democracy in bangladesh essay

Governance and The Governed: Democracy and Development in Bangladesh

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This book is a culmination of ideas from the third and fourth International Bangladesh Development Initiative (BDI) Conferences at the University of California, Berkeley, USA in 2013 and 2015. This book dwells on two major areas, namely, politics and government, and gender and development.

The contributions in the first part present analytical perspectives on the transformation of political regimes, heterogeneity of identities and their complexities, and the causes and consequences of pre-election violence. this part also scrutinizes the relationship between external remittances and democracy at local levels, how politics impacts economic issues, and finally examines bangladesh’s place in south asia as a region., essays in part two explore issues relating to human rights. the papers in this section include analyses on the role of childhood exposure to violence and the state’s role in ensuring protection and fairness to female litigants in domestic dispute-resolution cases. these essays also discuss cultural and anthropological perspectives on patriarchy in the context of gender equality, difficulties faced by the urban poor in accessing low income housing, and finally, the state’s failures in this regard., part i: politics and government, chapter 1  the nature and quality of democracy in bangladesh (1991-2013): an assessment, chapter 2  fractured nation, fractured identities: question for a national reconciliation in bangladesh, chapter 3  bangladesh and the burden of history, chapter 4  how political relations affect output responses in south asia: a case with bangladesh, india, and pakistan, chapter 5  does remittance affect local democracy in developing countries evidence from local elections in bangladesh, chapter 6  lalbagh and shahbagh: of robin hoods and the gunda raj part ii: gender and development, chapter 7  intergenerational transmission of domestic violence in bangladesh, chapter 8  compromising cases: an examination of dispute resolution through special tribunals for women and children in bangladesh, chapter 9  gender and development in bangladesh: two future challenges, chapter 10  urban poor housing in bangladesh – rights, policy, program and prescription, ahrar ahmad  is professor emeritus, black hills state university, spearfish, south dakota. he is currently associated with the gyantapas abdur razzaq foundation in dhaka., navine murshid  is an associate professor of political science at colgate university., akhlaque haque  is professor and director in the department of political science and public administration at the university of alabama at birmingham., rahim quazi  is professor of economics and director of the center for international business education, prairie view a&m university, texas..

Home — Essay Samples — Government & Politics — Democracy — The Present Situation With Democracy In Bangladesh

The Present Situation with Democracy in Bangladesh

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Published: Aug 16, 2019

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Is bangladesh a democratic nation, civil rights & liberties, political rights.

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Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh : An Evaluation | Essay Writing

Parliamentary democracy in bangladesh: an evaluation.

বাংলাদেশে সংসদীয় গণতন্ত্র : একটি মূল্যায়ন

Table of Contents

Introduction:

An ideal government in Thomas Jefferson’s view is not meant to strengthen the power of many but the power of everyone within the limits of his competence. An ideal government can exist in parliamentary democracy in which everyone can exercise power within the limits of his competence. So parliamentary democracy has been the fondest dream of the people of Bangladesh since 1971. Although as a new nation, we have relatively low exposure to the practice of parliamentary democracy.

Parliamentary Democracy: What Does it Mean:

The concept of Democracy originated from the Greek words ‘Demos’ and ‘Kratos’ which means people and power respectively. Democracy thus means the power of the people. Democracy is a system of rule by temporary majorities. Democracy is not only linked with good governance but also with the fair functioning of any parliamentary majority. Parliament is the supreme law-making body. And parliamentary democracy is the rule of the majority where the minority has the right to criticise the ruling party or coalition parties.

Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh:

Parliamentary democracy has been being practised in Bangladesh since her birth. Moreover, after a few years of practising parliamentary democracy since its liberation in 1971. Bangladesh went through serious political instability with the staging of coups and counter-coups. In the process, by the courtesy of military dictators. The form of government was changed to the presidential system. Again in the early nineties as the democratic political forces got themselves united and succeeded in their fight against the longest-serving dictator. H M Ershad. holding of a free and fair election under a neutral caretaker government paved way for amending the constitution to revert to the parliamentary form of government in 1991.

But unfortunately, the last several years of parliamentary democracy fell for short of living up to the public expectation since February 1991. Three parliaments 5th, 7th and 8th were elected through popular voting under a non-partisan caretaker government system and another short-lived parliament, the 6th one, was elected amidst boycott by all mainstream political parties and very low voters turnout.

The public did not expect much from the 6th parliament which functioned for less than two weeks. But the people of the country had great expectations from the 5th, 7th and 8th parliaments which have been elected through fair polls under a caretaker government.

Political intolerance, confrontational politics, winner takes all attitude halted our advancement to the path of a sustained democratic culture. Repeated walkouts, abstentions and permanent house boycotts by the opposition in all these three parliaments made the parliamentary affairs all the more dull and non-effective. Treasury bench led one-sided discussions in half-empty parliaments did not bear no significance for the constituents.

It is unfortunate that the chiefs of major political parties are not on talking terms. Having seen the democratic practices in other democratic countries, one feels ashamed of what has been happening in Bangladesh. The unfortunate part of Bangladesh politics is that the chiefs of the two major political parties do not talk to each other. It goes against the very fundamental principle of democracy.

Role of the Speaker in Parliamentary Democracy:

The role of the speaker is crucial in the house, as the expert says, the most essential quality of the speaker is his strict impartiality. He has to protect the rights of all sections of the House. As an umpire, he has to see that rules of the House are observed by all.

