand 5 and limit 6 telework options. Therefore, it is crucial that researchers, health professionals, and policymakers continue to assess the associations among telework, parenting stress, and parent health.

Accepted for Publication: September 23, 2023.

Published: November 3, 2023. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2023.41844

Open Access: This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC-BY License . © 2023 Parker JJ et al. JAMA Network Open .

Corresponding Author: John James Parker, MD, MS, Division of Advanced General Pediatrics and Primary Care, Department of Pediatrics, Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children’s Hospital of Chicago, 225 E Chicago Ave, Box 162, Chicago, IL 60611 ( [email protected] ).

Author Contributions: Dr Heffernan had full access to all of the data in the study and takes responsibility for the integrity of the data and the accuracy of the data analysis.

Concept and design: Parker, Garfield, Simon, Heffernan, Kan.

Acquisition, analysis, or interpretation of data: Parker, Garfield, Simon, Bendelow, Heffernan, Davis.

Drafting of the manuscript: Parker, Garfield, Kan.

Critical review of the manuscript for important intellectual content: All authors.

Statistical analysis: Bendelow, Kan.

Administrative, technical, or material support: Simon, Bendelow, Heffernan, Davis.

Supervision: Garfield, Simon, Heffernan, Kan.

Conflict of Interest Disclosures: None reported.

Funding/Support: This study was supported by the Patrick M. Magoon Institute for Healthy Communities at Lurie Children’s Hospital for Voices of Child Health in Chicago (Dr Heffernan and Ms Bendelow), Siragusa Family Foundation (Dr Parker), Hazel Speck Berry Trust (Dr Parker), and the National Heart Lung and Blood Institute (Dr Kan).

Role of the Funder/Sponsor: The funders had no role in the design and conduct of the study; collection, management, analysis, and interpretation of the data; preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript; and decision to submit the manuscript for publication.

Disclaimers: The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the listed funders.

Data Sharing Statement: See Supplement 2 .

Additional Contributions: Tracie Smith, MPH, supported this project as Director of Population Health Analytics in the Department of Data Analytics and Reporting at Lurie Children’s Hospital, for which she was not compensated.

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Balancing Parenting and Work Stress: A Guide

• Daisy Dowling

Most working parents look to their networks of friends, family, and co-workers for advice on balancing the competing demands of work and home. But the working-parent grapevine doesn’t always provide the most useful or can-do support — too often it’s contradictory, out of date, even downright disheartening. What parents need are simple recommendations based on experience that help confront this managerial and leadership challenge. This advice is a “best of” list – ten pieces of empowering, and unexpected, advice for meeting the demands of, and being comfortable in, your dual roles as a working mother or father. They include: Use your professional strengths. Have a vision for what you want your working-parent life to be. Think long term. Have a Plan B and don’t wait for a crisis to use it. Don’t always be a doer. And if you want flexibility at work, don’t just ask – sell the idea.

“Ask for a flexible schedule — it’s the only way to balance work and family.” “Think hard about part-time. You’ll end up working on your days off anyway — for less money.” “Back in ’86, when my first daughter was born, I learned to completely check out on evenings and weekends.” “Hire more help!” “It only gets harder as they get older.”

• Daisy Dowling is an executive coach and human capital advisor who specializes in working parenthood . She is the author of  Workparent: The Complete Guide to Succeeding on the Job, Staying True to Yourself, and Raising Happy Kids   (HBR Press, 2021) and serves as series editor of HBR’s Working Parent Collection  of books.

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How American parents balance work and family life when both work

Today’s American families are more likely than those of past decades to feature two full-time working parents. A new Pew Research Center report looks at how working moms and dads in two-parent households are balancing their jobs with their family responsibilities and how they view the dynamics of sharing child care and household responsibilities.

Here are some key findings from the report:

Two-parent households with a mother who does not work outside the home have grown much less common in the U.S. since 1970. Today, both parents work full time in 46% of these households. Only about a quarter of two-parent households now consist of a full-time working father and a mother who is not employed. By comparison, in 1970, both parents worked full time in just 31% of two-parent homes, while a full-time working dad and a stay-at-home mom made up a 46% plurality of them.

In homes with two full-time working parents, most parents say chores, discipline and quality time with kids are shared equally, but scheduling and sick days fall more on mom. About six-in-ten American parents in these dual-earning households say they share responsibility evenly for playing or doing activities with children, disciplining children, and taking care of chores. However, when it comes to certain activities, about half of parents still say mom takes the lead.

