case study of zimbabwe

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Case Study: Zimbabwe

Related Papers

Alice Mpofu-Coles (nee Chigumira)

Zimbabwe is a country that has been in pursuit of democracy since the colonization by the British in the 19th Century. Although there has been in principle the democratic process since 1980 when there was the first majority rule, it has been tainted by the continuous violations of human rights. The concept of democracy has interested many academics who have researched what democracy means to different states and individuals. President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF), who has been the sole leader of the country since the proclamation of independence on 18 April 1980, has had two major opponents and opposing parties; Joshua Nkomo of the Zimbabwe African People's Union Political Front (ZAPU PF) and Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). A constitutional referendum took place in February 2000, the result of which changed the dynamics of politics in Zimbabwe left Mugabe and ZANU (PF) in unpredictable situation. These different instances in Zimbabwe have served to define the democratic outlook and strategy. The struggle for liberation (the term Chimurenga is used in the Shona language to depict this) was a war to gain independence for the majority rule from Ian Smith’s regime (the President of Rhodesia) who had announced the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) from Britain in 1965. The concern for Zimbabweans was to attain a majority rule. This happened after the Lancaster agreement signing in 1979 and became a historic moment of healing and reconstruction. Since the period of the struggle for liberation there have been external factors that have influenced the quest for democracy in Zimbabwe. Mugabe continuously devised means to ensure that the activities of opposition parties had little or no effect on the political process in Zimbabwe. This involved changes and adjustments in the constitution. The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) was formed on the basis of reforming the constitution for democratic reform in 1997. This included raising awareness of the public who would have a say on how institutions of the government are run and establishing a constitution that echoed the people’s will. The catalyst to this was the constitutional amendment of the 1987 which gave President Mugabe the Executive Presidency. This dissertation analyses the evolution of democratization discourse in Zimbabwe since independence. It does so by paying special attention to the influence that external actors have had in the democratization process, focusing on the interplay between internal and external actors around the issue of democracy and the way in which political actors and their discourses are co-constitutive in the struggle for the definition of what democracy is or ought to be in Zimbabwe. The analysis of constitutional evolution, moreover, will be used as an indicator of this struggle, to the extent that constitutional reforms represent the institutionalization of a nation’s political struggle in different moments of a country’s history.

Lawrence Khupe

This paper seeks to uncover whether democracy is practical or is simply a theory concept. The paper examine the challenges Zimbabwe has been experiencing for the past four decades of crises and disputed elections since the country was granted independence in 1980. It reveal some of the undemocratic practices such as violence, intimidation, electoral fraud, killings, arbitrary arrests, crackdown, torture, authoritarian or dictatorial tendencies, impunity, lawlessness, corruption, violence and all sorts of undemocratic ingredients which have caused mayhem, political, economic and social unrest. After years of unresolved economic, social and political problems a new era begun which gave birth to the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999 to challenge the revolutionary Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) which has been on power since 1980. The new movement was concerned about the erosion of democracy therefore it was determined to restore democracy permanently. A qualitative research was adopted. Democracy as argued in this paper it is a widely preached 'gospel' or theory concept, but very controversial. The paper recommend that genuine democracy is needed not window dressing.

The Strategic Review for Southern Africa

David Moore

The startlingly definitive election victory for Zimbabwe's Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) at the end of July 2013 incorporated elements ranging from coercion, cheating, and regional connivance (with opposition's hapless performance) so seamlessly that many scholars and political practitioners have prophesised the near death of democracy there and elsewhere on the continent. This article reviews the process of and the discourse on the election. Historical reflections based on recent archival research offer comparative perspectives. Democratic progress in Zimbabwe must be reassessed soberly and without illusions.

Lloyd Sachikonye

This essay explores the reasons for the exceptionally slow process of transition to democracy in Zimbabwe. It identifies the major obstacles on the way, paying attention to both the general trajectories that characterize democratic transitions in Africa and the specific conditions applicable to Zimbabwe. Among the latter, the strong resistance to the process by the dominant ruling party and its collusion with the “deep state” comprising the military and police are singled out as the most relevant factors. The essay describes the protracted constitutional reform process and its partial success, as well as the implications inherent in the recent and ongoing mass protest movements. The essay concludes with a presentation of a number of possible future political developments.

Munamato Chemhuru

Introduction The post independent experiences under the umbrella of liberal democracy have not been a bed of roses for post colonial Zimbabwe and Africa at large. It is the position of this paper that, if Zimbabwe is to escape its current socio-political and economic problems, and above all, its democratic vacuum, there is need to revisit traditional Zimbabwean and African systems of governance like the non-party consensual democracy. Chemhuru (2004) noted the possibility of transforming and becoming accustomed to the African democratic heritage as the only solution that could help Africa's multi-cultural societies to escape current forms of democracy, which generally are flawed. Following this argument, it is the contention of the writer that rather than relying on modern liberal democratic principles that have in actual fact bred outcries against autocracy, election violence and election rigging, as well as hate and acrimony among political leaders, politicians and the people ...

Traditional systems of governance are so outrageous that mulling over them today may seem like flogging a dead horse. In this paper however, it will be argued that; democracy, good governance, peace and development, if ever they are to be achieved in Zimbabwe, there is need to look at the socio-political and economic order of traditional Zimbabwean societies instead of relying on borrowed liberal democratic principles that have been a bag of mixed blessings to Zimbabwe's post independence era. First, the paper examines the concept democracy as it is theoretically and practically understood and practiced in Zimbabwe today. Second, it argues against the philosophy of liberalism which is one of the cornerstones of democracy. 180 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.3, no.10, September 2010 In this regard, it argues that liberal democratic principles are incompatible and inconsistent with Zimbabwe's political mores and history in general. Lastly, as a solution to the curren...

Tobias Guzura , Jefferson Ndimande

Since the attainment of independence ZANU PF, a liberation party, has been at the helm of government and decision-making in Zimbabwe. Despite the emergence of opposition political parties, the party has maintained its grip on power. The turn of the new millennium saw the emergence of a strong opposition political party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and independent candidates that gave a strong challenge to ZANU PF dominance. In essence, despite this challenge ZANU PF has maintained a tight grip on power, claiming to use democratic means to retain its power. It is the purpose of this paper to provide an analysis of survival strategies adopted by ZANU PF in entrenching and sustaining itself in power in the face of opposition forces, not only those outside the ZANU PF environment but also in intra-party opposition. As the paper argues, there are a number of factors that have led to the dominance of ZANU PF ranging from issues of political culture not only in ZANU PF but also within the Zimbabwe populace to issues of using a stick and carrot approach. In the final analysis, the paper will posit on the future of not only ZANU PF but Zimbabwean politics in general particularly in the face of the continuing deepening crisis.

Arthur E Gwagwa

If viewed in the broader context, the recent decision by the Movement for Democratic Change to recall members of Parliament under Section 129 (1) (k) of the constitution has significantly impacted on the democratisation agenda in Zimbabwe. The malaise within the MDC is symptomatic of the general attrition on the Zimbabwe democratisation agenda across the board. The international community’s lack of confidence in the MDC represents challenges of the first wave of democratisation in Africa’s protracted transitions. Zimbabwe’s resurgence within the region makes it even harder to engage the African region on Zimbabwe. The lack of consensus on policy approaches within the Fishmongers Group is indicative of a crisis of confidence and retrenchment of the democratic idea. The reluctance of the community of democracies to further entrench the democratic idea has emboldened illiberalism as seen in the surge of Chinese pervasive soft power in diplomatic, political, economic, intelligence and military spheres. While blocs such as the European Union and North America have adhered to the international rule of law by engaging on the basis of limited instruments undergird by human rights imperatives, China, for example, engages without reference to international norms and standards. This article examines the current international and domestic constraints, opportunities and scenarios in light of the current developments in Zimbabwe. It examines various presenting challenges in forging a path to the future. It seeks to develop a stronger, analytical and conceptual understanding of the political problems in Zimbabwe. It examines the attrition that normally beset counter-hegemony forces in protracted transitions which can often be characterised by lateral conflicts and the role this plays in authoritarian resurgences. It assesses the nature of the challenge at a nuanced and granular level, while relying on political theory and building a deeper and complex analysis. It reports on what this means to those working to aid democracy in Zimbabwe; and to determine what opportunities may be available to democrats within Zimbabwe —and to those outside seeking to support them—that have not been adequately explored or exploited.

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By Sarah Bosha

This piece was written while the author was completing a Master of Arts degree in Peace Studies at the at the .

Bones that died, live The silenced voices cry out Speak! Speak! Truths arise! [1]

Introduction

Zimbabwe has an unspoken, unacknowledged past that has been haunting the country since 1982. Gross human rights violations were committed by state agents in the Midlands and Matebeleland provinces of Zimbabwe, where the Ndebele tribe, the largest tribal minority group, lives. The wounds of this injustice have festered in Zimbabwe, manifesting by a divided society in which one tribe sees it itself as second-class citizens and struggles with emotional and physical trauma. If positive peace is to prevail in Zimbabwe, a strategic approach to peacebuilding needs to be adopted. The author of this paper proposes that in order to create a theory of change that will ensure Zimbabweans acknowledge the human rights violations committed against the people of Midlands and Matebeleland, and thus restore the dignity of victims and promote reconciliation, there needs to be peacebuilding based upon truth-telling. Truth-telling needs to take place on a national level, and must be facilitated and supported by the state. This paper will give a brief explanation of the author’s perception of the wounds of injustice that prevail in Zimbabwe as result of Gukurahundi . The paper will then briefly offer possible avenues for truth-telling and acknowledgement as a theory of change aimed at addressing this dark past. The purpose of this type of theory is to bring about reconciliation and achieve more than negative peace, but rather a positive, sustainable peace.

Background: What is Gukurahundi?

The war of liberation in Zimbabwe was fought for nearly two decades, from the early 1960’s to 1979 and involved African guerilla movements fighting against the predominantly white combined Rhodesian forces under the then prime minister Ian Smith. The Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) guerillas came chiefly from the east of Zimbabwe and were predominantly Shona speakers whilst the Zimbabwe Peoples Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) forces were from the west and were overwhelmingly Ndebele but also Kalanga speakers. [2] During the 1970’s, there were deep divisions between the two main black armed forces: the ZIPRA, and the ZANLA. These tensions led to the two groups fighting fiercely against each other.. [3] The liberation forces had been divided since 1963 after the splitting of the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU) political party into ZAPU and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) which then also led to a split in the guerilla forces of the two political entities – ZIPRA under ZAPU and ZANLA under ZANU. [4] The tension between the two armed groups was also exacerbated by growing differences in the combat training culture [5] with ZANLA sponsored by the Chinese and ZIPRA by the Soviet Union. [6] Robert Mugabe was the first black prime minister of a newly-independent Zimbabwe in 1980 and chose the policy of reconciliation as the blueprint for his leadership. [7] Robert Mugabe was from the ZANU political wing which contested the first elections as ZANU PF and won a majority. In a historic speech, Robert Mugabe advocated for the forgetting of the past, the reconciling of old enemies, and in this spirit of brotherhood, a new united Zimbabwe arose. However, the war in Zimbabwe had created divisions within the black majority’s warring guerilla factions, including the between the ZANLA and ZIPRA wings. [8] As result of the persistent instability, by early 1982 the Matebeleland region was plagued by violence perpetrated by armed bandits who terrorized the population. [9] Possibly feeling a threat to the internal security of the entire country, the government of Zimbabwe launched a counter offensive against what it termed “dissidents.” The result was that many civilians were victims of grave human rights violations at the hands of state agents. The victims were mainly the Ndebele-speaking population, the dominant group of the Matebeleland region. An estimated 20 000 people lost their in what has come to be known as Gukurahundi . It is the shameful public secret that Zimbabwe to this day has never fully addressed –it remains a standing victory for the perpetrators of injustice. [10]

Gukurahundi

The word gukurahundi means “the rain that washes away the chaff before the spring rain.” It was the name given to the 5 th Brigade (a special unit of the national army in Zimbabwe trained in North Korea) – the chief perpetrators of massacres and other human rights violations in the Midlands and Matebeleland regions. [11] Initially this brigade, together with the 4 th and 6 th Brigades, paratroopers, Central Intelligence Organization (CIO) agents, and the Police Support Unit (PSU), were deployed to restore order after armed bandits began terrorizing civilians and kidnapped six foreign tourists. [12] However the state, through its agents, began to attack civilians on the basis that they were feeding and supporting dissidents, thereby erasing the distinction between dissidents and civilians. [13] There has been debate as to whether the Gukurahundi was genocide, and the commission of the massacres must be understood in the context of this important discussion. The creation of the 5 th Brigade was necessitated by the need to “combat malcontents;” however, it was also seen as a means to build a one-party state by Mugabe. If this justification is believed, then Gukurahundi was for political purposes, and people were targeted not because they were Ndebele-speaking, but because the people of Matebeleland and Midlands were seen to be ZAPU supporters. [14] What is clear is that what began as a political campaign degenerated into genocidal acts against a specific group. The people of Matebeleland believe that they were intentionally targeted by Gukurahundi . The Shona-speaking 5 th Brigade targeted Ndebele speakers and would often say, “…all Ndebele’s are dissidents”. [15] The human rights abuses that affected the two regions include the following grave acts: 1. Rape and sexual violence against men and women. [16] 2. Disappearances of people whose remains have not been found and whose families have been unable to obtain death certificates. [17] 3. Torture comprising beatings, electric shock treatment, falanga (beating on the soles of the feet). [18] 4. Forced starvation as a result of food curfews imposed on the areas. [19] 5. Arbitrary detention and arrests. 6. Mass killings of victims through shooting after they have been forced to dig their own graves and ordered into them. [20] Approximately, 20,000 civilians were killed from 1981 to 1983 in a violent campaign aimed at crushing the dissident activity in Matebeleland and Midlands regions. As a result, Zimbabwe is plagued by various issues that negate the existence of positive peace and have created a deeply wounded and divided society.

Truth-telling emerges from a theory of change whereby acknowledgement of past abuses will restore human dignity and create the foundation for reconciliation. This paper argues that truth-telling is necessary for strategic peace-building in Zimbabwe as the wounds of injustice from twenty years ago still haunt Zimbabwe’s currently, and threaten the future of the country. As long as the truth remains buried,, the nation will continue to look into the past with dismay. Future generations of the Ndebele people will harbor the animosity of their forefathers and continue to feel as foreigners, as people of Mthwakazi instead of citizens of Zimbabwe. Truth-telling, on the other hand, will allow healing to begin and reconciliation to take place.

The Wounds of Injustice

Wounds of political injustice are defined as the rupturing of the right relationship between political communities. Political injustice diminishes the humanity of those involved in that injustice. Those affected are the victims whose rights have been violated, the perpetrators themselves, and the community at large which encompasses the citizens of the state. [21] In Zimbabwe’s case, the lack of acknowledgement of the victims’ suffering, the standing victory of the wrongdoer’s political injustice, victims’ ignorance of the source and circumstance of political injustices (particularly in the case of the disappeared) and harm to the victim’s person (through the acts of Gukurahundi ; torture, rape, arbitrary arrests and witnessing extreme cruelty), are present and must be addressed through truth-telling and acknowledgement. Only then might reconciliation and sustainable peace take place. These wounds have manifested themselves in various issues visible in Zimbabwe’s communities today in both political and civilian realms.

The Mugabe administration has never acknowledged the Gukurahundi killings and abuses of 1981- 1983 creating deep discontent and pain among survivors and families of victims. Much of the anger emanates from the fact that many of the victims have not been reburied and their remains are still contained in mass graves all over the country. [22] The Matebeleland and Midlands region is plagued with poverty and drought, and many communities believe these misfortunes occur because the spirits of the dead are restless and angry for not having been given proper burial rights. The importance of having a body or bones to mourn and bury is culturally significant for all tribes in Zimbabwe. [23] There has been increased suppression and silencing of the affected population in speaking out about or commemorating the massacres. Artists have been arrested and families prevented from reburying their dead where they have been able to identify the victim. [24] Witnesses still remain who saw loved ones dragged away in the night never to return, or survived mass shootings and have no forum with which to seek redress. The government has a history of suppressing any information about what happened during this period. After the massacres, the government tasked the Dumbutshena Commission with the investigation of disturbances at camps in Matebeleland between the ZIPRA and ZANLA in 1981, and the Chihambakwe Commission to investigate the Gukurahundi , largely in response to international outcry over the events. [25] Both reports have been sealed and their contents have never been made public, despite continued legal action and pressure from various groups. [26] This was after Mugabe had promised the people of Zimbabwe that all would be made known regarding Gukurahundi . [27] The government has indicated that the release of the Chihambakwe report would pose a threat to national security and that the Dumbutshena report can no longer be located. [28] This suppression of information exacerbates victims’ ignorance of the source and circumstance of their political injustice, particularly because they are left in the dark about why the Gukurahundi took place and where their loved ones that disappeared went to and why. After years of state-imposed silence over Gukurahundi and underdevelopment of the Matebeleland region, the cries for devolution of power from central government grew louder. The administration has remained centralized with the city of Harare as the seat of political and economic power, and this has led to calls for devolution by a secessionist group, the Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF) led by a former ZIPRA commander Fidelis Ncube. [29] The aim of the MLF is to bring about an independent Ndebele state. [30] In March 2011 the MLF leadership were put on trial for treason where it was alleged they attempted to incite the public to revolt against the government. [31] The case is yet unresolved, as judgment has been reserved (meaning that the judgment will be handed down at a later time) by the trial judge who resigned and left the country. The MLF leaders are not permitted to leave the country or participate in politics until the finalization of the case, the date of which is uncertain given the fact that judgment is still pending.