The speaker is bound to go by the constitution and the rules of procedure of the parliament to run the business of the house. He takes an oath to run the House as per the constitution and the rules of procedure of the Jatiya Sangsad. He will preserve, protect and defend the constitution. If the speaker. the guardian of the House is always accused of a partial role in running parliament then the whole purpose is ended in smoke.

In Bangladesh, the business advisory committee headed by the speaker sits to allocate the business and duration of the session. But the opinion of the opposition parties has never been accepted. The ruling party dominates the committee. The speaker never raises his voice in favour of any opposition lawmaker. Opposition parties always blame the speaker for his partial role at the house.

Role of the House Leader:

In making the parliament effective in a line with the expectations of the people the roles of the house leader are vital. In a parliamentary democracy, the leader of the house is entitled to act as the safeguard for the ruling and opposition lawmakers though slue is elected from the ruling party. The leader of the house creates concord among all the activities of the parliament and play the main role to run the house according to the government’s plan and gives suggestions to the speaker. The leader of the House, also the chief of the executive popularly known as the prime minister, has to play an anchor role in promoting parliamentary democracy.

Role of the Leader of Opposition Party:

The leader of the opposition in the house is considered the chief of the shadow government. If his party is in power, the strategy to run the state will be reflected in his party activities in and outside the parliament. Consulting with the house leader and whips, the opposition leader will also give the guidelines to accomplish the parliament’s business with efficiency. He will build the bridge of understanding between the ruling party and the opposition through frequent meetings with the House leader.

Role of Parliament Members:

Parliament members are responsible for promulgating and changing laws and policies. So parliament members are to be familiar with the existing laws and policies. They must be sensitive and well-informed about the needs and demands of the people. So that they can time-befitting and people welfare-oriented laws and policies. They must have vision and farsightedness. So that they can make long-term policies for the welfare of the country. The MPs should participate in the parliamentary debate in a constructive manner. They should be prompt and efficient in making questions and supplementary questions.

Functioning of the committees:

If the parliament is the nucleus of a democratic state, then the committee system within the parliament is the heart of the nucleus. The committee system is the heart of the nucleus. The “committees system” is an effective way of ensuring executive accountability to the legislature. There are fifty-one parliamentary committees in our parliament. Among them, thirty-nine are parliamentary standing committees. Each committee is headed by a parliament member.

In fact, committee members dictate and oversee the activities of the executive branch of the government. So effective committee system strengthens the parliamentary democracy balancing power between executive and legislature.

Bottlenecks of our Parliamentary Democracy:

Democracy, in particular, involves a process of trial and error. The parliamentary democracy of Bangladesh is no exception to that. But parliamentary democracy of Bangladesh faces some inherent problems which are given below:

i. Confrontational politics:

In Bangladesh, the aimless and valueless politics has become the order of the day intolerance, violence and autocratic tendency have become the invariable contents of our political activities. Such confrontational politics halted our advancement to the path of parliamentary democracy.

ii. Boycotting the parliament:

The successive opposition parties have been boycotting the parliaments for months thus making the parliament basically ineffective in terms of democracy. Interestingly, the boycotting members of the successful opposition parties continued to draw the pay and allowances though they did not perform the duties for which they were elected. This cannot be termed as ethical under any acceptable definition.

iii. Hartal:

Hartal is a politically bankrupt strategy, which makes the whole nation pay dearly for the fulfilment of a party’s objective. Hartal and violence instead of dialogue and discussion in the House has made the parliamentary democracy fruitless.

iv. Lack of consensus and trust:

The most unfortunate part of Bangladesh politics is that the chiefs of the two major political parties do not talk to each other. They cannot reach in consensus over any national and international issues. The ruling party treat the opposition party as an enemy. Again the opposition party think that the ruling party is anti-people. v. Lack of democracy in Party: Political parties are not democratic in their structures. There is the hardly a genuine process for elections within the party by rank and file members. As a result, they cannot practice democratic behaviour in the house.

vi. Excessive power of the executive branch:

The parliamentary system of government has been termed by the British MP Tony Benn as a Prime Ministerial Government the vastly growing powers of the executive branch of the statehouse diminished the functions of parliament.

vii. Lack of democratic behaviour inside the parliament:

It is unfortunate the behaviours and speech of some of our lawmakers verged on vulgarity inside the parliament.

viii. Lack of diversity of professions among MPs:

The majority of MPs are drawn from the business section because only they can afford to run elections with ‘big money. The lack of diversity of professions among MPs appears to have a negative impact on parliamentary democracy.

Recommended Measures:

To make the parliamentary democracy effective, the following measures may be taken into account.

• The relationship between the house leader and the opposition leader should be developed in the greater interest of the parliamentary democracy. The nation expects their due role in and outside the Jatiya Sangsad.
• The speaker should have strict impartiality in running the parliamentary session.
• The speaker should arrange a dialogue between the ruling and the opposition parties before every session.
• The rules of procedure of the parliament should be amended incorporating some provisions like the formation of the standing committee at inaugural session of each new parliament. Some vital chairman posts including public accounts committee should be nominated from opposition lawmakers.
• The prohibition of floor crossing should be abolished bringing an amendment in the constitution.
• Country’s political culture should be enriched. Politicians should believe and practice that parliament is the centre of all discussions.
• Major political parties should abide by their party constitutions. Nominations should be given to the party members on the basis of merit, experience, honesty and leadership quality.
• Political parties should avoid the system of hartal as it creates huge economic hindrances which are not expected in the age of globalization. They rather try to find different policies.