Some 54% of parents in households with two full-time working parents say the mother does more to manage the children’s schedule and activities, while 39% say this task is shared equally and 6% say the father does more. And 47% say the mother takes on more when their children fall ill, equal to the share saying they split this duty equally; just 6% say the father does more of this.

But moms and dads don’t have the same perception of the division of labor. Fathers are more likely than mothers to say the responsibilities are shared equally, but mothers are more likely to say they take on the larger role in many of these tasks.

When both parents in a household work full time, most say neither’s career takes priority, but half say dad makes more money. Some 62% say the mother and father are equally focused on their careers, while 22% say the father is more career-oriented and 15% say it’s the mother.

Despite this widespread equity in parents’ focus on their careers, half in families with two full-time working parents say the father earns more than the mother. In the other half of these households, the parents report that either the salaries are roughly equal (26%) or the mother earns more (22%).

In a previous report , we found a rise in women serving as breadwinners for their families since the 1960s. Most of this growth has been due to the rise in single mothers, but about 40% of the growth in breadwinner mothers is due to married mothers who earn more than their husbands. Our analysis of Census Bureau data found that in 2011, 15% of households with young children were comprised of a wife who out-earned her husband.

Working mothers are more likely than fathers to say parenting has interfered with their career advancement. Overall, the survey suggests that being a parent doesn’t necessarily interfere with career advancement – a majority of working parents (59%) say being a parent has made it neither harder nor easier to advance in their job or career, while three-in-ten say it has made their trajectory harder and one-in-ten say it has made it easier.

However, a larger share of mothers (four-in-ten full- and part-time moms) than fathers (just two-in-ten) say being a working parent has made it harder to advance in their careers.

For many working parents, there’s just not enough time. About four-in-ten full-time working mothers say they spend too little time with their kids. By comparison, 18% of part-time working mothers and 11% of non-working mothers say the same. For their part, working fathers are significantly more likely than working mothers to say they spend too little time with their children – fully half of full-time working fathers say this is the case.

Time with children isn’t the only area where full-time working parents are feeling the squeeze – 55% say they don’t spend enough time away from their children to get together with friends or pursue hobbies, and among those who are married or cohabiting, 42% say they spend too little time with their partners. Roughly equal shares of full-time working moms and dads say they have too little time in these areas.

• Business & Workplace
• Household Structure & Family Roles

Eileen Patten is a former research analyst focusing on Hispanic, social and demographic trends at Pew Research Center .

A look at small businesses in the U.S.

A look at black-owned businesses in the u.s., 2023 saw some of the biggest, hardest-fought labor disputes in recent decades, do you tip more or less often than the average american, diversity, equity and inclusion in the workplace, most popular.

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ABOUT PEW RESEARCH CENTER  Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of  The Pew Charitable Trusts .

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The Impact of Covid-19 on Working Parents (Report)

A new catalyst survey finds widespread job insecurity and fear among mothers and fathers..

Catalyst partnered with CNBC to research the impact of Covid-19 on educational plans among parents of school-aged children (5–18 years old). We sought to explore perceptions among parents of their children’s return to school: would a return to school have a negative impact on parents’ employment and career prospects? We also wanted to understand any coping and support mechanisms that parents may be adopting during this period of uncertainty.

Our survey of 1,000 parents across the United States shows that many parents believe being a parent is a strike against them in the workplace. Even as some schools reopen, most parents (66%) say their children will be in 100% remote or virtual learning. Many parents worry this could have a negative impact on their careers.

Four in 10 (41%) parents say they have less job security due to the pandemic, and fear being penalized because they have childcare responsibilities. In addition, four in 10 (42%) parents fear it would be a risk to their employment to take advantage of benefits their workplaces offer to working parents, with over a third (39%) worrying that they could be terminated if they did so.

While all parents are under enormous strain, generally speaking mothers are bearing a greater burden than fathers, as they are disproportionately expected to fulfill household and caregiving responsibilities during the workweek. Moreover, 41% of mothers say they must hide their caregiving struggles from their colleagues.

Key Takeaways

Both mothers and fathers feel that being a parent is a strike against them in the workplace during the pandemic. And both mothers and fathers fear taking advantage of parental benefits offered.

During this pandemic, parents are caught in a difficult predicament, tasked with making challenging decisions about their family and career daily. Regardless of gender and race, parents fear they will be negatively affected by employer decisions because they are parents.

Uncertainty around schooling has altered many parents’ lives. But among those parents we surveyed, many also believe there is risk associated with reaching out to access, or asking for, workplace support—or that if they do, they will be penalized or even terminated because they are a working parent.