Recommendations for Change

The discontent of the Ndebele, the creation of the MLF and calls for an independent Ndebele state arise from a core grievance – the failure to recognize Gukurahundi massacres and atrocities. It is necessary to openly discuss the Gukurahundi through truth-telling. This can be done by giving artists and other creative mediums freedom of speech to express the history of what happened. It can also mean that there is public discussion through media and various public bodies such as Parliament of Zimbabwe. What is crucial is that the reports by the Dumbutshena Commission and the Chihambakwe Commission should be made public so that the findings may be part of the narrative. Even if the government is not prepared to issue a public apology, these actions serve as an important form of acknowledgement for the suffering of victims both past and living. Gukurahundi should no longer just be the Ndebele story, but the Zimbabwean story known by every citizen. To allow communities to relive their past and to share it with the nation as a whole through story-telling restores the importance of the lives lost and the dignity of the survivors. It also opens the way for empathy from the rest of the nation; the empathy reinforces the value of the lives of the victims and creates solidarity that healing from such mass atrocities needs. Without story-telling, there is no acknowledgement, no empathy no solidarity, and no healing of deep-seated wounds of injustice. The government should also assist in exhumations and the identification of the remains of the massacred. Many communities live with mass burial sites in their communities which means they relive the trauma of the Gukurahundi period and are unable to find closure. Such exhumations could also be truth-telling in the sense that it is an acknowledgement that their relatives died and or disappeared. The provision of proper burial rites and cleansing rituals which are so central to Zimbabwean traditional society where murder has occurred can take place and allow the communities to have hope for a better future, no longer “cursed” by the restless spirits of the dead. Reburial also acts as a form of acknowledgment that many people died in a manner that violated their rights and that this was a wrong against the victims and the families. Furthermore, a monument to the victims of Gukurahundi would acknowledge the massacres and memorialize the dark past and act as a form of remembrance and apology to survivors. The building of monuments as a mode of reparation and acknowledgement is common in the Inter-American Human Rights system (A regional human rights system created by the members of the Organization of American States [OAS] and comprised of the judicial body namely the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the quasi-judicial Inter-American Commission of Human Rights). [32] Many countries have also adopted this to remember their dark histories and to honor victims. Cambodia is one example; a Buddhist temple was erected in the “killing fields” of the Khmer Rouge era where many civilians lost their lives. [33] Graves in Zimbabwe are considered sacred, and many rituals are performed by the family to communicate with their ancestors. The graves are maintained, weeded, and honored; the loved-one has departed but is still part of the family. To be buried in a mass grave means that families cannot perform their graveside rituals or speak to their relative in the manner to which they are accustomed. The dignity bestowed on the departed who has joined the ancestors is denied because there is no way to consult or appease the spirit of the relative when one does not know where the relative is buried, or when the relative is buried with ancestors of another family. For rural people whose lives center around these spiritual practices, the mass grave is both a curse and an indignity. Zimbabwe’s leaders should take important steps in acknowledging the past through the above cited processes, but more importantly the nation should mourn with the region over the loss of so many innocent civilians. Without national acknowledgement, the calls for secession are likely to become more intense. [34] Central to the theory of change of truth-telling about the genocide is that the process should be owned by the victims: the people of Matebeleland and Midlands. These people have a rich cultural heritage that includes art, poetry and theatre. The state should fund initiatives that allow the story of Gukurahundi to be told through various medium to be commemorated by the victims, art exhibitions in galleries, theatre productions and poetry narratives. This would restore a sense of dignity and collective agency to the community and allow them to take full ownership of their shared struggle. Presently, suppression has taken that power and agency over the history away from the Ndebele; it is only the state that dictates how and if the narrative of Gukurahundi is shared publicly, which adds to the harm and injury of the original event.. President Robert Mugabe has said soldiers that killed thousands of people to crush the late Joshua Nkomo's opposition ZAPU party during Gukurahundi did not follow instructions and did so unilaterally. [35] This is one example of the way the narrative in the public space continues to be owned by political leaders and the state. In a television interview with a South African journalist, Mugabe said, “Yes, it was very bad. We don't want to talk about that, but it turns up a story which has not been told in full, how it started and so on, you know, what was happening. It's involving, it's not a story we should continue”. [36] A spokesman in the President’s office when asked about the Gukurahundi angrily remarked, “You are a crazy young man, …(didn’t you hear) President Mugabe said it was a moment of madness, that is all I can tell you…That is a closed topic and people who want to [talk] about that era should know it”. [37]

Truth-telling and acknowledgment are necessary actions to promote a change that can restore the dignity of victims and survivors and set a platform for reconciliation of a deeply-divided nation. Truth-telling can be fulfilled in a number of ways; for example, releasing to the public of reports of the Chihambakwe and Dumbutshena Commissions into the atrocities, allowing survivors to tell their stories to the nation through the arts and other medium, and lifting state repression on discussing the issue of Gukurahundi . Acknowledgment can be expressed through building monuments in places of the worst massacres, allowing the exhumation of mass graves and proper reburial of victims, and facilitating the performance of cleansing ceremonies in communities that have lived with mass graves in their midst. All these actions will restore the dignity of victims and survivors and allow the nation to empathize and acknowledge the suffering they experienced. This acknowledgement is important because it will allow the nation as a whole to share not only in the painful past, but also serve a precursor to destroying barriers between groups that have resulted from the silence over the atrocities. In the words of Pamela Hieronymi, “…a past wrong against you, standing in your history without an apology, atonement, retribution, punishment, restitution, condemnation, or anything else that might recognize it as a wrong, makes a claim. It says, in effect, that you can be treated this way, and that such treatment is acceptable.” [38]

[1] Sarah Bosha, original haiku, November 2013.

[2] Norma J. Kriger, Guerilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe, (Cambridge University Press, 2003), p.24.

[3] Shari Eppel, “Gukurahundi: The need for truth and reparation” in Zimbabwe Injustice and Political Reconciliation , ed. Brian Raftopolous and Tyrone Savage (Weaver Press, 2004), 44.

[5] Paul Themba Nyathi, “Reintegration of ex-xombatants into Zimbabwean society”, in Zimbabwe Injustice and Political Reconciliation , ed. Brian Raftopolous and Tyrone Savage (Weaver Press, 2004), p.64-65.

[6] Norma J. Kriger, Guerilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe, (Cambridge University Press, 2003), p.24.

[7] Brian Raftopolous, “Introduction” in Zimbabwe Injustice and Political Reconciliation , ed. Brian Raftopolous and Tyrone Savage (Weaver Press, 2004), p. x.

[8] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, 8. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres .

[10] Daniel Philpott, Just and Unjust Peace An Ethic of Political Reconciliation, (Oxford University Press, 2012), 38. This wound of a standing victory is defined as, “…the ongoing triumph of the perpetrators evil deed, which persists victorious and unchallenged.”

[11] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part III, para 5. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres .

[12] Id, part III, para 4.

[13] Supra, part III, para 4. President Mugabe is quoted as having said of the operation in April 1983, “We eradicate them. We don’t differentiate when we fight because we cant tell who is a dissident and who is not.”

[14] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part III, para 1. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres .

[15] Id, part III, para 5.

[16] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part II, Case Study II Matobo (Kezi). Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres “ Bhalagwe Camp was originally a military camp. In 1982 the mainly ZIPRA army unit there were accused of being dissidents. The camp was shut down and not used much. It became a feared place in 1984, when thousands of civilians from all over Matabeleland South were trucked in and detained there. CIO as well as 5 Brigade also gave people electric shocks, submarine and other forms of torture. There was a lot of sexual torture at Bhalagwe. Women were raped and had sticks forced into them. Men had their genitals tied in rubber and beaten. People had to dig graves for those killed. Later, these bodies were removed and those who died were thrown down mine shafts in the region.” And in Korodziba, “ 5 th Brigade came to the school and took about 60 pupils aged over 14 years. They were all beaten and asked about dissidents. 20-30 girls were raped and then ordered to have sex with some of the boys while the soldiers watched. They were beaten for 3 hours .”

[17] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part II, Case Study 1, Nyamandlovhu encompassing Tsholotsho. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres , “Any village which had experienced 5 Brigade atrocities lived in a state of intense anxiety and fear, unsure when the soldiers might return or who might be targetted next time. Many hundreds of people, especially young men, fled the area for Bulawayo or Botswana to avoid being accused of being dissidents. At times villagers had to watch those close to them dying slowly from untreated wounds. They had been warned not to seek medical help and could be shot as curfew breakers if they tried. Many others have permanent disabilities and cannot work well in their fields or carry loads any more. Others still suffer mentally with headaches, dizzy spells, nightmares and depression. Families have been left without breadwinners, children without parents, and with the trauma of having seen their parents, husbands, community leaders harmed and humiliated. There are practical problems left behind. People need death certificates for the missing. Without them, their children have failed to get birth certificates; they have lost out on pensions, and been unable to inherit savings accounts.”

[18] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part II, Bhalagwe Camp. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres “They were brutally tortured and many were killed. People were kept in very bad conditions. They were overcrowded and beaten daily. CIO as well as 5 Brigade also gave people electric shocks, submarine and other forms of torture. There was a lot of sexual torture at Bhalagwe. Women were raped and had sticks forced into them. Men had their genitals tied in rubber and beaten. People had to dig graves for those killed. Later, these bodies were removed and those who died were thrown down mine shafts in the region.”

[19] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part II, St Josephs Mission in an area known as Mzola Dam. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres “… a group of at least 8 elderly men (named) were severely beaten by 5 Brigade for eating at 11 in the morning. They were forced to do strenuous exercise while being beaten throughout the day. One was then released, while the others were kept overnight, transferred to Guardian Angel and then Mabisi Dip. Torture continued and several of the men collapsed completely and one was finally beaten to death. And also at Korodziba, “ 2 children out of a group of children died of starvation trying to runaway from 5 Brigade in this area. They were trying to reach Ngamo railway siding, which is about 100 km NE of Korodziba. The dead were aged 9 and 14, the survivor was 15.”

[20] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part II, Gulakabili. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres “Whole village abducted from nearby to the Pumula Mission area, where they were beaten. Some were then forced to dig a mass grave, made to climb in, and were shot. They were buried while still moving, and villagers were made to dance on the grave and sing songs in praise of ZANU-PF. Number of dead given as 12.” And also at

[21] Daniel Philpott, Just and Unjust Peace An Ethic of Political Reconciliation, (Oxford University Press, 2012), 31.

[22] Mthulisi Mathuthu, “Government urged to rebury victims of Gukurahundi Massacres”, SW Radio Africa, October 14, 2013. Accessed on November 5, 2013 at; http://www.swradioafrica.com/2013/10/14/government-urged-to-rebury-victims-of-gukurahundi-massacres/ .

[23] P. Gundani, “The Roman Catholic Church and the Kurova Guva Ritual in Zimbabwe”, Zambezia (1994), XXI (ii), p124. Accessed on May 2, 2014 at; http://archive.lib.msu.edu/DMC/African%20Journals/pdfs/Journal%20of%20the%20University%20of%20Zimbabwe/vol21n2/juz021002003.pdf . Where the author writes in relation to death and rituals, “Immediately after death, the spirit of the deceased is considered unpredictable and dangerous'. Consequently, the rites that are performed by the living relatives are based on the belief that the deceased's spirit leaves the body and continues to live. This life is, however, defined primarily in terms of the influence of the deceased on the community he or she has left behind. The initial rituals that are performed immediately after death therefore emphasise separation of the deceased from the community' and aim to ensure that 'the spirit does not find its way back to the homestead to worry the living it has left behind'. People cannot associate with it until such time as a ritual has been performed to welcome it into the family as a spirit elder, and to induct it into the community of the spirit ancestors”.

[24] Mthulisi Mathuthu, “Government urged to rebury victims of Gukurahundi Massacres”, SW Radio Africa, October 14, 2013. Accessed on November 5, 2013 at; http://www.swradioafrica.com/2013/10/14/government-urged-to-rebury-victims-of-gukurahundi-massacres/ .

[25] United States Institute for Peace, “Commission of Inquiry: Zimbabwe”. Accessed on November 10, 2013 at; http://www.usip.org/publications/commission-of-inquiry-zimbabwe .

[26] “Group Demands Gukurahundi Reports”, The Standard Newspaper, January 28, 2012. Accessed on November 10, 2013 at: http://www.thestandard.co.zw/2012/01/28/by-nqobani-ndlovu-bulawayo-human-rights-lawyers-have-urged-the-zimbabwe-human-rights-commission-zhrc-and-legislators-to-push-government-to-ratify-the-united-nations-convention-against-torture-which-ba/ .

[27] Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace Zimbabwe, “Breaking the Silence Building True Peace A Report on the Disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980-1988”, (Legal Resources Foundation; April 1999), Summary Report, part III, para 6. Accessed on November 9, 2013 at, http://www.universaljurisdiction.org/world/zimbabwe/451-reports-gukurahundimatabeleland-massacres .

[29] Brenda Moyo, “Ndebele Nationalists Launch Mthwakazi Liberation Front in Zimbabwe”, Voice of America , December 30, 2010. Accessed on November 10, 2013 at; http://www.voazimbabwe.com/content/ndebele-nationalists-launch-new-zimbabwe-party-112669609/1458975.html .

[31] Richard Muponde, “Treason Suspects to Sue Mugabe”, Free and Fair Zimbabwe Election, August 15, 2013. Accessed on November 11, 2013 at; http://www.zimbabweelection.com/2013/08/15/treason-suspects-to-sue-mugabe/ .

[32] Case of Myrna Mack Chang v. Guatemala , Series C No. 101, Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACrtHR), 25 November 2003. Accessed on May 10, 2014 at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/4f5a26372.html . . In the famous case of Myrna Mack Chang, the government of Guatemala was ordered by the Inter-American Human Rights Commission to fully investigate the circumstances of the death of Ms Myrna Mack Chang a well-known human rights activist who was suspected to have been killed by state agents. The Commission specifically ordered that the government should in addition, “…carry out a public act of acknowledgment of its responsibility in connection with the facts of this case and of amends to the memory of Myrna Mack Chang and to her next of kin, in the presence of the highest authorities of the State”. As a form of acknowledgement the Commission ordered that the government of Guatemala should establish a scholarship in the name of Myrna Mack Chang and name a street after the deceased and erect a plaque in her memory where she died.

[33] Cambodia Tribunal Monitor, 2013. Accessed on May 10, 2014 at; http://www.cambodiatribunal.org/history/cambodian-history/khmer-rouge-history/ . The Monitor writes, “While the Khmer Rouge was in power, they set up policies that disregarded human life and produced repression and massacres on a massive scale. They turned the country into a huge detention center, which later became a graveyard for nearly two million people, including their own members and even some senior leaders. A few days after they took power in 1975, the Khmer Rouge forced perhaps two million people in Phnom Penh and other cities into the countryside to undertake agricultural work. Thousands of people died during the evacuations…During this time, everyone was deprived of their basic rights. People were not allowed to go outside their cooperative. The regime would not allow anyone to gather and hold discussions. If three people gathered and talked, they could be accused of being enemies and arrested or executed.” The memorial can be found at http://www.war-memorial.net/Killing-Fields-Memorial-at-Choeung-Ek-1.80 .

[34] Staff Reporter, “ Controversial Mthwakazi Chief Inaugurated in South Africa ” Bulawayo 24 News, March 23, 2014. Accessed on May 10, 2014 at; http://bulawayo24.com/index-id-news-sc-africa-byo-44746.html . It is reported that Albert Zwelibanzi Gumede was inaugurated as the first chief of Mthwakazi. The article further states that, “he Zimbabwean government is on record as declaring Mthwakazi secession agenda as an act of revolt and treason. Several members of the Mthwakazi leadership who live outside Zimbabwe have found themselves being bundled into Zimbabwean courts of law for various crimes as soon as they set their feet into Zimbabwe. Chief Gumede is also one of those who have been arrested in Zimbabwe for pursuing Mthwakazi agenda in Bulawayo.”

[35] “President Mugabe Speaks on Gukurahundi: Soliders didn’t follow orders”, Africa Times.com, June 5, 2013. Accessed on November 11, 2013 at: http://en.africatime.com/zimbabwe/articles/president-mugabe-speaks-gukurahundi-soldiers-didnt-follow-orders .

[37] Sabelo Gwenya, “Charamba Statement on Gukurahundi a Grave Insult”, Nehanda Radio.com, October 19, 2011. Accessed on November 11, 2013 at: http://nehandaradio.com/2011/10/19/charamba-statement-on-gukurahundi-a-grave-insult/ .

[38] Pamela Hieronymi, “Articulating an Uncompromising Forgiveness”, Philosophy and Phenomenological Research LXII, No. 3 (May 2001), 546.

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Community Foundations in Zimbabwe: Analysis of Eleven Case Studies

Analysis and comment | democracy | economy.

SIVIO Institute
October 9, 2020

Across Africa and in Zimbabwe, as communities grow in their giving, a new layer of support structures to support and enhance this type of giving has emerged in the form of Community Foundations. In a quest to highlight and promote horizontal forms of community philanthropy, the SIVIO Institute has been mapping 11 organisations identified as Community Foundations in Zimbabwe.

Introduction

Very little has been written or documented about peer-to-peer levels of giving and the giving of many-to-many. Often this type of giving is underappreciated and undervalued, yet it plays a significant role in supporting grassroots communities. They are often closer to communities, have a better understanding of the local context and can also quickly respond to immediate needs or crisis. Organised philanthropy and social investment have been practised with little acknowledgment or recognition of indigenous or organic forms of community philanthropy (Wilkinson, Maphosa, Fowler, Oliver-Evans and Mulenga, 2009).

In another study undertaken by SIVIO Institute that looked at the perception of giving by Zimbabweans (2020), we noted that data from our research presents compelling and encouraging evidence on how ordinary Zimbabwe of modest means are actively engaged in giving. The giving under discussion is mostly of small financial gifts to family, extended family, strangers, institutions and also in response to natural disasters. In many instances these gifts are not reported in any official records. There are no official systems to acknowledge and incentivise giving.

Halima Mahomed, has referred to community philanthropy organizations when she commented on the newer wave that she saw as being ‘organic, rooted in context, not wedded to a particular concept – and they don’t tick the boxes of someone else’s notion of community philanthropy’. Broader still is the interpretation of community philanthropy reflected in recent programmes developed by the Aga Khan Foundation, in partnership with USAID, which conceives of community philanthropy as essentially fund development for the strengthening of civil society – an approach that goes much further than investing in local foundations as grantmakers.

As interpretations multiply, so too does the need to take account of the fact that the roots of community philanthropy are multifaceted and multi-cultural in nature, tapping into communal reciprocity that can be both formal and informal.

Given the significant role that they play and that they can play, SIVIO Institute has undertaken a study of organisations that can be classified as Community Foundations in Zimbabwe. In the limited literature that is available on community foundations in Zimbabwe, the most commonly recognised entities that have been looked at and profiled are the Community Foundation of the Western Region of Zimbabwe and Uluntu Community Foundation.

Through this magazine, SIVIO Institute seeks to raise the profile of other organisations we consider as Community Foundations. We feel that it is important to begin to profile and highlight this form of philanthropy to showcase the varied nature of philanthropy and how anyone can engage in philanthropy/giving, and that philanthropy extends beyond just the giving of money.

Through this process, we want to develop a directory of individuals or organisations involved in community philanthropy to identify who is doing what and where, to start creating a community of practice and engagement amongst different practitioners.

Read the magazine here (7MB PDF)

Source: SIVIO Institute

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Case Study: AM (Zimbabwe) v Secretary of State for the Home Department (2020)

The Supreme Court blocked attempts by the Home Office to deport an individual who had been convicted of several serious offences back to Zimbabwe. This was because the individual had HIV and his life would likely be shortened if he was returned to Zimbabwe where he would be unlikely to receive the treatment he required. This case highlights the ongoing tension between the collective rights of society and the rights of the individual. AM was born in 1987 and is a national of Zimbabwe. He arrived in the UK in 2000 to join his mother, and he was granted indefinite leave to remain in 2004. In 2006, AM was convicted of a number of criminal offences and sentenced to a total of 12 months’ imprisonment. In 2009, AM was convicted of offences relating to possession of a firearm and supply of heroin, and he was sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment. The Secretary of State seeks to deport AM. However, AM is HIV positive. He was placed on the anti-retroviral medication, Eviplera, after having first tried another medication which produced significant side-effects. If AM is deported to Zimbabwe, a range of anti-retroviral medications would be available, but not Eviplera.

Lord Wilson opened his judgment in the case of AM (Zimbabwe) v Secretary of State for the Home Department (2020) with these words:

‘This appeal requires the court again to consider one of the most controversial questions which the law of human rights can generate. It relates to the ability of the UK to deport a foreign citizen who, while lawfully resident here, has committed a string of serious crimes. The reaction of many British citizens is likely to be: “We don’t want this man here.”. His response is: “But I need to remain here.” In this case he no longer casts his response under article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (“the Convention”) by reference to respect for his private and family life. Instead, he wishes to cast it under article 3 of the Convention which provides: No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.’ For the appellant is HIV positive. He is a citizen of Zimbabwe and his contention, which for reasons which I will explain has not yet been fully developed still less tested, is that, if deported to Zimbabwe, he would be unable to access the medication which, here in the UK, prevents his relapse into full-blown AIDS. So considerations of public policy on the one hand and of what is said to be private existential need on the other clash like warriors; and upon the courts lies a heavyburden in determining which should, under the law, prevail.’

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DIAMOND EMPOWERMENT: THE ZIMBABWE CASE STUDY

“Diamond Empowerment” is a series of articles, each one a case study, providing an objective overview of the contribution – both realized and still only potential – that the diamond mining industry makes to sustainable development in the African countries where it is present.

The first looks at the Republic of Zimbabwe, which is scheduled to become the Chair of the Kimberley Process at the start of 2023. The country currently serves as the KP Vice Chair.

Compared to its southern neighbors, Botswana and South Africa, Zimbabwe was a late comer to the diamond mining industry. Although alluvial deposits were first discovered in its territory as far back as 1903, it was only in 1997 that geologists working for the Australian mining giant Rio Tinto uncovered a series of kimberlite pipes near the town of Zvishavane in the southeast of the country. This resulted in the development of the modestly sized Murowa Mine, which came on stream in 2004.

What changed everything, however, was the discovery in June 2006 of massive alluvial deposits in Marange, in the Chiadzwa district near the Zimbabwe/Mozambique border. A British-owned company, African Consolidated Resources (ACR), managed to obtain exclusive rights to the fields.

But, despite its promise, for more than a decade Marange failed to provide Zimbabwe with the substantial developmental windfall that it potentially could have. It became a cautionary tale of power politics, poor government and corporate governance, violent suppression and systemic corruption. Today, however, the alluvial diamond fields also offer the possibility of redemption and hope.

A state of turmoil

Zimbabwe in 2006 was in a state of prolonged economic turmoil, exacerbated by the populist policies of its autocratic head of state, Robert Mugabe, who had served as president since the country achieved independence in 1980.

Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s president between 1987 and 2017.

When his government received estimates that the newly found deposit at Marange may contain reserves worth as much as $800 billion, it revoked ACR’s license and opened the diamond fields to unlicensed miners. An uncontrolled diamond rush followed.

Reports soon surfaced about Zimbabwean police exploiting the miners, both economically and physically, including arbitrary arrests and detentions. Syndicates were allegedly being established to collect bribes. Smuggling became evident. Most was taking place through Mozambique, which was a non-diamond producer and not a KP Participant.

In the summer of 2007, however, it appeared that that the situation was being brought under control. But then, during the latter part of 2008, tens of thousands of artisanal miners returned to Marange.

On October 27, 2008, Zimbabwean military forces were sent into the area. Civil society groups told of soldiers indiscriminately shooting miners and local villagers, sometimes from helicopters, in an attempt to clear the area. More than 200 people reportedly died.

A dilemma for the Kimberley Process

Marange represented a conundrum for the Kimberley Process. Despite the well documented instances of violence and other human rights violations occurring in the territory, the goods associated with the region did not meet the strict KP definition of conflict diamonds, because they were not associated with a civil war. Indeed, the forces being accused of carrying out abuses were mostly controlled by the country’s recognized government.

But the KP was not apathetic to what was happening in Zimbabwe. Although a limited KP review visit in 2007 had indicated that the country had sufficiently implemented KPCS minimum requirements, the following year, the KP expressed “growing concerns” about the Marange fields and recommended additional monitoring.

In June 2009, another KP review mission to Zimbabwe reported that the country was no longer KPCS compliant, and recommended Zimbabwe be suspended until military forces were withdrawn from Marange and illegal mining and sales ended.

At the November 2009 KP Plenary in Namibia, Zimbabwe and other participants agreed on a joint plan, by which Zimbabwe would agree to a ban on diamond exports until monitors were in place and the government had demonstrated progress. The ban did not include the Rio Tinto mine which continued to export during all that time.

In 2010, a special monitor visited Zimbabwe and the Marange fields twice. At the KP Intersessional meeting in Tel Aviv, Israel, that June, the monitor reported Zimbabwe was compliant, but the vote to adopt the report’s recommendation did not achieve consensus. The KP group agreed to meet the following month in St. Peterburg, Russia, where the World Diamond Council was holding its Annual Meeting. There, the KP authorized the first two sales of rough diamonds from Marange.

On November 3, 2011, the KP’s ban on Marange diamonds was officially lifted. The decision was controversial, leading to the withdrawal of some civil society groups from organization. Certain countries imposed their own sanctions, such as the United States, and there are retailers that avoid purchasing diamonds sourced in Zimbabwe to this very day.

Boaz Hirch (left), KP Chair in 2010, consulting with Susan Page, Assistant U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, during the special meeting of the KP that was held during the WDC Annual General Meeting in July 2010, to address the ongoing crisis in Marange.

Years of wasted revenues

A primary factor in the ongoing failure of Marange to meet its potential was the involvement of the ruling regime of Robert Mugabe, many of whose members allegedly had a direct interest in the revenues being generated by the diamond deposit.

A number of private mining companies were licensed to operate in the area, in partnership with the state-owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC). The government retained a 50 percent share in diamond operations through ZMDC.

But royalty payments, which were calculated on production volume, were low, falling to $23 million in 2015, down from $84 million in 2014. Tax payments were said to be negligible. Cited as likely reasons were production volumes being under-reported, tax avoidance and diamond smuggling. Investigative journalists reported that up to $1 billion worth of diamond revenues had been paid in kickbacks to political and military leaders, some of which were used to rig the presidential election in 2013, when Robert Mugabe claimed to have won 61 percent of the votes.

In 2016, Mugabe’s government canceled the licenses of all diamond-mining companies in the Marange diamond fields, and established the Zimbabwe Consolidated Diamond Company (ZCDC), by merging and nationalizing the assets of DTZ-OZGEO, Marange Resources, Kusena Diamonds, Diamond Mining Company and Gye Nyame. This followed a decision in March 2015 to consolidate all the diamond mining companies in the Marange region into a wholly owned government corporation.

The only diamond mine in the country to remain independently operated was Murowa. Rio Tinto sold its majority share in the facility to its former local unit RioZim in 2015. The mine changed its name to RZM Murowa in 2019.

A change in government and industry structure

In November 2017, amidst public demonstrations, a vote of no confidence and the start impeachment proceedings, the 37-year rule of Robert Mugabe came to end. A former Vice President and Minister of Defense Emmerson D. Mnangagwa was sworn in to serve the remainder of the term, and he was elected president in his own right in July 2018.

While the new government did not reverse the Mugabe regime’s decision to consolidate state assets in ZCDC, it was clear that a change in mining policy was required to enable the diamond sector meet its proper potential. In 2018, Mines Minister Winston Chitando announced that the sector would be expanded to four companies, which would be allowed to undertake exploration and mining operations. Any company or person with title for diamonds would be required for forge an alliance with one of them.

“Four is a number which was felt that it would give government and all stakeholders the effective monitoring of what is happening on the ground,” Chitando stated.

The change in policy was cautiously greeted by civil society. “With mass unemployment, high-priced basic goods and dwindling cash supplies, Zimbabwe simply cannot afford to miss out any further on the fruits of its plentiful mineral wealth,” wrote Sophia Pickles in 2019, in blog published by Global Witness.

Emmerson D. Mnangagwa, who took over as President of Zimbabee from Robert Mugabe in November 2017 and was elected in his own right the following year.

Four mining and prospecting companies

ZCDC is the largest of the four companies now operating the Zimbabwe diamond mining sector. Described as a private firm, it is nonetheless 100-percent owned by Defold Mine (Pvt) Ltd., which is a government-controlled corporation. It currently has operations in the Chiadzwa area and in nearby Chimanimani. It is also conducting extensive exploration and evaluation across the country in search of primary kimberlite pipes.

The second company is Anjin Investments, which is a jointly owned venture involving Matt Bronze Enterprises, a special purpose vehicle owned by the Zimbabwean army, and the Chinese investor Anhui Foreign Economic Construction Company. It actually had held a concession in Marange before being evicted by Mugabe’s government in 2016.

There was concern voiced about Matt Bronze Enterprises’ role in Anjin, because it signaled the military’s return to Marange. But this was played down by the Zimbabwean Mines Minster. “Anjin’s license has nothing to do with who they are and what they have done before… The fact is they will be mining our diamonds and there will be a board to oversee the operations of all companies involved in Marange,” Chitando said in July 2019.

Diamond mining operations at RZM Murowa, in the south of Zimbabwe.

The third company is Alrosa (Zimbabwe) Ltd., which was established by the Russian diamond mining company ALROSA in December 2018. In July 2019, it entered into a joint venture with ZCDC, holding a 70 percent share. At present its activities are limited to prospecting, mainly in the the Chimanimani region of Zimbabwe, and not in Marange. The joint venture agreement would provide ALROSA with a 70 percent share in any new greenfield deposits.

The fourth company is RZM Murowa, which is today a 24-hour open pit mining operation in the south of the country, with a capacity is around 1.2 million carats per annum of predominantly white, gem-quality diamonds, including reasonable quantities of large “special” stones.

Relative stability in the Zimbabwe diamond sector

The diamond mining sector in Zimbabwe today is a far cry from the chaotic and dangerous state that it was in the latter years of the Mugabe regime.

The current government expects diamonds to eventually contribute at least $1 billion to its goal of extracting minerals worth $12 billion dollars per annum, which is part of an ambitious plan to transform the country into an upper-middle-income economy by 2030. Right now, it’s only halfway there. In 2021, Zimbabwe’s mineral exports totaled $5.7 billion dollars, but that was significantly up from the $3.2 billion dollars reported in 2020.

According to the Kimberley Process, in 2021, Zimbabwe’s rough diamond exports totaled 4.23 million carats, worth $670 million. This ranked the country in seventh place worldwide in terms of both volume and U.S dollar value.

ZCDC, the country’s largest diamond miner, forecasts production of more than 5 million carats this year, up from 4.1 million carats in 2021. Its production had stood at 1.8 million carats in 2017.

Anjin Investment experienced a disappointing year in 2021, with the company recording only 70,000 carats of production, down from 790,000 carats a year earlier. This, it said, was due to the relocation of its processing plants. It projected a production ramp-up in 2022.

Diamond output at RTZ Murowa fell 28 percent in 2021 to 414,000 carats, with the dip in production attributed largely to the processing of material from low grade stockpiles, and limited mining from the operation’s K2 pit.

Reports of human rights violations are considerably less frequent today in the diamond sector, but still persist. Most often, they concern issues of unfair labor practices, and tense relations with local communities, largely because of the sometimes-violent behavior of security staff controlling the movement of residents living in and around the mining areas.

At the same time, the mining companies are conscious of how they are being portrayed in foreign markets and are more inclined than ever before to initiate and participate in projects that promote sustainability and community development. ZCDC issued a 29-page ESG report this year, and RTZ Murowa issued sustainable development reports from 2018 through 2020.

Zimbabwean mining companies are supposed allocate 5 percent of income to community share ownership trusts, although the degree to which this is realized is not clear. The Zimbabwean government has reserved a diamond concession for the Marange community, which ZCDC will mine on its behalf and allocate to the community 30 percent of net income.

There is also a greater readiness to comply with international standards. ZCDC has expressed willingness to have its mining operation independently audited against the Initiative for Responsible Mining Assurance (IRMA) standard. This would include a desk review and onsite visits, as well as stakeholder engagement in the verification process.

RZM Murowa is both a member of the Responsible Jewellery Council, against whose standard it has been audited, and the Natural Diamond Council. Before its major shareholder, ALROSA, suspended its membership in RJC as a result of the war in Ukraine, Alrosa (Zimbabwe) Ltd. was also subject to the demands of the RJC standard.

The incoming Chair of the Kimberley Process

The consensus decision by the KP Plenary in November 2021 that Zimbabwe would serve as KP Vice Chair in 2022, and automatically assume the position of KP Chair in 2023, raised some eyebrows, but it was strongly supported by other countries in the African bloc.

Harare, the capital of Zimbabwe, which will chair the Kimberley Process in 2023 and be the seat of the KP Secretariat. (Photo credit: Tatenda Mapigoti on Unsplash.com)

The news was cautiously welcomed by leading members of the country’s civil society community as well.

“This is an opportunity for Zimbabwe to clean up its act,” said Farai Maguwu, Director of the Center for Natural Resource Governance (CNRG), speaking to Foreign Policy magazine. “There cannot be any semblance of injustice towards workers, communities, or the environment when the whole world is looking at Zimbabwe.”

A similar attitude was expressed by Shamiso Mtisi, the former Coordinator of the Civil Society Coalition in the KP and the Deputy Director of the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (ZELA). “A country cannot violate the KP in the same year it holds an important position,” he told Foreign Policy . “There is a lot of scrutiny, so this is the time for Zimbabwe to reform its way of doing things.”

In private conversations with WDC officials, Zimbabwean civil society representatives have reported a marked decrease in human rights violation in the country’s diamond regions, since the 2021 KP Plenary.

The Kimberley Process is not the only body in which Zimbabwe has assumed a leadership role. It currently is Vice Chair of the African Diamond Producers Association (ADPA) and in 2023, will succeed Tanzania as ADPA Chair.

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Urban Planning and Policy in Zimbabwe: Change with Continuity

First Online: 08 May 2021

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Gift Mhlanga 20 ,
Innocent Chirisa 21 &
Verna Nel 22

Part of the book series: The Urban Book Series ((UBS))

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The purpose of this chapter is to diagnose the relationship between the planning of urban areas and the policies on the ground concerning Zimbabwe, a country that has gone through a full cycle of policies—colonial and postcolonial, capitalism and socialism, and chaotic and orderly. The urban–regional space is one that stresses the interconnections between rural space that largely constitutes the hinterland and the urban cores; hence, core–periphery interactions. Seen in the light of these symbiotic relations, this chapter studies the colonial ideology introduced in the country in 1890, which defined rural areas as predominantly occupied by the majority of black African populations serving as labour reserves on land that the capitalist society relied on for workers on its farms, mines and urban areas. The black government after 1980, has always tried to paint a picture of rural areas that are more populous than urban areas for political and election purposes. In addition to political marginalisation, however, the major towns and cities are facing increasing difficulties as the shrinking economy over the years, with limited employment and a fragile taxation base, has rendered planning a useless tool in the hands of a weak state. If the planning is to meet the twenty-first-century demands in Zimbabwe, the policy environment and goals must become clearer, more specific and pragmatic than now.

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Mhlanga, G., Chirisa, I., Nel, V. (2021). Urban Planning and Policy in Zimbabwe: Change with Continuity. In: Matamanda, A.R., Nel, V., Chirisa, I. (eds) Urban Geography in Postcolonial Zimbabwe. The Urban Book Series. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71539-7_3

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Rural District Planning in Zimbabwe: a Case Study

INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR ENVIRONMENT AND DEVELOPMENT

Environmental Planning Issues No.23, December 2000

Local Strategic Planning and Sustainable Rural Livelihoods

Rural District Planning in Zimbabwe : A Case Study

PlanAfric Bulawayo , Zimbabwe

A Report to the UK Department for International Development (Research contract: R72510)

PlanAfric Suite 416, 4th Floor, Treger House, 113 Jason Moyo Street PO Box FM 524, Famona, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Tel/Fax: +263-9-66142; Email: [email protected]

IIED 3 Endsleigh Street, London WC1H ODD Tel: +44-171-388-2117; Fax: +44-171-388-2826 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.iied.org

ISBN: 1 899825 76 2 NOTE

This manuscript was completed in November 1999. It has not been possible to include any updates to the text to reflect any changes that might have occurred in terms of legislation, institutional arrangements and key issues.

RURAL PLANNING REPORTS

This report is one of a suite of four prepared for a study of rural planning experience globally, and published by IIED in its Environmental Planning Issues series:

Botchie G. (2000) Rural District Planning in Ghana: A Case Study. Environmental Planning Issues No. 21, Internationa l Institute for Environment and Development, London

Dalal-Clayton, D.B., Dent D.L. and Dubois O. (1999): Rural Planning in the Developing World with a Special Focus on Natural Resources: Lessons Learned and Potential Contributions to Sustainable Livelihoods: An Overview. Report to UK Department for International Development. Environmental Planning Issues No.20, IIED, London

Khanya-mrc (2000) Rural planning in South Africa: A case study. A report prepared by Khanya – managing rural change, Bloemfontein. Environmental Planning Issues No. 22, International Institute for Environment and Development, London

PlanAfric (2000) Rural planning in Zimbabwe: A case study. A report prepared by PlanAfric, Bulawayo. Environmental Planning Issues No. 23, International Institute for Environment and Development, London

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS AND TEAM

PlanAfric would like to record its thanks to all those in Government, NGOs RDCs and Donors who assisted in providing information and views for this exercise.

In particular special thanks are due to the Provincial Administrator, Matabeleland South, Mrs. A. Dube, the Provincial Planning Officer, Matabeleland South, Mr. A. Maguta, the Chief Executive Officer, Gwanda RDC, Mr. Sibanda and the PAAP Officer, Gwanda RDC, Mr. K. Ndlo vu. We also record our thanks to Mr. M. Ngwenya, Director of World Vision in their western region and officials at Binga RDC for their assistance. Finally, we would like to thank all those who attended the national workshop and participated with enthusiasm and gave important insights.

The PlanAfric Team for this project consisted of Dr. Derek Gunby, Dr. Diana Conyers and Ms Catherine Gunby. They were assisted by two advisers: Mr. Sam Kahwa the Chief Agritex officer for Matabeleland North and Mr. Zivenayi Manyika, the Provincial Planning Officer, Matabeleland North.

PlanAfric would like to thank International Organisation Development, UK for seconding Catherine Gunby to the team. This was invaluable support.

ABBREVIATIONS

ACPDT Africa Community Publishing Development Trust ADA Agricultural Development Authority Agritex Agricultural Extension Workers ARDA Agricultural and Rural Development Authority CA Communal Area CAMPFIRE Communal Area Management for Indigenous Resources CAP Community Action Programme CBCC Capacity Building Co-ordinating Committee CC Christian Care CCJP Catholic Commission for Peace and Justice CEO Chief Executive Officer DA District Administrator DANIDA Danish Development Agency DDF District Development Fund DDG District Development Grants DDL District Development Loan DEAP District Environmental Action Plan DFID Department for International Development DNPWLM Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management DNR Department of Natural Resources DPP Department of Physical Planning DWD Department of Water Development EC European Commission EIA Environmental Impact Assessment ESAP Economic Structural Adjustment Programme FC Forestry Commission GDP Gross Domestic Product GOZ Government of Zimbabwe GTZ German Technical Assistance ICA Intensive Conservation Area IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development IIED International Institute for Environment and Development IRDA Integrated Rural Development Areas IRWSSP Integrated Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Programme IUCN World Conservation Union JICA Japanese Development Agency KMTC Kulima Mbobumi Training Centre, Binga LSCF Large Scale Commercial Farms MEC Ministry of education and Culture MLA Ministry of Land and Agriculture MLGNH Ministry of Local Government and National Housing MLGRUD Ministry of Local Government and Rural Development MNAECC Ministry of National Affairs, Employment Creation and Co-operatives MMET Ministry of Mines Energy and Tourism MHCW Ministry of Health and Child Welfare MPP Micro Projects Programme MPSLSW Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare MRRWD Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development MS Danish Association for International Co-operation NCU National Co-ordinating Unit NEPC National Economic Planning Commission NGO Non Governmental Organisation NORAD Norwegian Royal Embassy, Agency for Development Corporation NPA National Planning Agency NPWLM National Parks and Wildlife Management NRB Natural Resources Board ORAP Organisation of Rural Associations for Progress PA Provincial Administrator PAAP Poverty Alleviation Action Plan PC Provincial Council PCAA Provincial Councils and Administration Act PDC Provincial Development Committee PDSP Pilot District Support Programme PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal PSIP Public Sector Investment Programme RDC Rural District Council RDCA Rural District Council Act RDCCBP Rural District Council Capacity Building Programme RDDC Rural District Development Committee RDF Rural Development Fund RDP Rural Development Programme RMP Rural Master Plan RTCPA Rural Town and Country Planning Act SCF Save the Children Fund SDA Social Dimension Adjustment Programme SDF Social Development Fund SFM Shared Forest Management SIDA Swedish Development Agency SRL Sustainable Rural Livelihoods SSCF Small Scale Commercial Farms TILCOR Tribal Trust Land Corporation TOR Terms of Reference TTL Tribal Trust Land UDI Unilateral Declaration of Independence UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund USAID United States Agency for International Development VA Village Assembly VIDCO Village Development Committee WADCO Ward Development Committee WRMSP Water Resource Management Strategy Project ZFU Zimbabwe Farmers Union ZIMPREST Zimbabwe Programme for Economic Social Transformation ZIMTRUST Zimbabwe Trust ZINWA Zimbabwe National Water Authority ZIPAM Zimbabwe Institute for Public Administration

Acknowledgements and team List of abbreviations

Executive summary

PART 1 BACKGROUND

Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Background 1.2 Terms of reference 1.3 Relevant studies and literature 1.4 Methodology 1.5 Structure of the report

Chapter 2 Evolution of rural planning in Zimbabwe 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The 1960s 2.3 The 1970s 2.4 The 1980s 2.5 The 1990s

PART 2 RURAL PLANNING IN ZIMBABWE: THE CURRENT PICTURE DESCRIBED

Chapter 3: The context 3.1 The rural economy 3.1.1 Natural regions 3.1.2 Land classification/land use 3.1.3 Population density and land distribution 3.1.4 Agriculture and drought 3.1.5 Other economic activity and employment 3.1.6 Services and infrastructure 3.1.7 Rural/urban linkages 3.2 The administrative context 3.2.1 National level 3.2.2 Provincial level 3.2.3 District level 3.2.3 Sub-district level 3.3 National policy context 3.3.1 Overall vision for rural development 3.3.2 Poverty alleviation 3.3.3 Decentralisation 3.3.4 Land reform and resettlement 3.3.5 Environment 3.4 Conclusion