Conclusion:

Sick politics has been taking a heavy toll of the country’s spirit of parliamentary democracy which the nation had achieved with great sacrifice. If the parliamentary democracy becomes dysfunctional, the entire country suffers. Instead of moving forward, we will regress. We should know that democracy is the rule of the majority but the minority party’s right must be protected fully. To consolidate parliamentary democracy, the majority has to work with the minority in the parliament. This alone ensures the effectiveness of the democratic process.

• বাংলাদেশের লোকধর্ম [ The Folk Religion of Bangladesh ]
• Essay Writing – National Heritage in Bangladesh and How to Preserve It [ বাংলাদেশের জাতীয় ঐতিহ্য এবং এর রক্ষণাবেক্ষণ ]
• Essay Writing – The Democratic Political Culture and the Politics of Bangladesh
• Essay Writing – National Unity for Development [ উন্নয়নে জাতীয় ঐক্য ]

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Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh: An Evaluation Essay

todays essay tittle is ” Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh: An Evaluation Essay ” ( বাংলাদেশে সংসদীয় গণতন্ত্র : একটি মূল্যায়ন )

Table of Contents

         Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh         An Evaluation Essay

Introduction:.

An ideal government in Thomas Jefferson’s view is not meant to strengthen the power of many but the power of everyone within the limits of his competence. An ideal government can exist in parliamentary democracy in which everyone can exercise power within the limits of his competence.

So parliamentary democracy has been the fondest dream of the peopie of Bangladesh since 1971. Although as a new nation, we have a relatively low exposure to the practice of parliamentary democracy.

Parliamentary Democracy: What Does it Mean :

The concept of Democracy originated from the Greek words ‘Demos’ and ‘Kratos’ which means people and power respectively. Democracy thus means the power of the people. Democracy is a system of rule by temporary majorities.

Democracy is not only linked with good governance but also with fair functioning of any parliamentary majority. Parliament is the supreme law- making body. And parliamentary democracy is the rule of the majority where minority has the right to criticise the ruling party or coalition parties.

Parliamentary Democracy in Bangladesh:

Parliamentary democracy has been being practised in Bangladesh since her birth. Moreover, after few years of practicing parliamentary democracy since its liberation in 1971. Bangladesh went through serious political instability with the staging of coups and counter- coups. In the process, by the courtesy of military dictators. The form of government was changed to presidential system.

Again in the early nineties as the democratic political forces got themselves united and succeeded in their fight against the longest serving dictator, H M Ershad, holding of a free and fair election under a neutral caretaker government paved way for amending the constitution to revert to the parliamentary form of government in 1991.

But unfortunately the last several years of parliamentary democracy fell for short of living up to the public expectation since February 1991. Three parliaments 5th, 7th and 8th were elected through popular voting under non partisan caertaker government system and another short-lived parliament, the 6th one, was elected amidst boycott by all mainstream political parties and very low voters turnout.

Public did not expect much from the 6th parliament which functioned for less than two weeks. But the people of the country had great expectations from the 5th, 7th and 8th parliaments which have been elected through fair polls under caretaker government.

Political intolerance, confrontational politics, winner takes all attitude halted our advancement to the path of a sustained democratic culture. Repeated walkouts, abstentions and permanent house boycotts by the opposition in all these three parliaments made the parliamentary affairs all the more dull and non-effective. Treasury bench led one-sided discussions in half empty parliaments did not bear no significance for the constituents.

It is unfortunate that chiefs of major political parties not on talking terms. Having seen the democratic practices in other democratic countries, one feels ashamed of what has been happening in Bangladesh. The unfortunate part of Bangladesh politics is that the chiefs of the two major political parties do not talk to each other. It goes against the very fundamental principle of democracy.

Role of the Speaker in Parliamentary Democracy:

The role of the speaker is crucial in the house, as the expert say, the most essential quality of the speaker in his strict impartiality. He has to protect the rights of all sections of the House. As an umpire, he has to see that rules of the House are observed by all.

The speaker is bound to go by the constitution and the rules of procedure of the parliament to run the business of the house. He takes oath to run the House as per the constitution and the rules of procedure of the Jatiya Sangsad.

He will preserve, protect and depend the constitution. If the speaker, the guardian of the House is always accused of partial role in running parliament then the whole purpose is ended in smoke. In Bangladesh the business advisory committee headed by the speaker sits to allocate the business and duration of the session.

But the opinion from the opposition parties has never been accepted. The ruling party dominates the committee. The speaker never raises his voice in favour of any opposition lawmaker. Opposition parties always blame the speaker for his partial role at the house.

Role of the House Leader:

In making the parliament effective in line of the expectations of the people the roles of the house leader is vital. In parliamentary democracy, the leader of the house is entitled to act as the. safeguard for the ruling and opposition lawmakers though slue is elected from the ruling party.

The leader of the house creates concord among all the activities of the parliament and play the main role to run the house according to the governments plan and gives suggestions to the speaker. The leader of the House, also the chief of the executive popularly known as the prime minister, has to play anchor role in promoting parliamentary democracy.

Role of the Leader of Opposition Party:

The leader of the opposition in the house is considered the chief of the shadow government. If his party is in power, the strategy to run the state will be reflected his party activities in and outside the parliament.