Parents need more work-related support and communication.

Many parents, and especially mothers (49%, as compared to 39% of fathers), 1 are not aware of the plans their employers have in place for parents, or know that these plans simply do not exist at their company. They are relying on their work relationships, such as their managers or work colleagues, for support.

To alleviate the challenges parents are facing, companies must provide increased transparency around available benefits and create an environment in which employees do not feel they are faulted for being parents. Communication needs to be empathetic toward their concerns and delivered both as overall company directives and through more personal channels.

Parents in senior-level roles are concerned about uncertainty about schooling.

Sixty percent of senior-level mothers—compared with 45% of non-senior-level mothers 2 —expressed concern that they will have to continue to work and care for children at home. Also, parents in senior-level positions report higher levels of concern than those in non-senior-level roles. Their concerns include having to reduce their hours, including working part-time or quitting temporarily; hire outside support; or leave their children at home alone if schools do not fully open.

Parents are dealing with the strain of managing both family and work due to the pandemic.

Most mothers and fathers have had to modify their work routines to adapt to caregiving needs and balance their family responsibilities. This disruption has left parents across genders, races, ethnicities, and job levels feeling guilty about caregiving responsibilities.

Even as schools reopen, most children will be engaging in virtual learning. Additionally, many parents worry about the impact of the pandemic and uncertainty about school reopening on their careers. Parents are concerned that they are not currently performing to the best of their abilities and that the Covid-19 crisis will affect their job security and career growth.

Many parents have also experienced intense personal challenges due to the coronavirus crisis, including suffering grief due to a loss of life. Overall, many have experienced financial hardship, with some having lost job-related income or faced difficulty getting needed resources. 3 In particular, some parents report having had to move their residence or ask a relative to move in with them to receive support.

Mothers are experiencing a greater burden than fathers are.

A majority of mothers say they are primarily responsible for managing childcare tasks throughout the workweek, such as preparing meals, supervising homework, and even monitoring playtime with their child(ren). Mothers feel more guilt in attempting to meet work-life demands, and experience more feelings of anxiety.

Methodology  

This research was collected in a 10-minute online survey of 1,000 US adults aged 20–65+ working in companies with 500+ employees. The survey was conducted by Edelman Intelligence on behalf of Catalyst from August 18–26, 2020. All statistical tests performed were z-tests comparing group proportions. (“Z” and “p” are metrics used to assess whether there is a statistically significant difference between groups.)

Work and Life Challenges Have Intensified During This Pandemic, Straining Parents.

Most mothers and fathers have had to modify their work routines to adapt to caregiving needs and balance family responsibilities.

The disruption of work-life balance has left many parents feeling guilty, whether when working (54%) because they’re not attending to caregiving, or when caregiving (43%) because they’re not attending to their work. They are caught in a no-win situation.

Many parents believe their performance has suffered as a result of the pandemic, and they are having to rethink their futures.

A majority (63%) of senior-level mothers, 51% of senior-level fathers, 43% of non-senior-level mothers, and 36% of non-senior-level fathers say they have had to revise their career goals or ambitions. Moreover, a majority (61%) of senior-level mothers report that they have been unable to perform optimally. This sentiment is shared by 48% of senior-level fathers, 40% of non-senior-level mothers, and 39% of non-senior-level fathers.

One-fourth of parents (26%) are also suffering personal grief due to a loss from Covid-19. Forty-three percent of parents report that the coronavirus crisis impacted them negatively from a financial point of view, with 28% having lost job-related income and 34% having a difficult time getting needed resources. 4

Parents are seeking social support to help care for their children, and fathers, compared to mothers, are more likely to consider moving (43% of fathers and 30% of mothers 5 ) or asking relatives to move in with them (40% of fathers and 30% of mothers 6 ) to get the help they need.

Most Parents Intend to Keep Their Children in Virtual Learning. However, Many Worry About the Impact This Action May Have on Their Careers.

Many parents (66%) say that their children’s school is currently open or planning to reopen. Two-thirds of parents (66%) also say that their children will be in 100% remote or virtual learning, whether by necessity or choice.

Only 20% plan to have their children participate in 100% in-person, classroom learning. White mothers (33%) are more likely to have children who are or will be participating in 100% in-person instruction compared to Asian (17%), Black (12%), or Latina (12%) mothers. 7 Although not statistically comparable due to sample size, 8  only 10% of Indigenous mothers have children who will be engaging in 100% in-person instruction.