Chapter 4: Rural development practice and planning systems 4.1 Introduction 4.1.1 Definitions 4.1.2 Programme and project planning 4.1.3 Relationship between rural planning systems and rural development programmes and projects 4.2 Rural development programmes and projects 4.2.1 Rural projects 4.2.2 Rural development programmes Central government Local government/RDCs International NGOs Local NGOs Private sector Donors 4.3 Rural planning systems 4.3.1 Physical planning 4.3.2 Development planning 4.3.3 Environmental pla nning 4.3.4 Agricultural land-use plans 4.3.5 Water planning 4.3.6 National park plans 4.3.7 Forest action plans 4.4 Institutional and financial support to the planning process 4.4.1 Introduction 4.4.2 Support to central government 4.4.3 Support to local government RDCCBP Other institutional support to RDCs

PART 3 ISSUES, PROBLEMS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Chapter 5: Issues and problems 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Rural development strategies 5.2.1 Lack of a coherent rural development polic y 5.2.2 Failure to address key rural development issues 5.3 Rural planning structures 5.3.1 Centralisation 5.3.2 Lack of co-ordination between agencies 5.3.3 Lack of capacity 5.3.4 Conflicts between political and technical priorities 5.3.5 Inappropriate external support 5.4 Rural planning processes 5.5 Summary and conclusions

Chapter 6: Conclusions and recommendations

6.1 Introduction 6.2 Strategies 6.2.1 Conclusions 6.2.2 Recommendations 6.3 Institutions 6.3.1 Conclusions 6.3.2 Recommendations 6.4 Approaches 6.4.1 Conclusions 6.4.2 Recommendations

1 References and bibliography 2 Rural development programme charts: central and local government 3 Donor support to rural development and rural planning 4 Case studies and provincial data Matabeleland South and Gwanda RDC Matabeleland North and Binga RDC Mashonaland East Province 5 Rural planning workshop report

1 Distinctions between “projects”, “programmes” and “planning systems” 2 The need for a rural master plan: Bulilimamangwe 3 Umguza RDC three-year rolling district development plan 4 DEAP: Lunkunkuli Rehabilitation Project 5 Participatory land-use planning: the Jotsholo example 6 The Mazowe Water Catchment Planning Project 7 Lessons from the DDG process 8 Regional policy: The Kariba lakeshore plan 9 Agency co-operation the Give a Dam Campaign 10 Community participation: ACPDT Gokwe Project

1 Distribution of land by land use types 2 Distribution of land by natural regions 3 Volume of crop sales to/through marketing authorities 4 International NGOs rural development programmes 5 Local NGOs rural development programmes 6 Planning systems in Zimbabwe

1 Sustainable rural livelihood framework 2 Map of natural regions 3 The virtuous circle model: rural-urban linkages 4 Map of Zimbabwe administrative provinces 5 Zimprest objectives and strategies 6 Relationship between rural planning systems, programmes and projects 7 Rural district council capacity-building chart

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Introduction

This report is one of suite of three country studies of rural planning. The other two relate to Ghana and South Africa. These country studies are provided as inputs into a global study of rural planning in developing countries undertaken by the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) for the Department of International Development (DFID), UK. This study can be read as part of the wider study or as a stand-alone document. The recommendations have relevance to both DFID and the Government of Zimbabwe.

The aim of the case study is to provide a detailed review and critical analysis of rural planning in Zimbabwe, covering past and current systems and practices, methodological approaches and institutional frameworks; and to draw lessons and principles from experiences and practice.

The report is divided into three parts: Part 1: Background; Part 2: Rural Planning in Zimbabwe: the current picture described; Part 3: Issues, problems and recommendations.

The Executive Summary presents the findings of the study from a slightly different angle and comprises four parts: Background; Strategy issues; Institutional issues; Approach issues.

Key points raised in each chapter are presented in bullet form below.

Part One: Background

· A literature review for Zimbabwe covering strategic, institutional and approach issues to rural development planning is available (pages 3-6 and Appendix 1).

· The 1960s were dominated by a lack of rural planning initiatives in black areas. The main planning agencies operated only in white settler areas and rural development initiatives were large-scale and designed as part of an import substitution policy (page 8).

· In the 1970s, an attempt was made to win over the rural masses by increasing investment in these areas using top-down planning mechanisms. However, the increasing activity of the nationalist movement negated the little that was achieved (page 9).

· Majority rule in the 1980s led to a strong focus on rural planning in communal areas to redress the colonial imbalance. There was an attempt to encourage district-level planning

with the introduction of a ‘bottom-up’ development planning system, but this lacked public resources and began losing credibility (page 10).

· The failure of the development planning system to provide an integrated development plan led to the growth of a number of new planning initiatives (pages11-12).

The rural economy

· Zimbabwe is divided into five natural regions and seven la nd types on the basis on land tenure and use. The majority of people live in communal areas (CAs) (previously known as African reserves or Tribal Trust Lands), which lie in marginal agricultural areas (pages 14- 19).

· Land distribution has resulted in over-utilisation and environmental degradation of communal land caused by over-crowding, contrasting with the under-utilisation of agricultural land in large-scale commercial farming areas (page 17).

· Services and infrastructure to communal areas (CAs) increased substantially from 1980-1990. But during the period of the economic structural adjustment programme (ESAP), 1990-1999, public spending has been dramatically reduced and greater emphasis placed on reduction of costs and recouping the cost of service provision through user charges (page 20).

· Rural-urban linkages are complex and little understood in Zimbabwe. Planning systems reinforce the dichotomy between ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ development (pages 20-21).

Part Two: Strategy issues

Rural economy

· Zimbabwe is vulnerable to drought, but has been self-sufficient in food for many years. A lack of a co-ordinated agricultural policy and strategy for food reserves has resulted in the need to import food at high cost in times of drought (page 18).

National policy context

· There is no clear co-ordinated rural development strategy for Zimbabwe. There are four strands of policy: decentralisation; land reform; poverty alleviation; and environment. These have not resulted in an integrated holistic rural development strategy (pages 24-30).

Rural development programmes (RDPs) and projects

· There are hundreds of rural development projects operating at sub-district level. The majority of these are initiated by NGOs. This plethora of projects is unco-ordinated and impossible to evaluate (page 34 and pages 36-40).

· Government-led rural development programmes (RDPs) have been a strategy for central government (backed by donors) in attempting to improve services and infrastructure in rural areas. There are over 30 government led RDPs (excluding health and education) operating in Zimbabwe (p 36 & Appendix 2). RDC-financed programmes are limited (page 38).

· Private sector involvement in rural development is diverse, ranging from investor and financier to corporate communit y responsibility which involves donating time and funds to communities (page 41).

· There is only one donor-operated RDP but donor support underpins most government and NGO activity (page 42).

Planning systems

· There are seven planning systems in Zimbabwe, each with its own focus, activities and outputs. The strategic interests of the different systems may be summarised as comprehensive, spatial (physical planning), economic and financial (development planning), agricultural land use (land use planning) and natural resource management (water, environmental, national parks and forestry planning) (pages 44-60).

Issues and problems

Policy is heavily influenced by the priorities of development agencies which fund research and development in the country. These reflect international development fashions rather than the needs of Zimbabwe’s rural environment (page 65).

· Since the introduction of the economic structural adjustment programme in 1990, a policy vacuum has opened up as the focus has shifted from ‘development’ to ‘macro-economic stability’ and from ‘equity’ to ‘economic growth’ (page 65).

· There has also been a failure to address key problems in the rural areas such as access to land, drought, unemployment, and inflation (page 66).

Recommendations

National rural development strategy for sustained, improved rural livelihoods

§ The government should seek to develop a national vision for the sustained improvement of rural livelihoods in Zimbabwe and an integrated set of rural development strategies to meet such a vision.

§ District visions and strategies should also be encouraged, guided by the national vision and strategies.

§ There is a need for rural development strategies to be multi-sectoral.

Rural Policy Institute

§ In order to assist the above process, a rural policy institute or think tank may be appropriate. Such an institute could be established as a non-government body, but with full support and participation from all stakeholders.

§ Among the immediate areas of concern that may be tackled by such a think tank, or through any other mechanism, are: - rural/urban linkages,

- further research and development of sustainable rural livelihoods analysis, especially the difficulty of reconciling short-term survival and long-term environmental sustainability, and - increased data on who is doing what, where, at what value and with what impacts.

Common approach to structural issues in sustainable rural livelihoods (SRLs)

§ All agencies working within the field of rural development and rural planning should recognise the importance of addressing key structural issues impacting upon SRLs, such as land reform, poverty reduction and inequality. They should support national efforts to resolve these and integrate proposed reforms into their own strategies and proposals.

Part Three: Institutional issues

National framework and decentralisation

· The central government framework for rural development planning lacks a single clear co- ordinating agency and hence comprises many ministries each with its own leadership functions and perceptions (page 22).

· Decentralisation reforms led to the restructuring of local government and amalgamation of white-run rural councils representing large -scale commercial farming areas and poor black African councils representing communal areas. The Rural District Council Act 1988 was implemented in 1993. The Provincial Councils Act and government directives in 1984 and 1985 led to the creation of the development planning system (page 27).

· Zimbabwe is currently divided into eight administrative provinces and co-ordinated by the provincial administrator (PA). The provincial council brings together political leadership and is serviced by the provincial development committee which has several sub-committees. It falls under the Ministry of Local Government and National Housing (MLGNH) (page 27).

· There are 57 rural district councils (RDCs) run by an elected council and staff headed by a chief executive officer (CEO). The RDC falls under the MLGNH. The key co-ordinating mechanism is the rural district council development committee (RDDC) which is still chaired by a senior government official (the district administrator) (page 23).

· In order for functions to be effectively decentralised to the RDC, the capacity of RDCs needed to be strengthened. The RDC capacity-building programme seeks to achieve this (pages 61-62).

Rural development programmes and projects

· Government-led programmes are largely sector-based with little dialogue between ministries. There has been a slow movement towards decentralisation as RDPs channel and co-ordinate activities through RDCs (i.e. finances and planning) (pages 36-42).

· Physical planning in rural areas is an activity largely undertaken by the Department of Physical Planning (DPP) within the MLGNH. DPP acts for local authorities but hopes to devolve more planning functions to them (page 44 and Box 1).

· Development planning has been subject to much confusion between the National Economic Planning Commission (NEPC) and DPP. NEPC now has no presence at the provincial or district level. As a consequence, the DPP provides technical support to provinces and RDCs which are the lead planning agencies for development planning at district level (page 47 and Box 2).

· Environmental planning is undertaken by the Department of Natural Resouces (DNR) in the Ministry of Mines, Energy and Tourism (MMET) in partnership with RDCs. District environmental action plans (DEAPs) are funded by UNDP. The relationship of DEAPs to other planning systems is not clear (page 51 and Box 3).

· The lead agency for land-use planning is the Department of Agriculture and Extension (AGRITEX) situated within the Ministry of Lands and Agriculture. AGRITEX works closely with the RDC and traditional leaders (page 53 and Box 4).

· The water catchment process is led by the Department of Water Development in the Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development (MRRWD). This will pass to the Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA) when it is established. The programme has strong donor inputs from GTZ, Dutch aid and DFID (page 55 and Box 5).

· National park plans are led by the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management (DNPWLM) and it has established a stakeholder consultation group including RDCs, representatives from CAMPFIRE (Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous Resources) and others. A planning unit has been established within DNPWLM supported by World Bank, JICA and UNDP (page 58).

· Forest action plans are led by the Forestry Commission and other stakeholders (especially rural district councils, RDCs) and supported by GTZ and DFID (page 59).

· Government is very centralised although there is a growing commitment to decentralisation. Despite this, the decentralisation policy is open to different interpretations and there is no detailed implementation programme (page 66).

· The centralised nature of bureaucracy in Zimbabwe has led to frustration at sub-national level as there are no resources available to implement plans (page 68).

· More resources are becoming available at district level as a result of donor agencies funding capital projects through RDCs. The benefits of these arrangements are compromised by each donor having its own programme, priorities and planning system, placing a huge management burden on RDCs (page 69).

· The multiplicity of agency involvement in rural development hampers planning efforts. Lack of co-ordination is heightened in Zimbabwe by high levels of suspicion between agencies (page 67 and Box 7).

· The seven planning systems do not work together and tend to be sees as rivals. The key agency responsible for each system believes that it takes the lead in rural development (page 71 and Box 8).

· The public sector suffers from a lack of resources, inexperience and unmotivated staff, and dependency on donors.

· The lack of capacity increases in proportion to physical and hierarchical distance from the centre. The rural district council capacity-building programme RDCCBP) is seeking to redress this (page 73).

· Rural planning should be viewed as a political process and it should be noted that there are constant efforts to change the balance of power, e.g. strengthening RDCs but not community groups (page 71).

· External agencies bring three main problems with them: they have their own priorities and agendas; own planning and monitoring systems; their support increases dependency (page 70).

Decentralisation

§ There is a need for clearer statements from government, endorsed by the cabinet, that decentralisation is primarily intended to devolve functions to rural district councils (RDCs) and only secondarily to de-concentrate responsibilities within ministries.

§ Government should establish a timetable for decentralisation and ensure the commitment of line ministrie s to this programme.

§ Decentralisation to RDCs should extend beyond planning and should include devolution of powers, functions and, in particular, access to or control over resources needed to implement plans.

§ The allocation of resources at district leve l must be linked to the strategies and priorities contained in district development plans.

§ Decentralisation must be combined with capacity-building (capacity to plan, implement and manage development programmes) at all levels, based upon a learning by doing approach.

Capacity-building at community level

§ Considerable resources are required to build capacity at community level so as to enable sub- district institutions, especially the future village assemblies, to plan, manage and conserve natural resources.

§ Similarly, capacity-building is required to enable community-based organisations to plan and manage local projects. Capacity-building should be facilitatory and imbued with a learning- by-doing philosophy.

Capacity-building at district level

§ The increasing role of the RDCs in rural planning requires that they establish separate planning departments, headed by a professional rural planner. This will need to be achieved within the wider context of strengthening RDCs through the human resources development component of the rural district council capacity-building programme( RDCCBP). As an interim measure, it may be necessary for RDCs to combine to support one professional planner who would serve two or three districts.

§ The rural district development committee (RDDC) needs to be strengthened by seeking to ensure that all stakeholders attend, especially where rural planning matters are decided. This may mean altering formats and styles so as to make the committee’s deliberations more attractive to NGOs and the private sector. Efforts need to be made to ensure that district government officials attend, either through mandating or incentives.

§ Overseas agencies should come together to agree upon a common set of requirements for project and programme support at district level. The current situation, where each donor requires the rural district council (RDC) to comply with its own financial, management and monitoring systems is placing intolerable burdens upon RDCs. At the very least, there should be a common core set of requirements with minimal additional special records related to specific donor issues.

Provincial level

§ The provincial role in rural planning should be to act as a linkage point between bottom-up and top-down planning, as well as to monitor progress and provide special technical support to RDCs.

National level

§ National level integration of rural planning could be achieved through the capacity-building co-ordinating committee (CBCC) as it includes all the relevant government departments and ministries (except AGRITEX –which should be rectified). The rationale for using this mechanism is that district level integration of planning must be primarily achieved through the RDC and the rural district development committee (RDDC) and that the capacity-building coordinating committee (CBCC) is the national committee best linked to the rural local authorities.

§ The question of agreeing which planning agency (whether the National Economic Planning Commissio n, the Department of Physical Planning or the Department of Water Development) should be first among equals is likely to remain unresolved as each has a legitimate claim. Therefore, urgent efforts should be made to achieve complementarity between the seven different planning systems in Zimbabwe. This may best be achieved through the CBCC. To reach agreement, it will be necessary to agree the function, scale, focus and timeframe of each planning output, the way each planning output relates to the others and the roles of the different agencies.

§ In addition to the above, each planning system should relate to the RDC in a similar manner and in accordance with decentralisation. Guidelines should be made available to RDCs for each planning system setting out the expected role of the RDC at district and sub-district levels.

Rural planning fora

§ The feasibility of establishing rural planning fora at national and provincial levels should be explored. Such fora would serve to bring together representatives of all key stakeholders (e.g. government, rural district councils (RDCs), NGOs, donors and the private sector) to identify problems and issues and seek ways forward. Their main focus would be on finding ways of working together so as to complement each other and to discuss strategic and policy issues. These partnership arrangements could be jointly funded by all sectors and meetings would take place perhaps two or three times a year. The provincial fora would include RDC representatives and seek to provide an interface between national and district levels. The rural district development committee (RDDC) may act as a rural planning forum at district and local level by committing one or two of its meetings a year to a review of development and progress and involving all sectors in such discussions.

Section Four: Approaches

Rural development projects and programmes

· The approach of small-scale projects varies from simple classroom construction to pilot projects. These may be precursors to rural development programmes involving new and different approaches to rural planning (page 34).

· The process of government-led rural development programmes is largely dependent on the donor funding the programme; but it is also affected by the lead government ministry, its interests and approach (page 37).

· The rhetoric of participatory planning approaches may exist within virtually all rural development programmes (RDPs). However, such the application of such approaches is limited in practice (page 37).

Rural planning systems

· Physical planning tends to be technical and top-down in approach. Participatory planning is encouraged but not systematically adopted (page 45).

· Development planning is supposed to be a bottom-up process, but village and ward plans have never been developed. Even at the district level, the process has been dominated by sector ministries outlining their priorities to the district administrator or chief executive officer. The process is still non-participatory (page 48).

· The district environmental action plan process is participatory and a pilot activity and has been based on participatory rural appraisals and other participatory approaches (page 51).

· Land-use planning is a technical exercise but has become more participatory, particularly in recent years (page 53).

· Water catchment planning is claimed to be a bottom-up process with strong ownership from elected water boards. It is seen by its proponents as an overarching process for other planning systems such as district environmental action planss, developme nt and physical planning (page 55).

· The preparation of national park plans is an essentially technical management exercise (page 58).

· Forest action plans have been undertaken with widespread consultation with the aim of adopting a long-term process approach to planning (page 59).

· There has been no coherent approach to rural planning and a lack of collaboration between agencies and complementarity between agencies (pages 76-82).

· There is a gap between planning and implementation due to the lack of devolution and exacerbated by the failure to adopt appropriate planning processes.

· There has been a great deal of rhetoric about community participation in planning, but few interventions initiated by communities (pages 76-82).

· Most rural development initiatives have followed an inappropriate inflexible blueprint approach to planning (page 76).

Iterative approach

§ Rural planning should be iterative with a balance of top-down and bottom-up approaches - with clear national policy guidelines coming down and local needs and priorities filtering up.

Strategic approach

§ This strategy should be based upon the identification of key issues, problems and potentials and should provide a basis for detailed sectoral strategies and projects.

Process approach

§ Planning should be a process approach rather than following a blueprint, with less emphasis on comprehensive plan documents and more on multiple outputs (e.g. basic strategy; sectoral policies, budgets, project plans). There should be constant monitoring and revision of rolling plans. The quality of planning should evolve over time in response to perceived needs.

District and local level

§ Community planning should, in particular, be demand-led. However, outsiders can facilitate by providing information and advice and the district level must be responsive.

§ At district and local levels, there will be two types of planning: (i) planning activities over which that level has control (including control over resources) and (ii) identifying priorities in order to lobby for support from higher levels for those activities and resources over which there is no control.

Chapter 1 Introduction

Chapter 2 Evolution of Rural Planning in Zimbabwe

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background

This report is one of three country studies on rural planning. The other two relate to South Africa and Ghana. These country studies are provided as inputs into a global study of rural planning in developing countries being undertaken by the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) for the Department of International Development (DFID), UK.

Whilst this country study is intended primarily as a component part of the global study, it can be read as a stand-alone document and includes recommendations that have relevance to both DFID and the Government of Zimbabwe (GOZ).

1.2 Terms of reference

The purpose of the overall study is to undertake research to identify the key principles of a strategic and partnership approach to planning the development of rural areas from a sustainable rural livelihoods perspective. The study examines current practice in rural planning and explores opportunities for improving strategic and participatory approaches to such planning.

The overall study is intended to contribute towards the work of DFID’s sustainable rural livelihoods (SRL) theme group and to lay the groundwork for developing and testing innovative local planning.

The aim of the country case study is to provide a detailed review and critical analysis of rural planning in Zimbabwe, covering past and current systems and practices, methodological approaches and institutional frameworks. The review is comprehensive in that it embraces the rural planning work of government, donors, non-government orga nisations (NGOs) and the private sector. Its purpose is to draw lessons and principles from experience and practice.