Consulting with the house leader and whips, the opposition leader will also give the guidelines to accomplish the parliament’s business with efficiency. He will build the bridge of understanding between the ruling party and the opposition through frequent meetings with the House leader.

Role of Parliament Members:

Parliament members are responsible for promulgating and changing laws and policies. So parliament members are to be familiar with the existing laws and policies. They must be sensitive and well-informed with the needs and demands of the people.

So that they can time-befitting and people welfare oriented laws and policies. They must have vision and farsightedness. So that they can make long-term policies for the welfare of the country. The MPs should participate in the parliamentary debate in constructive manner. They should be prompt and efficient in making questions and supplementary questions.

Functioning of the committees:

If the parliament is the nucleus of a democratic state, then the committee system within the parliament is the heart of the nucleus. The committee system is the heart of the nucleus. The committees system is the effective way of ensuring the executive accountability to the legislature. There are fifty one parliamentary committees in our parliament. Among them thirty nine are parliamentary standing committees. Each committee is headed by a parliament member.

In fact, committee members dictates and oversee the activities of the executive branch of the government. So effective committee system strengthens the parliamentary democracy balancing power between executive and legislature.

Bottlenecks of our Parliamentary Democracy:

Democracy in particular,involves a process of trial and error. The parliamentary democracy of Bangladesh is not exception to that. But parliamentary democracy of Bangladesh faces some inherent problems which are given below:

i. Confrontational politics: In Bangladesh, the aimless and valueless politics has become order of the day intolerance, violence and autocratic tendency have become the invariable contents of our political activities. Such confrontational politics halted our advancement to the path of parliamentary democracy.

ii. Boycotting the parliament: The successive opposition parties have been boycotting the parliaments for months thus making the parliament basically ineffective in terms of democracy. Interestingly, the boycotting members of the successive opposition parties-continued to draw the pay and allowances though they did not perform their duties for which they were elected. This cannot be termed as ethical under any acceptable definition.

iii. Hartal: Hartal is a politically bankrupt strategy, which makes the whole nation pay dearly for the fulfillment of a party’s objective. Hartal and violence instead of dialogue and discussion in the House has made the parliamentary democracy fruitless.

iv. Lack of consensus and trust: The most unfortunate part of Bangladesh politics is that the chiefs of the two major political parties donot talk to each other. They cannot reach in consensus over any national and international issues. The ruling party treat the opposition party as an enemy. Again the opposition party think that the ruling party is anti-people.

v. Lack of democracy in Party: Political parties are not democratic in their structures. There is hardly genuine process for elections within the party by rank and file members. As a result they cannot practice democratic behaviour in the house.

vi. Excessive power of the executive branch: Parliamentary system of government has been termed by the British MP Tony Benn as a Prime Ministerial Government the vastly growing powers of the executive branch of the state house diminished the functions of parliament.

vii. Lack of democratic behaviour inside the parliament: It is unfortunate the behaviours and speech of some of our law makers verged on vulgarity inside the parliament.

viii. Lack of diversity of professions among MPs : Majority of MPs are drawn from business section because only they can afford to run elections with ‘big money’. The lack of diversity of professions among MPs appears to have a negative impact on parliamentary democracy.

Recommended Measures:

To make the parliamentary democracy effective, the following measures may be taken into account.

-The relationship between the house leader and the opposition leader should be developed in the greater interest of the parliamentary democracy. The nation expects their due role in and outside the Jatiya Sangsad. The speaker should strict impartiality in running the parliamentary session.

-The speaker should arrange a dialogue between the ruling and the opposition parties before every session. –

-The rules of procedure of the parliament should be amended incorporating some provisions like the formation of the standing committee at inaugural session of each new parliament. Some vital chairman posts including public accounts committee should be nominated from opposition law makers.

-The prohibition of floor crossing should be abolished bringing amendment in the consitution. Country’s political culture should be enriched. Politicians should believe and practice that parliament is the centre of all discussions.

-Major political parties should abide by their party constitutions. Nominations should be given to the party members on the basis of merit, experience, honesty and leadership quality.

-Political parties should avoid system of hartal as it creates huge economic hindrance which in not expected in the age of globalization. They rather try to find diffrent policy out.

Conclusion:

Sick politics has been taking a heavy toll of the country’s spirit of parliamentary democracy which the nation had achieved with great sacrifice. If the parliamentary democracy becomes dysfunctional, the entire country suffers. Instead of moving forward, we will regress.

We should know that democracy is the rule of majority but the minority party’s right must be protected fully. To consolidate parliamentary democracy, the majority has to work with the minority in the parliament. This alone ensures effectiveness of the democratic process.

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Essay : Democracy in Bangladesh

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The Role of Civil Society in Contributing to Democracy of Bangladesh

Grassroots development in Bangladesh gained world recognition with the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize being awarded to Professor Yunus and his Grameen Bank. On the other side of the coin, Transparency International rated Bangladesh as the World’s most corrupt country for five successive years from 2001-2005. Why then, can civil society be so successful at the grassroots level, yet not have any strong role in producing good governance and consolidating democracy?The present study particularly addresses this problem and attempts to uncover the causes to such contradictory outcome of civil society in Bangladesh. In this connection, the present study also qualifies the normative assumption on the positive relation between civil society and democracy asserted by the main stream Neo-Tocquevillean School that has profound influence on donor policies on good governance and programs for strengthening civil society. From a comparative discussion on contemporary India, The Philippines and Pakistan with that of Bangladesh, it is the political actors that have been found to be the determining factor to the strength of civil society and dimension of democracy.The study not only answers questions regarding the weak performance of civil society in relation to democratic consolidation but also indicates the impracticality of the donor policies for placing high targets for civil society in a political system that still lacks political institutionalization,democratic consensus and economic development. International and national policies on civil society should be formulated accepting the social and political reality. Though the civil society may not be able to completely overcome the influence of politicization, lure of patronage, and vertical social relations it has the possibility to improve and gain a stronger position. In this way, whatever positive outcomes are produced may be considered as achievements.