Even if in-person classroom instruction resumed, more than half (57%) of parents say they are either against the idea of sending their children back to school or are unsure about it. But overall, White mothers 9 (59%) are more likely than Asian mothers (36%), Black mothers (25%), and Latinx mothers (42%) to send their children to in-person, classroom instruction. And despite the small sample size, Indigenous mothers 10 (57%) surveyed also plan to send their children to in-person instruction if schools reopen. Also, 64% of White fathers, 45% of Latinx fathers, 40% of Black fathers, and 39% of Asian fathers plan to send their children to in-person, classroom instruction if schools reopen. Although an extremely small sample size, 11  64% of Indigenous fathers express that they will do the same.

However, keeping children at home causes parents concern for their ability to manage both their careers and their families—and over a third of parents (36%) fear they might have to leave their children at home .

Nearly half (48%) of total parents are concerned that they will have to reduce their hours, go part-time, or quit their jobs temporarily. Latina mothers, 12 in particular, have these concerns (63%), as compared with White mothers (41%), Black mothers (39%), and Asian mothers (47%). Though the sample size is small, 13  the majority of Indigenous mothers surveyed also have these concerns (55%).

Schools failing to reopen is of particular concern among those in senior leadership roles. Sixty percent of senior-level mothers—compared with 45% of non-senior-level mothers 14 —expressed concern that they will have to continue to work and care for children at home.

Also, parents in senior-level positions report higher levels of concerns, compared to those in non-senior-level roles, such as having to:

• 72% of senior-level mothers compared to 42% of non-senior-level mothers.
• 65% of senior-level fathers compared to 44% of non-senior-level fathers.
• 65% of senior-level mothers compared to 34% of non-senior-level mothers.
• 66% of senior-level fathers compared to 34% of non-senior-level fathers.
• 54% of senior-level mothers compared to 30% of non-senior-level mothers.
• 54% of senior-level fathers compared to 37% of non-senior-level fathers.

In general, parents working remotely and parents not working remotely share similar concerns about their children’s educational plans if schools do not fully reopen. Yet mothers who aren’t working remotely are more likely to express concern that they will have to reduce hours, go part-time, or quit temporarily (55%), compared with 42% of mothers who work remotely. 18

Many Parents Fear Negative Impacts on Their Career and Job Security in This Time of Uncertainty.

Parents fear they will be the first to go from their companies if the economic environment does not improve.

They also fear that their chances of receiving a promotion are diminished due to lack of employer supports for caregiving during the coronavirus.

Furthermore, more than half of parents (58%) worry that as the economy continues to weaken, their company will become less flexible with working hours.

Both Mothers and Fathers Report That Being a Parent Is a Strike Against Them in the Workplace.

Layoffs and furloughs are still primary concerns for many parents, who believe it is a risk to take advantage of the childcare benefits their employer offers.

A third of parents (33%) worry that they will be laid off in the next six months due to Covid-19, with senior-level parents (48% of mothers and 44% of fathers) particularly worried. 19

Four in 10 mothers and fathers say they have less job security (41%) and fear penalization (38%) because they are a working parent.

Four in 10 parents also fear it would be a risk to their employment to take advantage of the offerings or benefits available to them through their workplace (42%), and over a third (39%) worry they will be terminated if they ask for them.

Additionally, both mothers (41%) and fathers (36%) feel like they have had to hide their caregiving struggles.

Mothers Bear a Greater Burden Than Fathers Do.

Mothers are disproportionately expected to shoulder the burdens of household and caregiving responsibilities during the workweek and are experiencing more reported feelings of anxiety than fathers.

Significantly more mothers than fathers (62% vs. 52%) find it difficult to “switch off” their mind from work at the end of the day.

Mothers also report that they do most of the childcare tasks, whereas fathers are more likely to expect their partner to manage tasks across the board. 20

Mothers worry more than fathers that they can’t support their child(ren) with school tasks as much as they need to. Mothers are also more likely than fathers to feel guilty when working because they are not able attend to caregiving responsibilities.

Women also experience more feelings of anxiety than men, 21 with 78% of mothers reporting feeling nervous, anxious, or on-edge for several days or more over the past two weeks compared with 69% of fathers. 22

Mothers Receive Less Workplace Support Than Fathers Do in Managing Childcare.