Appendices detail the activities of donors and international agencies in support of rural planning in particular districts and illuminating potential problems and issues.

1.3 Relevant studies and literature

Rural planning may usefully be seen as comprising three crucial elements. The first concerns the content of rural planning, that is the strategies and policies that underlie what rural pla nning seeks to achieve. The second may be termed the institutional framework within which rural planning operates, especially the agencies and actors involved and how they interact. The third aspect can be called the approach to rural planning and is often seen in terms of the polarities of a top-down, blueprint approach or a bottom-up process approach. There has been no overall study of rural planning in Zimbabwe which has sought to present and review these three aspects of the subject in an integrated way. Rather, the literature comprises studies which have focussed on one aspect or the other, although there is considerable interaction between institutional and approach issues.

There has been interest in all three aspects of rural planning since Independence and it is broadly true to say that between 1980 and 1988 the central issue was the content of planning. During the late 1980’s, attention switched to the institutional framework, prompted by a growing thrust to decentralisation and the emergence of competing rural planning agencies. The interest in decentralisation has been maintained up until the present with an increasing attention given to building the capacity of the rural district councils. However, this interest has been linked to a growig debate in the 1990s about approaches to planning. Decentralisation was seen as both an institutional and an approach issue. Historically in Zimbabwe, planning approaches have been dominated by top-down, blueprint philosophies. However, since the mid-1980s, the rhetoric has stressed the need for bottom-up, participatory planning. The new ingredient in the 1990s has been a growing emphasis on the need to see planning as a process that is much more open-ended and dynamic. The rural planning literature in Zimbabwe can be seen to follow these changes in concerns over the different aspects of the subject. A bibliography is included in Appendix One.

Literature on the content of rural planning may be seen in the key government policy statements and planning documents. A record of the achievements of rural development policy during the 1980s is provided by Auret (1990). A number of essays analysing and assessing different rural development policies are contained in Mutizwa-Mangiza and Helmsing (1991). Rambanapasi (1990) and Gunby (1994) have provided historical reviews of rural policy change. The last concerted effort to examine rural development strategies in Zimbabwe took place at a conference organised by ZIPAM in 1992 at which a number of papers were presented. At a more recent planners workshop, Conyers (1998) presented a paper (Which Way Strategic Planning?) which raised a number of important content issues in the context of physical and economic planning in Zimbabwe.

Literature on institutional framework issues emerged in the late 1980s. Wekwete (1988) is one of the first studies of the new development planning process and Rambanapasi (1988) considers the competing positions of economic and physical planning. Helmsing and Wekwete (1990) provide further material on institutional issues, although their book looks beyond Zimbabwe. Support to the new National Planning Agency (NPA) is reflected in two studies, Carlberg and Oscarsson (1988) and Hilhorst (1989). A critical review of decentralisation in Zimbabwe in the 1980s is given by Helmsing et al. (1991). Conyers (1991) provides a comprehensive description of the institutional framework for rural development as well as detailing the prevailing rural development strategies.

Although the Rural District Councils Act was passed in 1988, it took six years to implement. There were many studies associated with the lead up to the process of amalgamating rural local authorities, but with little concentration on rural planning. Rather the emerging issue was the need for buildin g the capacity of rural district councils (RDCs) to plan and manage their districts effectively. A major study by PlanAfric and Effectiveness Consultants (1994) set out a strategic plan for capacity-building. Further studies on this theme followed from PlanAfric (1995 and 1996). The continuing question of the relationship between economic and physical planning surfaces in studies on regional planning by PlanAfric (1991 and 1993) and by Zimconsult (1996).

Literature on approaches to rural planning in Zimbabwe is relatively scarce. A generalised critique of top-down planning has become de rigeur for all reports on rural planning, but there has been no clear analysis of planning approaches in Zimbabwe. A review of Zimbabwe’s pilot district support programme carried out in 1996 contains important practical lessons on a “process approach” to planning. Similar lessons are also found in recent reviews undertaken by the Capacity-Building Unit of the Rural District Councils Capacity-Building Programme (MLGNH, 1998). Additional experience of rural community development for the community action

programme can be found in PlanAfric (1998) which also contains detailed analysis of different planning approaches and recommendations.

Based on this rapid review of the existing literature on rural planning in Zimbabwe, the overall conclusion is that there has been no shortage of reports on the subject during the past decade. But there has been no attempt to describe and analyse the full range of characteristics of such planning. This study may, therefore, be seen to fill a gap.

1.4 Methodology

A number of different methods have been used in compiling this report. Parts 1 and 2 are based mainly on a desktop literature study and the authors’ own knowledge. Part 3 describes the current state of rural planning in Zimbabwe and used a range of different approaches. A questionnaire was distributed to all provinces to gather an up-to-date picture of physical planning at district and provincial levels. This same questionnaire also requested data on the rural development programmes operating in each district. Visits were made to two provinces to obtain, through interviews, deeper reflections of senior provincial officers on the state of rural planning. Two rural district councils were also visited to obtain their perspectives. A workshop was held in Harare . Invitations were extended to seven government agencies operating different planning systems and to representatives of local government and the Rural District Council Capacity- Building Programme. This workshop enabled an exchange of information on current and intended planning practices and identified key issues and problems and possible ways forward. A report on this workshop is presented in an Appendix 5.

A consistent analytical framework runs through this report, derived from Carney (1998). It is especially apparent in the final two parts. Faludi (1973) points out that rural planning consists of both what to do (theories of planning) and how to do it (theories in planning). If these two elements are not addressed explicitly, then some confusion can reign. In addition, the institutional framework and planning structures also exert a powerful influence and need to be identified. We have therefore adopted a three-way presentation of our material using the typology of “strategies”, “structures” and “processes”. This underlying framework corresponds to the sustainable rural livelihoods (SRL) approach which identifies livelihood strategies and transforming structures and processes as the key factors impacting upon people’s capital assets and livelihood outcomes. An adapted version of the diagram illustrating the environments within which the capital assets of rural livelihoods can be conceptualised is give in Fig. 1.

1.4 Structure of the report

This report comprises three parts. The first part provides the background. It contains an introduction and brief considers the history of rural planning in Zimbabwe. Part 2 first describes the context for rual planning in Zimbabwe’s including discussion of the rural economy and rural development strategies. It then describes the various features of rural planning in Zimbabwe today. Part 3 analyses the issues and problems confronting rural planning in Zimbabwe and sets out conclusions on good and bad practice and makes a number of recommendations for improvement.

Fig. 1 SUSTAINABLE RURAL LIVELIHOOD FRAMEWORK

EVOLUTION OF RURAL PLANNING IN ZIMBABWE

2.1 Introduction

This Chapter provides an historical context for contemporary rural planning. It is important to remember that for 20 of the 40 years of planning history presented here, the rural areas of Zimbabwe were a battlefield, both of minds and of the military. Even after Independence, much of the western rural areas of Zimbabwe were again subject to severe dislocation and military action as the so-called ‘dissident war’ simmered between 1982 and 1987.

The rural areas of Zimbabwe have experienced the extremes of a settler system which took the most productive land for itself and relegated the black majority to the marginal agricultural areas. The rich, white commercial farming areas were largely self-regulating, whilst the poor, black peasant subsistence farming areas were heavily regulated and oppressed. This discriminatory, dual rural system survives to the present time, although significant efforts have been made since Independence in 1980 to redress past imbalances. The land issue, and to a large extent the rural planning issue, are dominated by the historic legacy of colonial inequity.

For convenience, the chapter is divided into four main sections, each representing a decade. This is artificial, but events lend some meaning to this arbitrary division and provide a chronological sequence.

2.2 The 1960s

The first part of this decade was dominated by a lack of serious rural planning initiatives. The prevailing philosophy was couched in old colonial office terms: community development and self-reliance. In practice, this meant that the government did very little in the poor Native Reserve areas, as they were called up until 1967, and allowed few elements of autonomy or self- government. The main planning agency, the Department of Physical Planning (DPP), operated mainly in the white, urban areas undertaking typical town planning activities. Support to white commercial farmers, however, was substantial and advisory services helped with farm plans, research and all manner of assistance. Commercial farmers were allowed to create Intensive Conservation Areas (ICAs) as a form of conservation planning.

However, concern over the fact that natural resources were not being utilised to maximum potential led to river catchment planning in the 1960s with the creation of the Sabi-Limpopo Authority in 1965. The Unilateral Declaration of Indepe ndence (UDI) in 1965 also led to a growing effort by the settler State to improve self-sufficiency in the face of international trade sanctions. This was the motive behind the establishment of the Tribal Trust Land Corporation (TILCOR) which sought to increase cotton production and encourage growth points in the rural areas.

2.4 The 1970s

The 1970s saw a mounting security crisis in the rural areas as the black nationalist forces increased their guerrilla incursions, especially in the east and north-east of the country. The power

of the central State, already highly centralised, increased and there was a top-down, militaristic approach to development.

In 1971, the Agricultural Development Authority (ADA) was established and given the responsibility, amongst other things, “to plan, co-ordinate and implement agricultural development in Rhodesia.” The drive to improve the planning and co-ordination of rural areas continued throughout this decade, increasingly overlain with a belated and desperate effort to win over the support for the government of the black peasantry. In 1976, new Acts of parliament allowed for a more comprehensive physical planning system which included regional planning and master and local planning in rural areas. At the same time, a new Water Act required outline water plans for river systems. In practice, continued war prevented either planning system being extended to the rural areas.

By 1978, the Ministry of Lands, Natural Resources and Rural Development had responsibility for ADA, TILCOR, Intensive Conservation Areas (ICAs) and the Water Authorities and was the lead agency for rural development. The role of ADA was widened to include rural development and its name changed to the Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (ARDA). ARDA immediately launched a new initiative to establish Integrated Rural Development Areas (IRDAs). This idea had been arisen out of an integrated plan for rural development led by the Ministry of Finance. This rush of activity in the late 1970s followed the creation of a new State, Zimbabwe- Rhodesia which, for the first time, included black politicians. The new State had to try and create support among the rural masses and it was decided to try and divert major new investment into rural areas, using a comprehensive, top-down rural planning mechanism.

2.5 The 1980s

The establishment of an independent Zimbabwe in 1980, based on black majority rule, led to new priorities but, in many ways, there was continuity of style and practice, especially in planning. The new priorities related to a major re-orientation of public sector investment towards the Tribal Trust Lands, now renamed the Communal Areas (CAs). This, in turn, required many government ministries to re-direct their attention towards rural planning and development. Thus the Department of Physical Planning became almost exclusively concerned with rural planning. It designated new sites for rural settlements, undertook layout plans for them and site plans for new rural facilities such as schools and clinics.

In terms of approach, planning remained a top-down activity. The settler command economy was replaced by a socialist command economy in which centralised planning became even more entrenched. The public sector-oriented development planning that emergence in the late 1970s was continued. Five-year national development plans were undertaken by economic and finance planning departments within central government.

By the mid 1980s, it became apparent that a new initiative to stimulate district level planning was needed. Accordingly, a new approach - bottom-up planning - was added to the development planning system and enshrined in legislation. The idea was to build a planning system that allowed development plans to commence from the village and influence each level upwards to ward, district and province level. In practice, this system quickly became discredited because of two factors. Firstly, there were insufficient resources to meet the long list of projects demanded by the process and, secondly, there was no mechanism at the top to ensure line ministries recognised priorities that were expressed in lower tier plans.

The 1980s ended with some uncertainty in rural planning. The dominance of the agriculture sector in rural planning had largely ended with the emergence of development planning led by economic and physical planning agencies. Although land use planning had become a major activity and was to remain so for another decade, integrated rural development areas were abandoned in the mid-80s. On the other hand, development planning, and the command planning system more generally, were also rapidly losing energy and the necessary public resources to keep them relevant.

2.5 The 1990s

The 1990s were a decade of major change in Zimbabwe. The primary change, which underpinned most events, was the abandonment of the socialist command economy in favour of a liberalised market-led economy. This placed the private sector in a more prominent position and, by the same token, reduced the role of the public sector. Planning had to adjust to these new forces and to reconfigure.

The failure of development planning to provide an integrated and participatory planning system, responsive to peoples needs and priorities, led to the growth of a number of new planning initiatives. Physical planning, seeking to shrug off a role it did not really desire in development planning, initiated rural master plans. These plans apply to the whole of an rural district council (RDC) area and are intended as long-term, comprehensive strategic plans to guide development. In the environment field, the issue of environmental sustainability and the need to implement Local Agenda 21 led to new forms of environmental planning involving environmental impact assessments (EIAs) for all new developments and district environmental action plans in selected communal areas. Water planning was revived with the creation of seven new Catchment Council areas and numerous sub-catchment areas and river board areas. Not to be outdone, both the Department National Parks and Wildlife Management and the Forestry Commission commenced new plans of their own. These new initiatives are described and analysed in more detail in the next chapter.

One of the major consequences of the economic structural adjustment programme (ESAP) was a significant reduction in government spending, increased inflation and rising unemployment. Together, these factors led to an increase in poverty, not least in the already poor rural areas. Poverty alleviation, therefore, became a central goal of all government programmes as well as the donor and NGO sector, whose role and work significantly increased in the 1990s. In order to meet the challenge of rising poverty and declining services there was a significant rise in the diversity and number of rural development programmes, which is also described in the next chapter.

The 1990s also witnessed a growing drive to decentralise governance. This had many strands and motives but officially the central purpose was to devolve power and function away from central government to local government and the RDCs. In order to prepare the RDCs for their increased role, a major capacity-building programme was commenced in 1996.

Another major change in the 1990s was the general recognition that the approach to planning must encompass notions of community participation and ownership, local decision-making and have a dynamic, process orientation to plan-making. However, whilst these ideas have become the new mantra for all planning agencies it is not yet clear how they relate to the different local, district, provincial and national levels and structures of government.

The next chapter looks at the context for rural planning in Zimbabwe, Chapters 4 and 5 identify the main features of rural planning in Zimbabwe today, following on from this discussion of its evolving history. Chapter 6 analyses the issues and problems that flow from this situation.

RURAL PLANNING IN ZIMBABWE: THE CURRENT PICTURE

Chapter 3: The Context

Chapter 4: Rural Development Programmes

Chapter 5: Rural Planning Systems

THE CONTEXT FOR RURAL PLANNING

3.1 The rural economy

The rural economy of Zimbabwe is strongly influenced by ecology, land tenure and use, population density and land distribution. These factors are discussed below before examining the key elements of the rural economy such as agriculture and drought, rural service provision, off- farm economic activities and rural-urban linkages.

3.1.1 Natural Regions

Zimbabwe is divided into five natural regions on the basis of rainfall and other climatic factors. (see Figure 2). The types and value of farm output varies significantly among these five natural regions. Natural Regions I and II are the intensive cropping zones, while IV and V are suitable for extensive livestock farming. Land use in Zimbabwe varies according to the diverse natural and technological conditions necessary for production in the agriculture, forestry, wildlife and tourism sectors.

3.1.2 Land classification, tenure and use

Rural land in Zimbabwe is divided into seven main types on the basis of land tenure and /or use:

1. Large -scale commercial farming land: Land previously occupied exclusively by white commercial farmers which has continued post-independence to be cultivated on a large -scale commercial basis. The land is held under freehold title.

2. Small-scale commercial farming land: Former African Purchase areas which were sub- divided prior to independence for settlement by small-scale African commercial farmers. The land is held under freehold title.

3. Communal areas: These areas were known before independence as Native Reserves or (after 1965) as Tribal Trust Lands (TTL’s). They were set aside by the colonial government for Africans under a succession of Land Apportionment Acts. The ultimate title on communal land is held by the State, but rights to reside and cultivate are derived from traditional custom and practice. Legally the rural district councils have the power over new land allocations but, in practice, traditional leaders play an important role. Communal areas are used for subsistence and small-scale farming.

4. Resettlement areas: These are former large -scale commercial farming areas that have been taken over by the government to resettle people from the overcrowded communal areas. Settlers have very poor security of tenure and occupy the land on the basis of permits. There are plans to replace such a system with a more secure lease arrangement.

5. Government estates: The Government, through the Agricultural and Rural Development Authority (ARDA), operates 18 agricultural estates. Many of these have irrigation and ranching schemes. Most ARDA estates are managed on the basis of smallholders or plot-

Figure 2: Map of regions in Zimbabwe

Region Areal % of Description extent total (million ha) I 0.62 1.6 Specialised and diversified farming: High annual rainfall (> 1000mm). Temperature <15°C. Suitable for dairying, forestry, tea, coffee, fruits, maize, beef ranching. II 7.31 18.8 Intensive farming: Annual rainfall 750-1000mm. Ideal for rainfed maize and tobacco, beef, cotton, winter-wheat and vegetables. III 6.85 17.6 Semi-intensive farming: Annual rainfall 650-800mm, mostly as infrequent heavy storms. Severe mid-season dry spells. Marginal for maize, tobacco and cotton. Favours livestock production with fodder. Requires good management to retain moisture during growing season. IV 12.84 33.0 Semi-extensive farming: Annual rainfall 450-650mm, subject to seasonal droughts and severe dry spells during the rainy season. Found in hot, low-lying land. Marginal for rainfed maize. Ideal for drought-resistant fodder crops. V 11.28 29.0 Extensive farming: Annual rainfall < 450mm and too low and erratic for most crops. Very hot, low-lying region. Suitable for animal husbandry with drought- resistant fodder crops under irrigation. Below the Zambezi escarpment, this region is infested with tsetse fly.

holders who occupy the land on the basis of permits. The government also owns a large number of farms, which they have acquired or purchased. These are leased to individuals on varying conditions and time frames.

6. Forest areas: These are forest reserves, which are State land administered by the government through the Forestry Commission. Forest areas include both indigenous forest areas (retained largely as areas of bio -diversity) and/or water catchment protection areas and plantation areas (used as commercial forests). The indigenous forest areas are becoming increasingly used for tourist ventures, although some areas have become extensively and illegally settled.

7. Wildlife areas: These are also State land areas set aside as national parks or safari areas for the preservation of wildlife and tourism development. They are administered by the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management on behalf of the National Parks Board.

Table 1 shows the distribution of the total land area by the main land use types.

Table 1: Distribution of land by land use type

Type of Land % of Total Land (1997) Tenure/Use Large-Scale 30.5 Commercial Sector Small-Scale 3.5 Commercial Sector Resettlement 9.10 Communal Areas 41.4 State Farms 0.3 Other (National 15.2 Parks/Urban)

Source: National Land Policy Framework Discussion Paper, 1998 p.14

3.1.3 Population density and land distribution

The most obvious problem of rural development in Zimbabwe is the unequal distribution of land which, in turn, has resulted in very high population densities in the communal areas. Approximately 67% of the population live in rural areas and about 57% in the communal areas. The problem is aggravated by the fact that 74% of the communal land lies in natural regions IV and V which are marginal agricultural areas. More than 85 % of households are located in communal areas in natural regions III and IV (ICES 1995/96). Most of the land in high potential natural regions I and II is commercial farmland (see Table 2).

The unequal distribution of land has resulted in the over-utilisation and environmental degradation of communal land due to overcrowding on poor agricultural land. This contrasts starkly with the under-utilisation of agricultural potential in large -scale commercial farming areas.

Table 2: Distribution of land by natural region and land use.

Natural Large-scale Small-scale Communal Resettlement Total Region Commercial Commercial Areas Areas Farms Farms Region I 54.0 1.9 36.0 8.0 100 Region II 63.9 3.9 22.0 10.2 100 Region III 34.8 6.3 40.8 18.0 100 Region IV 22.0 4.3 66.4 7.3 100 Region V 31.1 1.2 59.9 7.8 100

Source: Zimbabwe Report of the Commission of inquiry into appropriate agricultural land tenure systems. October 1994.

3.1.4 Agriculture and drought

Agricultural production accounts for approximately 18% of GDP and employs about 27% of the labour force, excluding those involved on a subsistence or self-employed basis. Table 3 indicates the main crops marketed by volume from 1990/91 to 1997/98.

Agriculture in Zimbabwe is highly dependent on rainfall (the impact of drought in 1992/93 and 1995/96 are obvious in the figures above). Most of the communal and resettlement areas depend entirely on rainfall for crop production. Large-scale farms often have some access to irrigation facilities, although this is limited. The rural economy, is therefore, highly vulnerable to drought.