Related Papers

Fahim Hasan

Grassroots development in Bangladesh gained world recognition with the 2006 Nobel Peace Prize being awarded to Professor Yunus and his Grameen Bank. On the other side of the coin, Transparency International rated Bangladesh as the World's most corrupt country for five successive years from 2001-2005. Civil society to be so successful at the grassroots level yet not have any strong role in producing good governance and consolidating democracy. This study particularly addresses this problem and attempts to uncover the causes to such contradictory outcome of civil society in Bangladesh. This paper also focuses on relation between civil society and democracy. International and national policies on civil society should be formulated accepting the social and political reality. Though the civil society may not be able to completely overcome the influence of politicizations, but they can play a good role for bringing change.

Civil Society and Good Governance in Bangladesh

Antoni Barikdar

Civil society is nonpolitical sphere and individual made voluntary organization widely understood as the space outside the family, market, and state. It is associated for welfare of state on the ground of civic knowledge, civic education, and civic virtue. Civil society works and plays its role in the democratic regime. Democratic regime operates based on democratic norms and values. Civil society plays roles in the democratic society relating to maintaining, promoting, and strengthening good governance. It plays various roles like participating, mediating interest, mobilizing counter knowledge, influencing policy making, building commitment for public good, giving impetus to community building projects, motivating citizens, government towards cooperation , etc. It can play the communicative role, protective role, control role, socialization role, service delivery role and the global citizenship role in different cases. Major areas of good governance are democracy, rule of law, proprietary rights, corporate governance, human rights, welfare state and labor institution. And in these areas civil society can perform their respective roles. Civil society action is thought to be a prerequisite for good governance, as well as an indicator for it. The assumption of a positive correlation has guided many development interventions. However, considering political synergies, frameworks of accountability and mobilization of communities to claim their entitlements as key elements of how civil society and governance interface, we find this hypothesis to be problematic.

David Lewis

In common with most countries of South Asia and indeed the rest of the world, discussion of the concept of ‘civil society’ has emerged recently in Bangladesh among academics and activists. Much of it has been generated by the international aid agencies and their ‘good governance’ policy agenda of the 1990s, and is concerned primarily with the increasingly high profile community of local and national development non-governmental organisations (NGOs) which have emerged in Bangladesh since 1971. But there are also local meanings to the term derived from the independence struggle and the construction of a Bangladesh state, from local traditions of urban and rural voluntarism and from the organisation of religious life. The concept of civil society in contemporary Bangladesh is therefore best understood as both a ‘system’ and an ‘idea’, consisting of both ‘old’ and ‘new’ civil society traditions, resisting tendencies to privilege only one (external, policy-focused) definition of the term. By recognising these different under-standings, the concept of ‘civil society’ can help illuminate aspects of the changing relationships between citizens and the state, the formulation and implementation of public policy, and the shifting dimensions of the institutional landscape. But it would be wrong to overestimate the contribution of ‘civil society’ as currently configured in the building of democratic processes, since there is a weak state and pervasive patron-clientelism. There is little sign of the more optimistic accounts of Putnam and others concerning the relationship between civil society and democracy.

Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal

Farhat Tasnim

Although civil society in Bangladesh is recognized for its vibrant performance in social development, it is often criticized for its inability to ensure good governance and democracy. The aim of this paper is to point out the reasons for this failure of civil society. Through performing case studies upon five civil society organizations representing different sector and level of the civil society, the paper concludes that civil society organizations in Bangladesh are often politicized and co-opted by different political parties. In a typical scenario, civil society can provide a counterbalance or even monitor the state both at the national and local level. However, in Bangladesh, often the civil society organizations have compromised their autonomy and politicized themselves to certain political parties or political block. In such a vulnerable position, civil society can hardly play its expected role to ensure good governance and strengthen democracy.

jahed hasan

The concepts of depoliticization and politicization are opposite in nature but they coexist in the context of the Bangladeshi development paradigm. Civil society organizations (CSOs) are depoliticized in their working agenda and this is convenient for the state, the market and even for the CSOs themselves because they do not challenge anyone. evertheless, this position renders the CSOs more prone to politicization in accordance with party politics. Ultimately Bangladesh is suffering from the democratization process despite the huge number of CSOs. This study is based on an extensive survey of 1,005 CSOs in Dhaka, Bangladesh, conducted by means of structured questionnaires through direct interviews in 2006 and 2007.