More mothers than fathers 23 say their employer either has no plans in place to help with childcare or they haven’t been made aware of such plans. 24 Among those whose employers do have plans, more flexible schedules are the most common solution (according to 43% of mothers and 50% of fathers). 25

Almost half of fathers (49%) and slightly more than a third of mothers (37%) believe that their employer has been moderately or very proactive in expanding parental benefits since the pandemic began. Yet mothers are more likely than fathers to say their organization has not been proactive at all (30% vs. 20%). 26

A low percentage of both mothers and fathers report that their employer will provide supports for working parents. Yet fathers (26%) are significantly more likely to say their employer will support them via paid leave than are mothers (16%), 27  or believe their employer will provide opportunities for them to receive help with childcare through additional paid time off (17% of fathers vs. 10% of mothers 28 ).

As parents face tough decisions about their children’s educational plans, and many choose to place their children in 100% remote learning during the pandemic, they are facing very real challenges in their careers, in their caregiving roles, and personally.

Our study points to the fears that parents have in this time of uncertainty regarding job security—including being penalized as a working parent. In some cases, mothers are facing a greater burden in their caregiving responsibilities compared with fathers. With the likelihood that they will need to turn to their employers for support, mothers and fathers are finding limited options. While some feel benefits have expanded, a low percentage of parents overall feel that opportunities for paid leave, or opportunities to receive help with childcare through additional paid time off, are available to them.

Companies must do more to communicate and enhance their programs, as well as create psychologically safe spaces for parents to take advantage of these options. Doing so will smooth the path towards more fair, inclusive, and responsive workplaces in these uncertain times.

1 p < .01

2 p < .01

3 Scale used to measure perceived coronavirus stressors adopted from Kira, I. A. (2020). Measuring COVID-19 as traumatic stress: Initial psychometrics and validation. Journal of Loss and Trauma .

4 Scale used to measure perceived coronavirus stressors adopted from Kira, I. A. (2020). Measuring COVID-19 as traumatic stress: Initial psychometrics and validation. Journal of Loss and Trauma .

5  p < .01

6  p < .01

7  p < .01

8 Extremely small sample size (n= 19). Directional findings only.

9  p < .01

10 Extremely small sample size (n = 19). Directional findings only.

11 Extremely small sample size (n = 6). Directional findings only.

12  p < .01

13 Extremely small sample size (n = 19). Directional findings only.

14  p < .01

15  p < .01

16  p < .01

17  p < .01

18  p < .01

19 There are statistically significant differences between 48% of senior-level mothers compared to 30% non-senior-level mothers ( p < .01) as well as between 44% of senior-level fathers compared to 26% non-senior-level fathers ( p < .01).

20 Mothers and fathers have significantly different views of who is primarily responsible for caregiving activities within the workweek ( p < .01).

21  p < .01

22 To measure feelings of anxiety we adopted the GAD-2 scale from: Kroenke, K. et al. (2007). Anxiety disorders in primary care: prevalence, impairment, comorbidity, and detection .  Annals of Internal Medicine, ( 146)5: 317–325.

23 Among all parents, 46% say that their employer either has no plans in place to help with childcare, or they haven’t been made aware of such plans.

24  p < .01

25  p < .01

26  p < .01

27  p < .01

28  p < .01

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New Report Confirms Most Working Parents Are Burned Out

Two-thirds of working parents surveyed met the criteria for parental burnout. Here’s how to spot the signs — and get help.

Credit... Getty Images

Supported by

By Catherine Pearson

• Published May 5, 2022 Updated June 6, 2022

For two years, working parents in America have been running on fumes, hammered by the stress of remote schooling, day care closures, economic instability and social isolation.

Now, a new report says that 66 percent of working parents meet the criteria for parental burnout — a nonclinical term that means they are so exhausted by the pressure of caring for their children, they feel they have nothing left to give.

The report, published Thursday by researchers with Ohio State University, is based on an online survey of 1,285 working parents that was conducted between January 2021 and April 2021. It gives a snapshot of a different time, when America was deep in pandemic lockdowns.

But its authors believe parental burnout is here to stay, because working parents don’t have enough practical, structural supports to overcome the relentless stress, which isn’t abating. Any parent can experience burnout, but the new report focuses on working parents, who, the researchers believe, are at particular risk for exhaustion.

“Parental burnout isn’t just going to end magically when the pandemic finally ends,” said Bernadette Melnyk, dean of the College of Nursing at Ohio State and an author of the report. “The chronicity of the pandemic has taken a toll and depleted many parents’ coping reserves that will take time and patience to build up again.”

What are the signs of parental burnout?

Parental burnout isn’t a clinical diagnosis that would end up in anyone’s medical chart, but many psychologists recognize it as a subtype of burnout — a work-related phenomenon now recognized as a syndrome by the World Health Organization . (It is not included in the DSM-5, often called the “bible” of psychiatry in the United States.)

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