Land quality, rainfall and access to irrigation make commercial farms more productive than communal and resettlement areas, and less prone to droughts. The maize yields on commercial farms, for example, are more than double those from resettlement and communal farms. This reflects the better-quality soils and higher productive potential of small-scale commercial farms and large -scale commercial farming areas. Droughts have long-term negative affect on rural livelihoods - affecting livestock, incomes and expenditures, especially in communal and resettlement areas (Poverty in Zimbabwe, CSO, 1998, p12).

Most of the marketed crops, livestock and associated products are still produced by large -scale commercial farmers, but there has been a major increase in marketed production by communal farmers since independence, primarily due to improvements in infrastructure and support services. There are approximately five million cattle, 400,000 sheep, 250,000 pigs and five million goats. Over two-thirds of all livestock is located in communal areas and shortage of land for grazing is a major problem. The majority of production of meat and milk sold continues to come from large-scale farming areas, although sales have increased from communal farmers in recent years.

For a number of years, Zimbabwe has been self-sufficient in food, but lack of a clear and co- ordinated agricultural policy and strategy for food reserves has led to the need, in recent years, to import food at a high cost in times of drought. There is a need for a change in policy to ensure greater food security in times of acute shortages.

Table 3: Volume of crop sales to/through marketing authorities (tonnes)

cured - bacco Intake Year Maize Groundnuts (unshelled) Sorghum Soya Beans Coffee Wheat Cotton Flue tobacco Burley to Sunflower

1990/91 779 203 17 958 5 660 102 228 13 569 322 931 183 347 133 866 5 893 43 805

1991/92 605 853 14 852 984 111 471 12 091 259 321 200 168 170 702 7 893 51 557

1992/93 12 615 210 17 30 622 4 995 56 927 59 893 200 553 10 139 9 915

1993/94 1 349 916 709 4 456 3 225 55 276 391 204 951 218 371 16 790 45 243

1994/95 1 171 032 2 328 493 412 567 203 279 178920 169 218 8 553 29 157

1995/96 67 547 2 690 43 47 103 731 84 286 198 753 10 216 8 169

1996/97 932 162 1 479 3 874 142 35 48 874 297 168 201 535 6 081 17 155

1997/98 300 632 25 491 1 343 157 29 20 590 313 106 187 261 4 860 8 814

Source: Quarterly Digest of Statistics, CSO June 1998, p.31.

3.1.5 Other economic activity and employment

Other economic activities in rural areas include agro-based industries, small-scale mining, forestry, wildlife management and tourism. Whilst these are integral to rural lives, it is not possible to go into detail here as this would require a report in its own right. The general picture indicates a number of community-based activities happening in rural areas such as the Communal Areas Action Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE), shared forest management, and micro economic projects.

3.1.6 Services and infrastructure

The most important infrastructure and services required in rural areas are roads, water supplies, agricultural marketing facilities, health services and education.

From 1980 to1990, there was a huge increase in services and infrastructure in communal areas in line with the government’s policy to redress the imbalance inherited from the colonial era. This included a specific effort to develop district centres and growth points in the communal areas in an effort to ensure greater access to markets and employment for the majority of the rural poor.

From 1990 to 1999, under the economic structural adjustment programme (ESAP), public spending was dramatically reduced and greater emphasis was placed on recouping the costs of service provision through user charges.

3.1.7 Rural-urban linkages

The traditional dichotomy between ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ development theory has underplayed the significance of the rural-urban relationship. The rural and urban economies are intrinsically linked in two main ways. Firstly, there are linkages across space, such as people, money and information. Secondly, there are ‘sectoral interactions’ whereby activities classified as rural take place in urban areas (e.g. urban agriculture) and activities classified as urban (e.g. manufacturing and services) take place in rural areas.

The rural-urban linkages across space and sector were distorted by colonial policy. The creation of ‘native reserves’ (later known as tribal trust lands and post-1980 as communal areas) created labour pools in poor areas of the countryside to serve the interests of the white settler economy. Only the white large-scale farming areas had access to rural markets and the majority of development during the colonial period concentrated on the large urban centres. Non-agricultural activity in the communal areas has been limited by a lack of assets and a lack of access to credit and markets. This colonial legacy has still not been overcome.

Colonial policy created a migratory labour force whereby large numbers of men left the rural areas to work in the cities, on white-owned farms, and on mines in Zimbabwe and South Africa. This created a history of workers sending remittances back to rural areas to help sustain their families who remained behind.

This relationship with urban areas has continued and the positive elements of these linkages can be summed up in the ‘virtuous circle’ model (Figure 3).

Figure 3 The Virtuous Circle Model – Rural Urban Linkages (Source: Tacoli 1098)

However, rural-urban linkages are not simple or necessarily positive. In many communal areas, this migration of labour resulted in those household members who remained in the rural areas having little decision-making power over the management of local resources, as control remained with the migrants. This is particularly the case for women (although other factors play an important role such as gender attitudes, division of labour, etc.).

Since independence, the urban population has doubled (from 2 to 4 million). Approximately half of this is due to urban-rural migration; the other half can be attributed to natural increase. Although there is a pull towards urban centres, this does not reflect the increasing reliance of urban dwellers on rural areas. Since the introduction of the economic structural adjustment programme in 1991, there has been increased job insecurity in urban areas and a huge increase in prices. This has made it more difficult for urban dwelle rs to support rural relatives and, in many cases, the balance has swung in favour of reverse support: rural to urban. Increasingly, urban children are sent to rural relatives to live, as school fees are cheaper in rural areas. Urban relatives may rely on selling produce grown in rural areas to survive and, in some instances, where workers are retrenched, they may return to rural areas. The complex nature of these relationships makes it difficult to make generalisations. However, the important point is that the rural/urban linkages in Zimbabwe remain strong but are subject to change, depending upon the changing fortunes of rural and urban economies. Rural planning continues to operate without appropriate understanding of these dynamics, although there is a growing recognition of the issue.

3.2 The administrative context

This section outlines the main administrative machinery currently operating in Zimbabwe. It is not an exhaustive picture but should be sufficient for the reader to understand how government operates, with special reference to rural planning.

3.2.1 National level

Under the central government framework, there is no one leading co-ordinating agency for rural development and rural planning. Hence, the system comprises many ministries, each with its own functions and perspectives. There is a Cabinet Committee on Rural Development but it has a very broad remit and seems to act to sort out problems between potentially competing ministries. Two ministries, by the nature of their remits, have overarching roles: the Ministry of Local Government and National Housing (MLGNH) and the Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development (MRRWD). The MLGNH co-ordinates and guides local government and supports capacity building for the RDCs. This ministry is houses the Department of Physical Planning (DPP). The MRRWD was created in 1997 and has important implementation powers in rural areas through the District Development Fund (DDF). It also now operates a new fund, the Rural Development Fund (RDF). Within this new ministry, the Department of Water Development (DWD) operates the new system of water catchment planning. The Ministry of Lands and Agriculture (MLA) is clearly focused on rural areas and includes the Department of Agriculture and Extension (Agritex) which undertakes land-use planning. In the economic field, the Ntaional Economic Planning Commission (NEPC) is located in the Office of the President and takes the lead on development planning and the Public Sector Investment Programme (PSIP). The Ministry of Mines, Environment and Tourism (MMET) also has a powerful rural focus and has its remit includes responsibility for three powerful departments: National Parks and Wildlife Management, Natural Resources and the Forestry Commission. Each of these agencies is operates important planning systems.

3.2.2 Provincial level

Zimbabwe is divided into eight administrative provinces (see Figure 4). Each province has a Provincial Governor and Resident Minister as well as a Provincial Administrator (PA). The PA co-ordinates the civil service in a province, but is also part of the MLGNH. A Provincial Council (PC) brings together the political leadership of the province including the members of parliament (MPs) and the chairs of the rural district councils (RDCs) and mayors of urban councils. The PC is serviced by a Provincial Development Committee (PDC) which comprises the heads of government at provincial level and chaired by the PA. The PDC has several sub-committees.

3.2.3 District level

There are 57 RDCs in the country. These bodies are run by an elected council and staff headed by chief executive officers (CEOs). The CEO is chosen by the council, subject to ratification by the MLGNH. The Council has several sub-committees. The key co-ordinating mechanism at district level is the Rural District Development Committee (RDDC).This is a committee of the RDC but also includes all other stakeholders in the district, including central government officers, NGOs, parastatals and the private sector. In a continuing anomaly, despite being a committee of the RDC, the RDDC, is chaired by the most senior government official in the district, the District Administrator (DA).

Figure 4: Map of administrative provinces in Zimbabwe

3.2.4 Sub-district level

A Traditional Leaders Act (TLA) was passed in 1998 which sought to make the old Ward and Village Development Committees (WADCOs and VIDCOs) elected committees of new structures - Ward and Village Assemblies (led by traditional leaders). The functions of the VIDCO remained as described in the Rural District Councils Act and those of the WADCO, previously undefined, were set out in the new LTA. However, the provisions of the LTA had not been implemented by November 2000 due to a lack of resources.

3.3 The National Policy context

3.3.1 The overall vision for rural development in Zimbabwe

There is no clear, co-ordinated national rural development strategy for Zimbabwe. Whilst there are several different policy strands which can be said to influence rural development these have not resulted in an overall integrated and holistic rural development strategy. This has resulted in a sector-led approach to rural development, which has led to gaps and overlaps in activities. The lack of a co-ordinated rural development strategy has also led to an ad hoc gender policy in rural areas.

The lack of a long-term vision for Zimbabwe led to the launch of the Vision 2020 process in 1996. Following a number of consultative exercises, a broad national vision was agreed. This placed a heavy emphasis on creating an industrialised economy. But the vision process has

still not been completed, but it could have far-reaching implications for a long-term strategy for rural areas.

The current medium-term national plan is the Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation (ZIMPREST). This is the second five-year plan of the reform programme launched as the economic structural adjustment programme (ESAP). The objectives and strategy of ZIMPREST are set out below in Figure 5. From this, it can be seen that there is no special focus on rural development, although poverty alleviation, which is heavily concentrated in the rural areas, is seen as one of the key objectives. In addition, four policy areas can be seen to have a special rele vance to the context of rural development:

· Poverty Alleviation; · Decentralisation; · Land Reform; · Environment (Agenda 21).

The general objective of poverty alleviation and the three key policy areas are discussed below.

3.3.2 Poverty alleviation

From 1980 to 1990, government funding was re-orientated to the communal areas and the country achieved unprecedented success in the fields of health and education. With the onset of ESAP in 1991, the government was faced with a new challenge to formulate poverty reduction strategies as public expenditure was decreased and a free market economy adopted.

The government attempted to protect the poor and vulnerable groups from the negative impacts of the economic structural adjustment programme by establishing the Soc ial Dimensions of Adjustment Programme (SDA). The mechanism for disbursing SDA funds was the Social Development Fund (SDF) under the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare (MPSLSW). However, the was too narrow in its approach and under- resourced. As a result, the donor community (co-ordinated by the World Bank and UNDP) and the MPSLSW developed an action plan. The Poverty Alleviation Action Plan (PAAP) was launched in 1994 and included reform of the SDF and more systematic efforts to monitor and address poverty analysis. It created only one significant new initiative, but brought together existing activities under the poverty alleviation umbrella.

The most notable initiative was the introduction of the Community Action Project (CAP) and introduction of PAAP officers at district level. The main objective of CAP is to “strengthen the capacity of poor communities to organise themselves and to identify, plan and implement activities which will provide sustainable improvements in well-being for community member, particularly those who are most disadvantaged’ (CAP, Assessment Studies, PlanAfric 1996, p. 7). PAAP officers have been established in 12 districts to co-ordinate CAP activities. Community proposals are received by rural district councils from villages and it is the responsibility of the district PAAP officer and rural district development committee (RDDC) to identify key projects. The funds for these projects are given directly to the communities with the district PAAP officer remaining as a co-signatory on the community account to help ensure transparency. It is too early to evaluate the impact of these projects on rural livelihoods.

Figure 5: ZIMPREST objectives and strategy

3.3.3 Decentralisation

Decentralisation as a major strategic policy thrust of government stems mainly from the creation of rural district councils (RDCs) in 1993 and the decision to transfer powers and functions from central government to the RDCs. However, decentralisation reforms have a longer history and can be seen to have commenced in 1980, not so much as part of an overall policy, but more as a reaction to specific problems. The three main sources of decentralisation legislation have been implemented to redress inherited imbalances and to improve participation in Zimbabwe.

1. Enactment of District Councils Act 1980 2. Decentralised policy initiated by the document popularly known and the ‘First Prime Minister’s Directive 1984’ and ‘Second Prime Minister’s Directive 1985’ and the Provincial Councils Act 1985. 3. Amalgamation of rural councils (previously representing white large-sacle farming areas) and district councils (previously representing poor African farmers) in the 1988 Rural District Council Act.

At independence there was an urgent need to restructure local government. There was a dual system of governance with rural councils representing white large-scale farming areas and weak, discredited African councils representing poor communal areas. The 1980 Act replaced the 220 African councils with 55 newly elected district councils. However, it did nothing about the rural councils, which were to remain in power for a further 13 years.

The District Councils Act decentralised more power to districts bu was viewed by some as an attempt to re-centralise power through the then Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development (MLGRUD), especially as the district councils were headed by the district administrator - an employee of the MLGRUD.

The Prime Minister’s Directives of 1984 and 1985 and the Provincial Councils Administrative Act 1985 achieved a variety of reforms. Eight provincial governors were appointed of ministerial standing. Their functions were to co-ordinate and implement development planning in their respective provinces. Secondly, these reforms created village and ward development committees (VIDCOs and WADCOs). Thirdly, district and provincial development committees were established, providing the structure for central government field administrators and those of local authorities to co-operate, co-ordinate and assist one another along a parallel spectrum. Finally, the reforms introduced five-year and annual development plans at the sub-national levels. It was anticipated and expected that development committees from village to provincial level would input their projects and priorities into the national development planning system. This system is discussed in greater detail in the next chapter.

The last major decentralisation reform to be implemented was the Rural District Councils Act 1988. It was implemented in 1993 through a process of amalgamation of rural and district councils, thus finally ending the dual system of rural local government.

The First Schedule of the Rural District Councils Act permits RDCs to undertake up to 64 separate functions. However, central government departments currently undertake most of these functions. The process of decentralising these functions to the RDC has always been recognised as difficult. A number of studies were undertaken in the 1990s under the auspices of the Forum for Rural Development within MLGRUD. These studies looked at decentralising functions from key ministries (roads, education, health and finance). Unfortunately these never culminated in the adoption of a clear decentralisation programme, although the cabinet did agree on the transfer of some central government activities (social welfare, education, health and roads) and an increasing number of ministries now recognise

the growing role of RDCs and work closely with them or direct certain programmes through them.

Recently, a major component of the decentralisation programme has been the Rural District Council Capacity Building Project (RDCCBP), aimed at increasing the human, institutional and capital capacity of newly formed RDCs. The various strands of this programme and its success to date are discussed in Chapter 4

In its 5 year plan (ZIMPREST 1996-2000 p.16), the government reiterated its commitment to the decentralisation of functions and financing of RDCs with proper accountability:

“Over the ZIMPREST period, government is giving full support to the RDC Capacity- Building Programme, the objective of which is to develop the capacity of RDCs to plan, implement and manage their own development programmes and to provide and maintain essential services for the rural population.”

One important factor impelling government to greater emphasis on decentralisation has been the increasing financial problems besetting government and pressures from the IMF and World Bank to reduce central government expenditure. This pressure has led some ministries to see decentralisation as a way of dumping difficult and expensive service operations on the RDCs without concomitant financial and manpower resources. A detailed implementation programme for the decentralisation of powers, finance and other resources to the RDCs is required that is gradual and tailored to individual RDC’s capacities. Without this, there is a danger that RDC’s will become over-burdened and under-resourced and the impact of rural development initiatives will be severely hampered.

3.3.4 Land reform and resettlement

The land issue has been a dominant factor in the history of Zimbabwe ever since the colonial settlers established their power through conquest over one hundred years ago. In a series of steps, the colonial regime established their own forms of tenure, expropriated the best quality land for white commercial farmers and restricted and resettled the black African peasant farmers into marginal areas. The administration of land and its planning were undertaken through centralised government mechanisms that reflected the power and interests of the white minority.

The resultant inequities and injustices helped to fuel a rising tide of nationalist sentiment that culminated in the second chimurenga of 1962-1979. That struggle for independence over a minority colonialist regime was fought largely on the twin demands of democracy for all and tackling the land question.

The birth of independent Zimbabwe in 1980 was a political settlement achieved through negotiation at Lancaster House, London. In the interests of reconciliation and as a reflection of the balance of forces, the new regime was forced to accept that there would be no compulsory acquisition of commercial farming land for ten years. Thus, from 1980 to 1990, Zimbabwe was only able to tackle the land question through agreement and to acquire farms on the basis of willing seller-willing buyer arrangements.

After the first 10 ten years and in response to the long-standing inequities in land distribution, the government amended the constitution in 1990 to remove restrictions on acquiring farmland. A new national land policy was also agreed in 1990, setting new targets for land acquisition and land resettlement, and announcing a number of policy measures aimed at increasing the government’s ability to acquire land. The Land Acquisition Act of 1992 flowed

from this policy position. In 1993 the government appointed a commission of enquiry into appropriate agricultural land tenure systems (The Land Tenure Commission) which reported in 1994. Several of the recommendations contained in the land tenure report are currently being implemented. However, there remain a number of unresolved issues.

The government produced a new policy statement in 1996 focussing on guiding principles for a new phase of resettlement. The following year, the government further restructured its ministries and created a new Ministry of Lands and Agriculture. In the same year, national and provincial Land Acquisition Committees were established to identify commercial farms suitable for acquisition under the Land Acquisition Act. In 1997 1,471 farms were identified and later, as a result of reassessment, the number was modified. After this there arose a growing sense of impatience with the slow progress of new resettlement initiatives. Some groups took to direct action and moved on to commercial farms, demanding to be resettled there immediately. This new social tension highlighted the central importance of land reform in Zimbabwean society today. In 1998-99, there was a reduction of designated farms to 841, further reduced to 321 following the government’s failure to contest in time the objections to the acquisition of 520 farms. Government statements prior to the 2000 election process re- affirmed its commitment to transparency and willingness to abide by existing compensation regulations and this helped to calm the fears of key stakeholders in the process, such as donors and the commercial farming sector. But during the election period in 2000, there was widespread occupation of white-owned farms, fanned by hard-line rhetoric from the President, and tensions reached unprecedented levels.

The land question is multifaceted and complex. Land redistribution is a pressing matter, but so too is the issue of land tenure, land use and planning and land administration. Each of these main land issues has repercussions on the others. It is in this regard that a comprehensive land policy for Zimbabwe is now viewed as a priority. Many of the stakeholders involved in the land question have stressed the need to undertake the new land redistribution programme in a transparent and accountable manner. One important ingredient that will assist such processes is the adoption of a national land policy based on a consultative process. In 1999, a comprehensive land policy document with clear guiding principles was being prepared, which promised to provide the framework and rationale for specific land initiatives and programmes. This never reached cabinet but was broadly accepted at national workshops. In order to achieve national strategic objectives in land and related matters, it is important to ensure that there is complementarity and consistency in the separate parts of any land reform programme. There are a number of laws in Zimbabwe related to land that could, with benefit, be rationalised and reviewed. A draft, comprehensive land policy document has been prepared to assist in that process (Shivji et al., 1998).

3.3.5 Environment

The gathering momentum behind the concept of sustainable development and according a high priority to environmental issues came to the fore as a result of the 1992 Earth Summit Conference in Rio de Janeiro, organised by the United Nations. One of the agreements at Rio was that all nations should establish the environmental issue as a high priority and that environmental impact assessments (EIAs) and participatory processes should be adopted in regard to all significant development projects. This approach was called Local Agenda 21 and Zimbabwe became a signatory to this shortly after the Rio summit.

Since that time, Zimbabwe has moved to create a major new piece of legislation on the environment. The Environmental Management Bill was due to become law in 1999. It would establish the requirement for EIAs and a new process of environmental planning, which is detailed in the next chapter.