India Review

Abiderda M D . Abdujjaher

Ahmed Shakil

The concepts of depoliticization and politicization are opposite in nature but they coexist in the context of the Bangladeshi development paradigm. Civil society organizations (CSOs) are depoliticized in their working agenda and this is convenient for the state, the market and even for the CSOs themselves because they do not challenge anyone. Nevertheless, this position renders the CSOs more prone to politicization in accordance with party politics. Ultimately Bangladesh is suffering from the democratization process despite the huge number of CSOs. This study is based on an extensive survey of 1,005 CSOs in Dhaka, Bangladesh, conducted by means of structured questionnaires through direct interviews in 2006 and 2007. 要旨 非政治化と政治化の概念はまったく相反するものだが、バングラデシュの開発パラダイムの文脈では共存している。市民社会団体 (CSO) の活動方針は非政治的であり、そのことは国家、市場、さらにCSOそのものにとっても好都合である。なぜなら、誰かに反抗することはないからである。しかし、その立場はかえって、CSOが政党政治に迎合して、政治的になってしまう傾向をより強める。結局バングラデシュは、膨大な数のCSOがあるにもかかわらず、民主化のプロセスに苦しんでいる。本研究は、2006年と2007年に行った直接面談による構造化アンケートによって、...

International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research

Abul Hossain

This paper is the outcome of a revisit study conducted in 2016 in three locations of two districts in Bangladesh. The original and/ or the 1st study was conducted in the same locations using same objectives and methods in 2005. The main purpose of the revisit study was to perceive the changes taken place in relation to the civil society space and activism, and the state of activism of NGOs. Qualitative approaches were used in collecting primary data from field and secondary sources were also used. The revisit study finds that NGOs are increasingly offering support to non - poor borrower groups, and today less emphasis is placed on offering small loans to the disadvantaged. The provision of larger loans (than the micro-credit loans encountered earlier), support to small businesses, and the appearance of migration support loans. In other respects, civil society space has been reduced in 2016. In 2005 we found rights-based works on the road to room for maneuvering, su...

Socio Economy and Policy Studies (SEPS)

Meherun Nisa Nipa , Md Mehedi Hasan Emon

This research is driven by the aim to comprehensively examine the multifaceted role of civil society organizations (CSOs) in advancing the cause of good governance, particularly within the distinctive context of Bangladesh. Employing a qualitative methodology, the study relies on in-depth interviews conducted with an array of stakeholders, including representatives from CSOs, government officials, and members of the community. Qualitative content analysis is employed to extract key themes from the interview data, complemented by an extensive review of pertinent literature. The findings of this research illuminate the nuanced understanding of good governance among participants, emphasizing its broader significance beyond development as a fundamental cornerstone of social justice and the safeguarding of citizens' rights. CSOs, as highlighted in the findings, serve as central actors in the promotion of good governance, engaging in advocacy, monitoring, capacity building, and citizen engagement. They play instrumental roles in driving policy reforms, ensuring transparency in governance, and bridging the divide between government institutions and local communities. While acknowledging challenges faced by CSOs, including legal constraints and resource limitations, the research identifies opportunities for enhancing their impact through collaborative efforts, technology utilization, and the promotion of internal transparency and accountability. Though assessing the impact of CSOs remains a complex task, participants underscore the feasibility of context-specific indicators and demonstrable outcomes. The research also recognizes limitations, such as potential participant bias and the qualitative nature of the study, and provides significant implications for policymakers, CSOs, and scholars. Recommendations encompass legal reforms to bolster CSOs, fostering increased collaboration, actively engaging with youth and marginalized communities, promoting international cooperation, and prioritizing capacity building to strengthen CSOs' contributions to the advancement of good governance in Bangladesh.

Aynul Islam

Political institutions are important to explain the performance of governance. Explicating the quality and structure of political institutions helps us understanding the role of governance in modern democracies. This study attempts to explore the relationship between political institutions and governance. The core assumption of the paper is that political institutions matter for the quality of governance in a country. It suggests that there are explicit and implicit linkages among the variables of political institutions and governance mechanisms. The paper takes Bangladesh- widely known as a governance deficit country- a case to understand these linkages focusing on two historical phases - 1971-1990 and the post-1990 era. In the context of Bangladesh, political governance characteristics demonstrate three critical aspects (i) the absence of balance of power between the three formal political institutions – executive, legislature and judiciary; (ii) inability of the state institutions and agencies to deliver services to the people; and (iii) absence of democracy model in different political institutions. The general pattern of changes is conceptualized in relation to speed and reflexivity in the processes and functions of political institutions and their agentive roles. In the post-1990 period, the programmes for political liberalization are undertaken at a faster pace and the scope of the activity has been broadened to a considerable degree. But the governance attributes of Bangladesh in the political domain remain almost unchanged although new institutions are created. Political centre of gravity towards making more accountable and effective governance institutions is missing humanly in the country’s political framework. The paper further argues that the post-1990 era has been marked by changes more in the context of national policies, organizations and ideological orientation than to improve the quality and structure of political institutions.

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As ethnic armed group claims to have captured a town in western Myanmar, Muslim Rohingyas flee again

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A powerful ethnic armed group fighting Myanmar’s military government in the country’s western state of Rakhine claimed Saturday to have seized a town near the border with Bangladesh, marking the latest in a series of victories for foes of the country’s military government.

Members of the state’s Muslim Rohingya ethnic minority, targets of deadly army-directed violence in 2017, appear to have been the main victims of fighting in the town of Buthidaung, where the Arakan Army claims to have chased out forces of the military government.

There are contradictory accounts of who is to blame for the reported burning of the town, compelling its Rohingya residents to flee.

The competing claims could not be verified independently, with access to the internet and mobile phone services in the area mostly cut off.

Khaing Thukha, a spokesperson for the Arakan Army, told The Associated Press by text message from an undisclosed location that his group had seized Buthidaung after capturing all the military’s outposts there.

The Arakan Army is the well-trained and well-armed military wing of the Rakhine ethnic minority movement, which seeks autonomy from Myanmar’s central government. It is also a member of an armed ethnic group alliance that recently gained strategic territory in the country’s northeast on the border with China.

The group said in a Saturday statement on the Telegram messaging platform that fighting was ongoing on the outskirts of Buthidaung as its troops chased after the retreating army soldiers and local Muslims it said were fighting alongside them.

Khaing Thukha said the Arakan Army’s troops were caring for Muslim villagers fleeing the fighting.

He denied allegations by Rohingya activists on social media that the Arakan Army had set fire to the town, which is mostly populated by Rohingya.

Rohingya have lived in Myanmar for generations, but they are widely regarded by many in the country’s Buddhist majority, including members of the Rakhine minority, as having illegally migrated from Bangladesh. The Rohingya face a great amount of prejudice and are generally denied citizenship and other basic rights.

The Rohingya were the targets of a brutal counterinsurgency campaign incorporating rape and murder that saw an estimated 740,000 flee to neighboring Bangladesh as their villages were burned down by government troops in 2017.

Ethnic Rakhine nationalist supporters of the Arakan Army were also among the persecutors of the Rohingya minority. However, the 2021 military coup that ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi shifted political alignments, with a resistance movement against military rule -- a position shared by the Arakan Army --counting the Rohingya population among its allies.

Lingering tensions between the ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and the more than 600,000 Rohingya are still living in Rakhine flared when the government in February recruited Rohingya living in displacement camps to do military service. Both coercion and promises of citizenship were reportedly employed to get them to join.

Nay San Lwin, a co-founder of the Free Rohingya Coalition group based outside of Myanmar, said in a Friday email to the AP that the Arakan Army had warned Buthidaung’s Rohingya residents to evacuate the town by 10 a.m. on Saturday, and that more than 200,000 Rohingya seeking refuge there in houses, government buildings, a hospital, and schools, were in an extremely dangerous situation.

He also alleged that the Arakan Army had fired on a school and a hospital where displaced Rohingya are sheltering, resulting in deaths and injuries.

Aung Kyaw Moe, a Rohingya who is deputy minister for human rights in the resistance movement’s shadow National Unity Government, wrote on his Facebook page on Saturday that Buthidaung had been burned to “a pile of ash” and that its residents had fled to rice fields outside of town.

He did not clearly lay blame for the arson, but said the situation was dire for those who fled.

“A comprehensive and impartial investigation needs to be carried out and those responsible must be held accountable,” he wrote. “Revolution against the military dictatorship is not a license to do anything you want. ‘War has rules.’”

The Arakan Army’s Khaing Thukha described the allegations his group was responsible were baseless, claiming the houses caught fire due to the airstrikes by the military government. He also said retreating army troops and what he called their allies in “terrorist organizations” — meaning Rohingya guerrilla groups — and local Muslims inducted into the military also set fire to houses as they retreated.

The military government has a well-established record of burning down villages as it battles pro-democracy and ethnic separatist groups opposed to military rule

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Strangers in Their Own Land: Being Muslim in Modi’s India

Families grapple with anguish and isolation as they try to raise their children in a country that increasingly questions their very identity.

By Mujib Mashal and Hari Kumar

Reporting from Noida and Chennai, India

It is a lonely feeling to know that your country’s leaders do not want you. To be vilified because you are a Muslim in what is now a largely Hindu-first India.

It colors everything. Friends, dear for decades, change. Neighbors hold back from neighborly gestures — no longer joining in celebrations, or knocking to inquire in moments of pain.

“It is a lifeless life,” said Ziya Us Salam, a writer who lives on the outskirts of Delhi with his wife, Uzma Ausaf, and their four daughters.

When he was a film critic for one of India’s main newspapers , Mr. Salam, 53, filled his time with cinema, art, music. Workdays ended with riding on the back of an older friend’s motorcycle to a favorite food stall for long chats. His wife, a fellow journalist, wrote about life, food and fashion.

Now, Mr. Salam’s routine is reduced to office and home, his thoughts occupied by heavier concerns. The constant ethnic profiling because he is “visibly Muslim” — by the bank teller, by the parking lot attendant, by fellow passengers on the train — is wearying, he said. Family conversations are darker, with both parents focused on raising their daughters in a country that increasingly questions or even tries to erase the markers of Muslims’ identity — how they dress, what they eat, even their Indianness altogether.

One of the daughters, an impressive student-athlete, struggled so much that she needed counseling and missed months of school. The family often debates whether to stay in their mixed Hindu-Muslim neighborhood in Noida, just outside Delhi. Mariam, their oldest daughter, who is a graduate student, leans toward compromise, anything to make life bearable. She wants to move.

Anywhere but a Muslim area might be difficult. Real estate agents often ask outright if families are Muslim; landlords are reluctant to rent to them.

“I have started taking it in stride,” Mariam said.

“I refuse to,” Mr. Salam shot back. He is old enough to remember when coexistence was largely the norm in an enormously diverse India, and he does not want to add to the country’s increasing segregation.

But he is also pragmatic. He wishes Mariam would move abroad, at least while the country is like this.

Mr. Salam clings to the hope that India is in a passing phase.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, however, is playing a long game.

His rise to national power in 2014, on a promise of rapid development, swept a decades-old Hindu nationalist movement from the margins of Indian politics firmly to the center. He has since chipped away at the secular framework and robust democracy that had long held India together despite its sometimes explosive religious and caste divisions.