Until the new Bill becomes law and work is concluded on a new National Environmental Action Plan, the prevailing national strategy on the environment remains the National Conservation Strategy (1987). However, the Ministry of Mines, Environment and Tourism (MMET) has produced environmental impact assessment guidelines (1997) and also a ministerial mission statement, Strategic Directions (1996).

3.4 Conclusion

Over 6 million of Zimbabwe’s current population of 11 million live in marginal rural lands without fertile soils and reliable rainfall. Access to natural resources, including water rights has been largely denied to this population. On the other hand, 4,500 mainly white, large-scale farmers dominate Zimbabwe’s largely agrarian economy. Together with trans-national capital, white agrarian interests control key sectors such as tourism, forestry, commodity exports and the narrow agro-industrial complex underlying its urban political economy. This economic structure undermines the growth of rural livelihoods. Over 60% of the rural people are poor (Poverty Assessment Study Survey, 1997) and cannot afford basic health and educational services. Zimbabwe’s human capital is thus constrained by an inefficient economic structure, which under-utilises its people and degrades quality of lives. The growth of poverty, unemployment and income disparities in the face of underutilisation of substantial parts of Zimbabwe’s land and natural resources is the main factor facing rural development and rural planning in Zimbabwe today. (Moyo, 1998)

RURAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES AND PLANNING SYSTEMS

4.1 Introduction

4.1.1 Definitions

This chapter attempts to paint a picture of rural development and rural planning in Zimbabwe. Initially, we examine rural development programmes and projects and then consider the seven planning systems. The distinction between ‘projects’, ‘programmes’, and ‘planning systems’ (Box 1) is not clean, but it assists in dividing up an enormous topic and clarifying the key issues.

Box 1: Distinctions between ‘projects’, ‘programmes’, and ‘planning systems’

Rural development projects

Individual projects are seen to operate on a small scale and at grassroots level. They are usually funded through non-governmental organisations (NGOs), church organisations, charitable or relief agencies. Primarily they are implementation-orientated and are usually involve construction and building. Projects often comprise the component parts of rural development programmes.

Rural development programmes

Programmes are defined here as multi-project initiatives which cover more than one district. Programmes are funded by government, rural district councils and NGOs - usually with considerable donor support. They tend to have a longer time -span than projects but, have a similar emphasis on ‘doing’ rather than ‘planning’.

Planning systems are defined for the purpose of this study as emphasising the organisation of activities on a territorial basis. All planning systems produce a spatial plan as one of their key outputs. They provide a framework for programme and project planning. Their approaches vary from spatial integrated planning to sector planning, process planning to blueprint planning.

4.1.2 Programme and project planning

As the definition in Box 1 explains, our focus is rural planning systems that seek to organise a range of activities within defined spatial or territorial areas. This is not to ignore the important planning activity that takes place around rural development programmes and rural projects. Rather it is to try to concentrate on what we consider to be the more complex and challenging aspect of rural planning, namely its capacity to integrate and co-ordinate rural development programmes and projects according to agreed priorities and strategies.

4.1.3 Relationship between rural planning systems and rural development programmes and projects

We distinguish between the lateral activities of programmes and projects which provide resources for building rural livelihoods and the vertical activities of planning systems which try to provide frameworks for such development. The rural planning systems in Zimbabwe are essentially territorial and concerned with integrating activities.

Rural development programmes and projects are undertaken by many different actors. We separate these in four groups: central and local government; national and international NGOs; the private sector; and donors. They all vary in the degree and extent to which they are single or multi-sector in composition.

The planning systems are all operated by government agencies and vary in the degree and extent to which they involve or devolve their activities to rural district councils and communities. There is very little co-ordination between the different planning systems. However, since they all have different scopes and timeframes, there may be opportunities to make them complementary rather than conflicting.

Figure 6 illustrates the relationship between the programmes and projects and planning systems.

The remainder of this chapter describes the details of this diagram, looking first at the rural development and projects component. It then considers the planning systems and finally examines the support aspects. Appendices 2, 3 and 4 provide supporting information.

4.2 Rurual development programmes and projects

4.2.1 Rural projects

For the purpose of this study, the numerous projects operating in rural areas are not detailed. The plethora of largely uncoordinated rural development projects in Zimbabwe display a wide variety of approaches to project planning. This makes it impossible to realistically evaluate their combined or individual affect on sustainable rural livelihoods.

However, it is worth mentioning that, within the folds of ‘projects’, there is a breadth of difference between small projects such as classroom construction, and pilot projects which may be precursors to rural development programmes or to changing approaches to rural planning. Pilot projects often operate in only one district, or in a few wards in one district, but they may hold important lessons for rural planning practice. We have not been able to research such projects but would mention three that we are familiar with: Chivi Food Security Project, Zimuto Wetlands Rehabilitation Project and the Africa Publishing and Development Project in Gokwe. There will, undoubtedly be more.

Figure 6: Relationship between rural planning systems and programmes and projects

4.4.2 Rural Development Programmes

(a) Central government

To paint a true picture of ‘rural development’ in Zimbabwe, there is a need to detail all development programmes operating within the rural areas - from health and education related programmes to land reform and environmental programmes. All of these programmes are important to rural livelihoods in Zimbabwe and contribute to rural development.

Whilst we welcome such a holistic view of rural development, in this report we limit details of government-led rural development programmes to the following:

· Land and environment · Land-use and agriculture · Economic non-farming · Infrastructure · Settlement · Poverty alleviation and drought mitigation · Institutional support to rural planning.

The details of individual programmes within these sub-headings are provided in Appendix 2, covering: programmes objectives; the geographical scale of the project; lead agency; and donor. We have tried to be as comprehensive as possible. However, limitations in terms of time and resources mean that there will, inevitably, be some omissions, for which we apologise. The most notable gaps are the large sector government programmes in health and education. These are far-reaching initiatives which merit studies in their own right and, as such, they have been omitted.

We have identified at least 30 government-led rural development programmes. Each programme is usually supported by one or more donors and, in some cases, with assistance from NGOs as well. These large programmes all involve a degree of programme planning. The approach to planning varies from a highly centralised sectoral approach such as the National Roads Programme1, to a decentralised and integrated approach which can be found, for instance, within the Integrated Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Programme.

The planning process is largely dependent on the donor funding the government programme, but is also significantly affected by the lead government ministry and its approach to rural development. Zimbabwe has tended to follows a top-down approach to planning processes and rural development, despite a change in development thinking towards a more participatory and integrated approach. The language and rhetoric of participatory planning approaches may exist within virtually all-rural development programmes (RDPs), but the degree to which it is applied is often limited in practice.

Government-led programmes are largely sector-based with little dialogue between ministries. However, there is an indication within some RDPs of increased co-operation between line ministries and an indication of a more integrated approach. Increasingly, there is a slow movement towards decentralisation as RDPs channel and co-ordinate their activities through the Rural District Councils.

1 Note that there is a major reform programme in this sector and a Green Paper spells out significant changes.

(b Local government: the rural district councils (RDCs)

Although the RDC is involved in an increasing range of rural development programmes (RDPs), their lack of financial resources mean that they are unable to offer many independent programmes. RDCs operate road maintenance programmes as well as some limited programme work in education and health and, in some cases, housing in rural centres. Appendix 4 provides a case study on Gwanda RDC.

The remainder of rural development programmes that come through the RDC (in the sense that the RDC manages the finance and planning of such programmes) vary considerably in the degree of external control and ultimate sanction. The district development grants (DDGs) provided to the RDC and local communities under the rural district council capacity-building programme are intended as a tool for learning as well as a means of improving rural livelihoods, and so allows the RDC considerable control. On the other hand, the Rural Development Fund, operated by the Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development, provides only a limited role for the RDC.

The move to give increasing responsibility to RDCs for managing rural development programmes is welcome from the perspective of local ownership and district integration, but the burden on RDCs is becoming considerable. This is an issue discussed below in further detail.

(c ) International NGOs

There are no current figures for the number of international NGOs operating in Zimbabwe, but the National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations estimates there are in excess of 50. Little is known about the overall impact of these NGOs, or indeed how many of them are concerned with rural development. Our estimate is that most are involved in some aspect of rural development and that approximately 20 are fully oriented to RDPs.

Whilst international NGOs need to register on establishing operations in the country, there is no uniform system of registration and no information requirement for renewal of registration. The National Economic Planning Commission make no reference to the role of NGOs in its national planning document and therefore does not incorporate them into the planning process.

Multilateral and bilateral agencies are unlikely to be aware of NGO programmes and bilateral donors tend to be aware only of their own activities involving NGOs (Muir, 1992). Within the international NGO sector, it would seem that there is lack of co-ordination and information- sharing. However, at district level, there is a much greater knowledge of who is doing what than at national level, and many NGOs attend and participate in Rural District Development Committee meetings. Table 4 lists basic details for some of the international NGO involvement in rural development.

(d Local NGOs

There are hundreds of local NGOs operating in Zimbabwe. The exact number is not known (Muir, 1992). Over 800 organisations had registered with the Ministry of Manpower, Planning and Social Welfare in 1990 and several hundred were listed in the last publication of the National Association of NGOs in 1992. There is no up-to-date information which lists the number of NGOs, their areas of activity, the number of people they employ, or income and expenditure information. Local NGOs can be divided into church-based organisations, independent NGOs and politically linked NGOs. These categories can be further divided into NGOs operating in one area only and those working in more than one area. The majority of local NGOs work in rural development. We have selected the most prominent NGOs and listed them below in Table 5 with the categories used to describe the government-led RDPs.

Table 4: List of main international NGOs active in RDPs in Zimbabwe

Name of NGO Activities Locations Plan International Rural and Community Nation-wide: especially Development : Schools, Mat. North-Tsholotsho clinics, income gen. projects Midlands- Kwekwe World Vision As above Nationwide: especially Agricultural development Lutheran World Water related programmes Mat. South- all districts and Federation Agriculture development other provinces Save the Children UK Water and sanitation Nationwide +Mat. North- Health and nutritional progs Binga Redd Barna- Norwegian As above Nationwide Care International Food Security Nationwide Oxfam UK, USA, Canada Poverty alleviation, rural Nationwide development Netherlands Development Support to planning Nationwide –especially Organisation- SNV Dam rehabilitation Mat. South- Beitbridge , Insiza Manicaland- Buhera , Makoni HIVOS Water and Sanitation Nationwide Danish Development Conservation Nationwide Organisation - MSC ITDG CBM Nationwide – especially Small miners Masvingo Province- Chivi ENDA Agriculture: small grains Nationwide promotion, research Africare Rural Development, water Nationwide IRED Information, training, Nationwide capacity building for NGOs Friedrich Ebert Training, agriculture Nationwide Foundation Konrad Adenauer Credit clubs, small business in Nationwide Foundation rural areas Africa 2000 Environmental issues Nationwide IUCN Sustainable development Nationwide Natural resource management Cesvi- Italy Sustainable development Beitbridge, Chiredzi , and natural resource Chipinge management: eco-tourism WWF Environmental issues: land Nationwide –especially use planning, conservancy Binga, Bulilimamangwe planning

Table 5: Local NGOs and rural development programmes

Name of NGO Activity Location Land and Environment Zimbabwe Environmental Research Research and support to regional Harare-based but undertakes projects Organisation (ZERO) organisations in environment countrywide Association of Zimbabwe Management of natural resources using Based in Masvingo but also in Traditional Environmental indigenous knowledge. Manicaland Conservationists (AZTREC) Afforestation using indigenous trees Commutech Technical support to environmental Countrywide NGOs Environment 2000 Support to other NGOs and CBOs Countrywide Environmental Forum Environmental awareness etc Countrywide ZimTrust Training, PRAs, support to projects Provides support to Campfire CAMPFIRE Association Training and support to RDCs Comprising mainly RDCs Agriculture and land use Rural development ORAP Rural development through building Centred upon Matabeleland South local groups. with some presence in Midlands Africa Centre for Holistic Resource Integrated approach to rural Pilot project in Hwange management development based on Savoury’s ideas CADEC Rural development Countrywide Manicaland Development Rural development, income generation Provincial organisation in Association Manicaland Mvurimanzi Trust Water development Countrywide Silveira House Training for rural transformation Mainly Mashonaland Economic-non-farming OCCZIM Support to co-ops in variety of projects Co-operatives focussed Zimbabwe Project Small loans and grants to start micro- Countrywide income generating projects Self-help Foundation Support to rural women/savings clubs Countrywide Infrastructure Christian Care Small dams. Irrigation schemes Manicaland, Masvingo, Midlands and Matabeleland Evangelical Fellowship Zim Small dams etc Matabeleland Dabane Trust Small dams, water workshops Works mainly in Matabeleland South Matabeleland Zambezi WaterTrust Water security to Bulawayo and Regional body covering whole of Matabeleland-pipeline to Zambezi Matabeleland and all sectors Give a Dam Small dams and irrigation schemes Unique provincial organisation, linked to catchment conservation jointly led by Govt. and UNDP and implemented by NGOs through RDCs Poverty Alleviation and Drought Mitigation African Community Publishing and Working with poor communities to Pilot project in Gokwe Devt.Trust (ACPDT) develop self awareness and action Institutional support to RDCs ARDC Advocacy on behalf of RDCs, co- All RDCs operation with SIDA and other support agencies, financial and audit services to RDCs etc

NGOs are often guilty of by-passing rural district councils, and this undermines the development planning system. The proliferation’s of NGOs makes it very difficult to co- ordinate activities or evaluate the impact of their activities on rural livelihoods. Their planning approaches vary according to the scale and scope of activities and their attitude to development and overall objectives.

Very often, two assumptions are made about NGOs: firstly, that they know their target group and, secondly, that they engage in participatory methods. These assumptions should be treated with caution. Equally, the view that ‘NGOs are inconsequential to rural development’ is a simplistic and dangerous view. The fact is that, with so little information available, it is not advisable to make generalisations about this sphere of rural development activity.

(e) The private sector

The role of the private sector in rural development is diverse. On the one hand, the private sector acts as an investor and financier to development. This is part of its normal role and is based upon market and profit considerations. On the other hand, some enterprises within the private sector consider that they have a corporate community responsibility role which involves them in donating time, funds and other resources to the community and to rural development. It has not been possible to quantify or evaluate this activity. In general, it is small scale, project-oriented and diverse. In this report we can only identify a few types of activity.

The first type of activity is what may be termed indirect support to rural development. This involves joining NGOs or community-based organisations and possibly providing grants or donations to them. This is especially apparent in the environment field. Many enterprises join such bodies as the Environmental Forum of Zimbabwe or regional bodies such as the Zambezi Society or the Matopos Conservation Committee.

The second type, and a growing area of involvement, is in competitions and sponsorship. Here, firms act in a dual capacity by marketing themselves and assisting communities. Seed growers, for example, provide comparatively rich prizes for peasant farmers in national competitions.

Thirdly, companies provide direct support to rural development. Examples of this are commercial farmers, conservancies and other organisations supporting the building of schools and clinics in rural areas. Other examples are the provision of products or expertise to relieve situations such as drought or natural hazards.

Finally, within the financial sector, there are examples of institutions providing special help in terms of special loans or other support to small-scale farmers. Cottco’s recent support to peasant cotton growers is a case in point.

In the itme available for this study, we have managed to identify only one completely donor- led and managed rural development programme in Zimbabwe - the European Community’s Micro-Projects Programme (MPP) (there may be others). The MPP is managed through national and regional centres funded and managed under the auspices of the EC. However, this is not to say that the programme ignores the rural district councils (RDCs), or that it does not encourage community ownership. Communities have to make a significant contribution to this scheme. But neither they nor the RDC receive and manage the financial resources. The project’s host department is the Agricultural and Rural Development Authorty (ARDA) in the Ministry of Agriculture.

A large number of donors fund rural development programmes in Zimbabwe. Virtually all donor funds are channelled through government-led programmes (detailed in Appendix 2). It has not been possible to detail exactly what each donor is doing, but we have attempted to indicate key donor interests and rural development programmes and in Appendix 3.

4.2 Rural planning systems

In the introduction to this chapter, it was pointed out that seven separate planning systems operate in Zimbabwe’s rural areas. By planning systems is meant a process of establishing through study and analysis a set of policies and actions to achieve agreed goals, objectives and strategies in a given spatial area. The outputs of a planning system are plans, which may include written reports, maps and diagrams. The intention of rural planning systems is to achieve a framework within which rural development programmes and projects can take place in an integrated and complementary manner.

The seven planning systems of Zimbabwe do not necessarily compete, although there is a history of professional rivalry. Only the physical planning system seeks to be fully comprehensive in that it aims to cover all aspects of social, economic, environmental and management issues. The development planning system has an is economic focus but is definitely cross-sectoral. The environmentally-based planning systems (including la nd-use planning, environmental action plans, national park plans and forest planning approaches) tend to focus on the natural resource base in one way or another, but they also seek to be cross-sectoral within that limitation. These planning systems and their current status in Zimbabwe are discussed below, and are summarised in Table 6.

4.3.1 Physical planning

The physical planning system began in 1933 with the first Town Planning Act. At present, it operates under the Regional, Town and Country Planning Act (RTCPA), revised in 1996 but substantially unchanged since 1976. It has traditionally been an urban activity but shifted to a rural focus in 1980 when it was required to provide planning support to the new district councils and to the accelerated programmes of rural development and new rural settlements.

(b) Objectives The aim of physical planning is to conserve and improve the physical environment and, in particular, to promote health, safety, order, amenity, convenience and general welfare, as well as efficiency and economy in the process of development and the improvement of communications.

Physical planning activity consists of two inter-related functions: plan making, and planning control and regulation. The essential theory is that all areas will have a statutory long-term plan and that all subsequent development will be managed and controlled in accordance with such plans. There are also regulations governing the sub-division and consolidation of land.

Table 6: Planning systems in Zimbabwe

Planning Systems Institutional Activities Approach Framework Physical Planning DPP and RDCs Rural Master Plans Technical, top-down Site and layouts increasingly Combination Plans participatory Development Planning NEP C Vision 2020 Participatory 1 /stakeholder National Devt. Plans Technical, top-down PSIP Development Planning DPP Provincial Annual and 3 Technical, top-down 2 Year rolling plans RDCs District 3 Year Rolling Technical, top-down Plans

Land use Planning Agritex Ward and Village land Used to be technical and use plans, farm plans. top-down, moving to participatory Water Planning DWD—ZINWA Water Plans at river Participatory, process Water Catchment board, sub-catchment approach but strong Councils and catchment levels technical input

Environmental DNR Zim Action Plan Participatory approach Planning DNR/RDCs DEAPs National Parks DNPWLM National Park Management planning, Planning development plans with stakeholder participation Forest Area planning Forestry Commission SFM Plans Stakeholder approach, Forestry Action Plans participatory methods

The plan-making function theoretically consists of a nest or tier of plans of increasing detail. At the apex is the regional plan, within which sit master plans under which are local plans. These are long-term plans; comprehensive in nature with a strong spatial element that includes a detailed study as well as a statement of strategies and polices. In practice the Department of Physical

Planning (DPP), which administers the Act, has had insufficient resources to undertake regional and rural master and local plans. Rural areas have, therefore, generally lacked any physical planning framework, except in the small rural settlements which have informal development plans and statutory layouts. However, over the past few years, the Department of Physical Planning (DPP) has sought to remedy this gap with the introduction of rural master plans and combination master plans which cover areas of more than one local planning authority. In 1999, the DPP had initiated five rural master plans, each one covering the full extent of a rural district council area. In addition, a combination master plan has been undertaken for the Kariba lakeshore region, covering four planning authorities.

In terms of immediate planning activity in rural areas, the DPP hopes to ensure that at least one rural district council in each province has an approved rural master plan. Eventually, the DPP would like to see complete coverage for all 57 districts. In addition, there are plans to include a wide surrounding rural area to the Victoria Falls Combination Master Plan, which was expected to commence in 1999.

(d) Institutional framework

The physical planning system is intended to be a largely local government activity, with checks and balances to protect the national interest vested in the minister. Significant powers to undertake master and local plans are also given to the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management and to the Forestry Commission for some forest areas. In practice, because of the historical impoverishment of rural areas, central government (through the Department of Physical Planning - DPP) has undertaken most aspects of planning for rural district councils.