Right-wing organizations began using the enormous power around Mr. Modi as a shield to try to reshape Indian society. Their members provoked sectarian clashes as the government looked away, with officials showing up later to raze Muslim homes and round up Muslim men. Emboldened vigilante groups lynched Muslims they accused of smuggling beef (cows are sacred to many Hindus). Top leaders in Mr. Modi’s party openly celebrated Hindus who committed crimes against Muslims.

On large sections of broadcast media, but particularly on social media, bigotry coursed unchecked. WhatsApp groups spread conspiracy theories about Muslim men luring Hindu women for religious conversion, or even about Muslims spitting in restaurant food. While Mr. Modi and his party officials reject claims of discrimination by pointing to welfare programs that cover Indians equally, Mr. Modi himself is now repeating anti-Muslim tropes in the election that ends early next month. He has targeted India’s 200 million Muslims more directly than ever, calling them “infiltrators” and insinuating that they have too many children.

This creeping Islamophobia is now the dominant theme of Mr. Salam’s writings. Cinema and music, life’s pleasures, feel smaller now. In one book, he chronicled the lynchings of Muslim men. In a recent follow-up, he described how India’s Muslims feel “orphaned” in their homeland.

“If I don’t pick up issues of import, and limit my energies to cinema and literature, then I won’t be able to look at myself in the mirror,” he said. “What would I tell my kids tomorrow — when my grandchildren ask me what were you doing when there was an existential crisis?”

As a child, Mr. Salam lived on a mixed street of Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims in Delhi. When the afternoon sun would grow hot, the children would move their games under the trees in the yard of a Hindu temple. The priest would come with water for all.

“I was like any other kid for him,” Mr. Salam recalled.

Those memories are one reason Mr. Salam maintains a stubborn optimism that India can restore its secular fabric. Another is that Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalism, while sweeping large parts of the country, has been resisted by several states in the country’s more prosperous south.

Family conversations among Muslims there are very different: about college degrees, job promotions, life plans — the usual aspirations.

In the state of Tamil Nadu, often-bickering political parties are united in protecting secularism and in focusing on economic well-being. Its chief minister, M.K. Stalin, is a declared atheist.

Jan Mohammed, who lives with his family of five in Chennai, the state capital, said neighbors joined in each other’s religious celebrations. In rural areas, there is a tradition: When one community finishes building a place of worship, villagers of other faiths arrive with gifts of fruits, vegetables and flowers and stay for a meal.

“More than accommodation, there is understanding,” Mr. Mohammed said.

His family is full of overachievers — the norm in their educated state. Mr. Mohammed, with a master’s degree, is in the construction business. His wife, Rukhsana, who has an economics degree, started an online clothing business after the children grew up. One daughter, Maimoona Bushra, has two master’s degrees and now teaches at a local college as she prepares for her wedding. The youngest, Hafsa Lubna, has a master’s in commerce and within two years went from an intern at a local company to a manager of 20.

Two of the daughters had planned to continue on to Ph.D’s. The only worry was that potential grooms would be intimidated.

“The proposals go down,” Ms. Rukhsana joked.

A thousand miles north, in Delhi, Mr. Salam’s family lives in what feels like another country. A place where prejudice has become so routine that even a friendship of 26 years can be sundered as a result.

Mr. Salam had nicknamed a former editor “human mountain” for his large stature. When they rode on the editor’s motorcycle after work in the Delhi winter, he shielded Mr. Salam from the wind.

They were together often; when his friend got his driver’s license, Mr. Salam was there with him.

“I would go to my prayer every day, and he would go to the temple every day,” Mr. Salam said. “And I used to respect him for that.”

A few years ago, things began to change. The WhatsApp messages came first.

The editor started forwarding to Mr. Salam some staples of anti-Muslim misinformation: for example, that Muslims will rule India in 20 years because their women give birth every year and their men are allowed four wives.

“Initially, I said, ‘Why do you want to get into all this?’ I thought he was just an old man who was getting all these and forwarding,” Mr. Salam said. “I give him the benefit of doubt.”

The breaking point came two years ago, when Yogi Adityanath, a Modi protégé, was re-elected as the leader of Uttar Pradesh, the populous state adjoining Delhi where the Salam family lives. Mr. Adityanath, more overtly belligerent than Mr. Modi toward Muslims, governs in the saffron robe of a Hindu monk, frequently greeting large crowds of Hindu pilgrims with flowers, while cracking down on public displays of Muslim faith.

On the day of the vote counting, the friend kept calling Mr. Salam, rejoicing at Mr. Adityanath’s lead. Just days earlier, the friend had been complaining about rising unemployment and his son’s struggle to find a job during Mr. Adityanath’s first term.

“I said, ‘You have been so happy since morning, what do you gain?’” he recalled asking the friend.

“Yogi ended namaz,” the friend responded, referring to Muslim prayer on Fridays that often spills into the streets.

“That was the day I said goodbye,” Mr. Salam said, “and he hasn’t come back into my life after that.”

Mujib Mashal is the South Asia bureau chief for The Times, helping to lead coverage of India and the diverse region around it, including Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan. More about Mujib Mashal

Hari Kumar covers India, based out of New Delhi. He has been a journalist for more than two decades. More about Hari Kumar

Bhiwandi, Maharashtra Lok Sabha election 2024: Date of voting, result, candidates, main parties, schedule

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