The DPP envisages making an amendment to the Rural Town and Country Planning Act so that rural district councils (RDCs) can undertake their own rural master plans as fully-fledged planning authorities. This links to a broad view that the DPP should focus on policy matters and monitoring and managing standards rather than acting for local authorities. The implications of this are that RDCs will need to employ rural planners and develop their planning capacity generally.

(e) Approach

Traditionally, physical planning has tended to be a technical, top-down activity. There are statutory provisions for public consultation and appeals, but these are seen as coming at the end of the process and are part of due legal process in a situation that can involve either loss of or enhancement of use rights and land values. Participatory planning aims to place ownership of the process with local communities and their immediate representative institutions. This is now encouraged but has not been systematically adopted. Box 2 provides an indic ation of the anticipated scope and approach of the rural master planning process.

4.3.2 Development planning

Development planning commenced at a national level immediately after independence, when work began on the Transitional National Pla n (1982) and continued later with the first Five- Year National Development Plan. Such plans had no statutory backing. The enlargement of the development planning system to the provincial, district and sub-district levels started in the mid-1980s and was provided for in the Provincial Councils and Administration Act (PCAA) 1986 and in the Rural District Councils Act (RDCA).

(b) Objectives

The original aim of development planning was to provide a basis for determining priorities in public sector capital spending. The emphasis was on annual development plans prepared at ward, district and provincial levels, acting as a bottom-up process to inform ministry spending plans and the national development plan. In the early 1990s, the process was re-oriented towards a more strategic approach and linked more explicitly to the Public Sector Investment Programme (PSIP).

Development planning consists of preparing annual and five-year planning documents that set out priorities for rural development projects on a sector basis. Whilst the preparation of such plans is a statutory requirement, they do not carry statutory force in the sense that physical plans do. Thus, the priorities expressed are “wish lists” and are often disregarded by spending ministrie s and

Box 2: The need for a rural master plan in Bulilimamangwe, Matabeleland South

Introduction: The rationale for rural master plans

With the formation of amalgamated rural district councils, the need to promote development in the new administrative areas was to be spearheaded by the new councils using the rural master plan (RMP) as a tool for planning, co-ordination and management. The RMP preparation process would, in particular, lead to an understanding of the economic and spatial relationships between commercial farming and communal lands and other land use activities within the district. These plans would create a long-term strategic development framework upon which other short-term council development activities would be premised.

The terms of reference for the Bulilimamangwe RMP

Considering the nature of problems experienced by the people of Bulilimamangwe, it would be expedient to have in place a comprehensive strategic plan that addresses all the pertinent issues and suggests feasible and appropriate solutions. The aim of the such plan would be to, inter alia:

- Investigate in detail and highlight the socio-economic, infrastructural and environmental problems in the whole of Bulilimamangwe District; - Come up with specific strategies and policy proposals addressing identified problems; - Identify opportunities and potential development that will enable the establishment of a polymorphic economy in the district; - Come up with concrete policy proposals that will enable the harnessing and transportation of such opportunities into material benefits to the Bulilimamangwe community and beyond; - Co-ordinate all development efforts in the district and thus ensure an efficient utilisation of resources; - Strengthen the capacity-building programme for the Bulilimamamngwe Rural District Council.

Source: Extract from the terms of reference for the Bulilimamangwe Rural Master Plan, Department of Physical Planning, 1996.

other rural development agencies. Since 1995, there has been a move at provincial and district level to undertake three-year rolling plans. These are still capital budget plans but there is more effort at an integrated approach.

The five national development plans were abandoned in 1995. In their place, new style economic frameworks have been produced to guide all sector of the economy. The current plan is the Zimbabwe Programme for Economic Social Transformation (ZIMPREST) which covers the period 1996-2000.

All provinces have completed the first and second five-year development pla ns plans (1985- 90 and 1990-1995). However, in general, the third five-year development plans were not embarked upon. Annual provincial development plan work has been patchy with some provinces maintaining the process each year and some having ceased such work in 1995 in favour of beginning the new three-year rolling plans. All provinces are expected to produce three-year rolling plans, and most have done so or are in the process of so doing.

Development planning at the district level has been very patchy. Five-year development plans for district areas have rarely been produced. Most districts have undertaken annual development plans and all rural district councils are currently undertaking three-year rolling plans. An illustration of the way that three-year rolling plans continue to carry on the tradition of long, unrealistic shopping lists is given in Box 3. It is notable that there is a discrepancy

between the level of on-going commitments and the anticipated number and value of projects over the next three years.

Box 3: Umguza District Three-Year Rling Plan: Ditsricy development planning

At the end of the implementation of the three-year rolling plan, the programme hopes to have improved the living standard of the communities in the district by making more educational and health facilities available so that children may qualify to enter institutions of higher learning, reduce mortality rate and communicable diseases.

Objectives are to: - Improve and upgrade existing health and educational structures; - Identify and construct new health and educational structures; - Provide and improve teachers’ and nurses’ housing; - Provide boarding schools and facilities.

New projects

Health sector 17 prioritised projects Value Z$ 11,553,800 Police 2 “ “ Value Z$ 600,000 Education sector 45 “ “ Value Z$ 22,310,333 Natural Resources 14 “ “ Value Z$ 9,541,500 Infrastructure 25 “ “ Value Z$ 95,556,685 Housing 7 “ “ Value Z$ 27,300,000 ------Total 110 “ “ Value Z$ 166,862,318

On-going projects

Various 8 prioritised projects Value Z$ 2,080,000

Constraints/Problems

Lack of resources by the implementing agencies could prove a major constraint against achieving the 3 year rolling programme.

Source: Extracts and summary of the Umguza RDC 3 Year Rolling Plan 1999-2001

Development planning at the sub-district level has generally not been undertaken. Some active councillors ensured that some annual ward development plans were produced but they were a small minority. Village development plans are virtually unheard of and it is doubtful if any were produced and submitted.

In recent years, there has been an attempt to produce district and provincial profiles under the development planning umbrella. Work on this activity has been curtailed due to lack of available resources.

The institutional framework for development planning has been subject to considerable confusion since it was decided to make the process operate at sub-natio nal level. As a national level activity, the main confusion has been between the perception of the process as a mix between financial and economic planning. When there was a combined Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning between 1982-1990, there was some clarity since both financial and economic planning components were within the same ministry. When the National Planning Agency (NPA) was formed in 1990, the economic planning function was effectively split from the Ministry of Finance and placed in the Office of the President. It has remained hereever since, although now undertaken by National Economic Planning Commission (NEPC).

When development planning was extended to the provincial and district levels, a new duality emerged. The lead agency for such planning at provincial and district levels was initially the Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development (MLGRUD). This had responsibility for the Provincial Councils and Administration Act (PCAA) and the Rural District Council Act (RDCA) which set out the planning process. The lead actor at provincial level was the Provincial Administrator and the lead institutional body was the Provincial Development Committee (PDC). At district level, the District Administrator was the lead officer and the District Development Committee (DDC) the main institutional body. These officers and the development committees, which they chaired, were the responsibility of MLGRUD. Technical support to the process was given by Department of Physical Planning (DPP), also within MLGRUD.

However, government decided to make NPA, and later the NEPC, the lead technical agency for development planning, notwithstanding that the statutory provisions and lead officers all remained with MLGRUD. Moreover, the slow acquisition of staff at NPA/NEPC meant that the DPP continued to provide technical service to the process until after 1992.

The dual institutional confusion over development planning has remained. NEPC have recently transferred a number of officers to assist the Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development in the administration of the Rural Development Fund. Currently NEPC has no presence at provincial or district level. As a result, the DPP has been forced to become, once again, the lead technical support to provincial planning. At district level, the NEPC recognises that the rural district council (RDC) is now the lead agency for development planning. The NEPC still hopes to establish district economic planners in all districts but, for the present, it intends to set up mobile teams of officers to assist provinces and RDCs in the discharge of development planning functions.

(e) Approach:

Development planning at national and provincial levels has been a highly technical activity, undertaken by central government officers without any participatory process. In theory, the process is supposed to be bottom-up, as it starts at the village level and works its way upward. In practice, ward and village level activity has not taken place; and even at district level, it has been a process of each sector ministry outlining its priorities and the district administrator (now the chief executive officer) bringing the document together. Recent changes to the rural district development committee have provided a greater input of the rural district council into the process, but it remains a non-participatory process, and is largely sector driven.

4.3.4 Environmental planning

Environmental planning is a relatively new planning system that commenced in 1995 as a pilot process initiated by the Department of Natural Resources in the Ministry of Mines, Energy and Tourism. It was supported by UNDP and the IUCN and arose out of a national and donor concern to make Zimbabwe’s commitment to Local Agenda 21 a reality in the rural areas. The process is best know by its acronym, the DEAP (District Environmental Action Plan) process. However, the Environmental Management Bill, due to become law in 1999, outlines a requirement for a Zimbabwe Environmental Action Plan as well as DEAPS for all rural district council areas.

The purpose of the national environmental action plan is to promote and facilitate the integration of local and national strategies and measures for the protection and management of the environment into plans and programmes for social and economic development. The DEAPs are required to identify the environmental and development issues and problems, identify opportunities, priorities and devise plans of action to manage the issues and problems of the area. (Clause 59 (1) and (4) of the Environmental Management Bill).

(c ) Activities

The DEAP process was initially piloted in four districts, later extended to eight rural district council areas on the basis of one per province. In the initial phases, selected wards in the pilot districts were engaged in participatory exercises to identify key issues and problems and devise appropriate actions. District training teams, involving both rural district council and central government officers have undergone training so that they can work alongside the community in a participatory and facilitatory manner. Consultants have been engaged to take the process further so that the first part of DEAP process (the identification of issues and problems) can be completed. This stage was being finalised in 1999.

The Department of Natural Resources (DNR) has plans to extend the DEAP exercise to two districts per province. UNDP has remained an active partner and source of funding.

Environmental planning is undertaken by the DNR in the Ministry of Mines, Energy an Tourism (MMET) in partnership with the rural district councils (RDCs). A DEAP unit, funded by UNDP, has been established in the MMET. At the district level, the RDC is the lead agency, co-ordinating the work through its Natural Resources Committee. There has been little involvement of the provincial tier in this work. The Provincial Natural Resources Officer of the DNR has only a limited role. A multi-sectoral provincial support team plays a facilitatory role.

It is not clear how DEAPs relate to other district plans. The Environmental Management Bill states that plans prepared under the Rural Town and Country Planning Act (RTCPA) must take account of the Zimbabwe Environmental Action Plan. But the relationship of DEAPs to rural master plans, development plans and other rural plans is not spelt out.

The DEAP process is clearly established in the Environmental Management Bill as a participatory one and the pilot activity in selected wards has proceeded on the basis of participatory rural appraisals and other participatory approaches. The DEAP process is stated to be committed to various principles: · Sustaining the ecosystem; · Participation, starting at the village; · Ownership by resource users; · A scale and pace appropriate to local skills, resources and capacity; · A process that is cross-sectoral and on-going.

Box 4 provides a case study that illustrates some of these features.

4.3.5 Agricultural land-Use planning

(a) Origins

Land-use planning is not a statutory activity but it has received the full support of government since it commenced in the mid-1980s. The key policy document that can be seen to support this planning system is the First Five-Year National Development Plan, 1986-1990. This established a target of land use plans for 100,000 families by 1990. The key internal document that set out the policies, procedures and guidelines for land-use planning was written by Agritex in 1989 and revised in 1990.

(b) Obje ctives

Land-use planning is designed to achieve sustainable, suitable, acceptable, adequate and feasible land utilisation arrangements in communal lands. More specifically, the activity is designed to consolidate arable and grazing land, nucleate residential land for economic service provision, establish woodlots, gardens and orchards, provide close access to clean, potable water and achieve conservation of resources.

The original conception of land-use planning involved undertaking the exercise in every village and consolidating these plans into ward summaries. For each village, a detailed socio- economic and agricultural survey was to be undertaken, a land capability and natural resource assessment made and, finally, land-use proposals put forward for ratification by villagers and other stakeholders. The process was to be activated by request from the villagers themselves. Agritex planning officers located at district level have been making land-use plans since 1986. However, a scarcity of manpower, transport and other resources has severely hampered the progress of these plans. In recent years, such progress as has been made has been made possible by levering in resources from suitable rural development programmes. The water and sanitation programme, in particular, has been a crucial support mechanism to land-use planning. In the last few years, as internal resources have dwindled further and the water and sanitation projects have ended, land-use planning has slowed down considerably and in some areas ceased altogether. In addition, to the village and ward-based land-use planning activities in communal lands, Agritex has also been undertaking similar work for resettlement areas and, where appropriate, in communal land re-organisation schemes.

Box 4: DEAP: Lunkubkumi Land Rehabilitation Project

Lunkunkuni vlei rehabilitation lies in Kachechete ward in Hwange, north-west Zimbabwe. Kachechete ward is composed mainly of Ndebele-speaking people who were forcibly moved from Matobo District in 1955 to pave way for Mzingwane dam, commercial farms and game park. Since then, the number of settlers and livestock has increased. Grazing was available in abundance in the Lunkunkuni vlei which had diverse perennial and palatable grass species. Thatch grass was also available. Annual grasses were available in the surrounding forests. During serious droughts or serious grazing shortage, villagers used to take their cattle to the nearby reserved forest area.

Previous development approaches

The colonial government noticed the potential Lunkunkuni vlei had to provide sustainable grazing for livestock, and fenced the area and divided it into paddocks. This fencing meant that the vlei started to recuperate from its rather declining state and livestock began to have access to abundant grazing. But the intended beneficiaries of the project were not consulted by government and people started vandalising the fence at the height of the war of national liberation. The destruction and stealing of the fence led to cattle being left free to graze at will. This gradually affected the vlei and led, once again, to its decline.

A new DEAP rehabilitation project

Realisation that water and grazing shortages were serious, the villagers in the Lunkunkuni vlei suggested that the vlei be rehabilitated under the DEAP programme. This time, emphasis has been put on community involvement in the decision-making process.

To improve the human and ecosystem well being in Kachecheti ward within the coming 2 years by: - Fencing off the vlei and introducing rotational grazing; - Improving the availability of water through drilling boreholes and allowing natural flow of water in the vlei; - Introducing other palatable grass and fodder tree species and legumes for veld improvement; - Improving the viability of thatch grass (Hyperhenia sp)

Expected results

After the rehabilitation exercise, the Lunkunkuni vlei will be able to provide: - Adequate grass for thatching; - Adequate grass leading to a health stock which can fetch good prices on the market; - Improved availability of water for both livestock and human consumption. 10 boreholes shall be drilled. - Improved vlei will assist in the replenishing of ground water leading to improved natural flow and recharging boreholes.

On a smaller scale Agritex also undertakes individual farm plans.

The lead agency for agricultural land-use planning is Department of Agriculture and Extension (Agritex), within in the Ministry of Lands and Agriculture. Agritex works closely with rural district councils (RDCs) and their sub-district levels and traditional leaders. In theory, Agritex intended to work closely with Department of Physical Planning (DPP) on the issue of village planning DPP would undertake new village layouts to meet the objective of

nucleating scattered residential homesteads. In practice, there was stiff resistance by villagers to re-organising their residential areas and little progress was made.

The role of Agritex and the Department of Rural Development (DERUDE) has, of necessity, been closely linked in resettlement. Whilst Derude and its successors have responsibility for the overall planning of resettlement areas, Agritex expertise is required in producing land capability assessments and land-use proposals. Approach: Land-use planning has tended to be seen as a technical exercise, involving skills that require trained agricultural planners working out their analysis and plans separate from the community. However, there was always a recognition that land-use planning proposals required acceptance and endorsement by villagers and should be instigated by them. In recent years land-use planning has become a more participatory exercise, involving village participation at all stages. Box 4 below illustrates this new participatory, client-led process.

Box 5: Participatory land-use planning: The Jotsholo example

The Department of Agricultural, Technical and Extension Services (Agritex) has since 1990 developed a participatory land-use planning approach, starting with the village as the basis for all plans. It was realised that challenges facing land-use planning are not only technical, but also largely social in the sense that people’s needs, preferences and priorities are always changing. Thus planning has become a combined effort by both the planners and the community to evaluate and assess the full agricultural production and developmental potential of a given village.

Jotsholo Village

In the Jotsholo village in Lupane District in Matabeleland North Province, Agritex was requested by the village through the RDC to come up with a land-use plan which would facilitate sustainable development in this dry region where people’s livelihood is dependent on livestock production and very little crop production. A team of planners went to the village and did a detailed resource survey with the community. The Headman, councillor, school authorities, health officials and village committee jointly identified boundaries of the village physically and mapped the arable and grazing lands, water points, forest areas and the related infrastructure such as schools, clinics, dip tanks and access roads. These were then analysed and related to the population of the village. An acceptable, suitable and agreed carrying capacity of the village was determined taking into account the requirements of the community. A total of 6615 hectares were planned for this village and they came up with a consolidated arable land area, consolidated grazing land, nucleation of residential land with provision for piped water, woodlots, orchards, nutrition gardens and infrastructure needs. They also know the carrying capacity of the village in terms of people, livestock and agricultural production. However, mo st of the plans and projects identified have not been implemented due to a shortage of funds. The exception is the grazing scheme for which donor funds were found.

4.3.6 Water Planning

As pointed out in the historical section (section 2.2) water catchment planning began as early as the 1940s. The Save -Limpopo catchment has attracted a lot of interest and work over the years and led in the 1960s to the establishment of a statutory board for the area, a principle that was later extended to other catchment areas. In 1976 the Water Act established an obligation on the Minister to prepare outline water development plans for each river system. However, no progress was ever made with this requirement and no water development plans ever approved. The new Water Act, 1998 revives the idea of producing outline water development plans, which it calls water catchment plans.

The objectives of water catchment planning are seen as fourfold:

· To ensure equal opportunity to all to access water; · To achieve integration between various sectors such as agriculture, mining and industry, domestic use and environmental needs; · To achieve sustainability such that future generations can enjoy the resource; · To conserve water for efficient use.

Seven Water Catchments are to be established, as shown in the attached Map. For each area a Water Catchment Council will be formed comprising the Chair and Vice-Chair of Sub-Catchment Boards. Sub-Catchment Boards will comprise the Chair and Vice-Chair of Water User Boards, which are elected. Plans will commence at the lowest tier and be submitted to the RDC for approval. Sub-Catchment water plans will be an amalgam of the water users Board plans. The Water Catchment Council Plan will be made up of the various Sub-Catchment Plans.

Pilot work has commenced in the Mazowe Catchment Area, since 1996 and in the Mapfure Sub- Catchment Area. In both cases Water-User Boards have been established and planning work commenced. Box 5 below describes the process and progress of the Mazowe Water Catchment pilot project.

Box 6: Mazowe water catchment planning pilot project

Establishing the Structures

Mazowe Catchment covers parts of Mashonaland East and Mashonaland Central. The project was established through the users having a vision for some form of user board which embraced all water users and which covered the whole catchment. From a workshop held in July, 1996 a working group was formed which set about forming Water User Boards (between ward and district level), Sub- Catchment Councils (between District and Provincial level) and then finally the Catchment Council itself which was made up of two representatives from each of the Sub-Catchment Councils, who in turn were made up of two representatives from each of the Water user Councils within their area. This process took a year including beginning to build up ‘Awareness’, ‘Trust’, ‘Participation’ and ‘Transparency’.

Water user sectors ranging from the communal areas, the mining, industrial and agricultural are all represented, while civil servants and other identified experts come in a as advisers.

Building the lower tiers

The Mazowe Catchment Council has done a lot of work that includes establishing the lower tier structures in the form of sub-catchment councils and water user boards. Ideas start at the level of the water user boards which is the lowest tier at village level. Work on educating the tiers about their responsibilities is in progress. However, this appears to be one of the challenges to be met. Attendance at meetings, especially those coming from remote communal areas has sometimes been erratic due to the inadequate communication infrastructure and basics like bus fares.

Publicity and Awareness campaigns

The Catchment Council has also embarked upon an awareness campaign to inform water users about the water sector reforms and what is happening in the catchment area. Publicity materials prepared by the Water Resources Management Strategy (WRMS) project both in English, Shona and Ndebele have been distributed but it seems like a drop in the ocean as the Catchment Planning Team always comes back to collect more materials. Establishing a workable and efficient distribution system is another challenge.

Catchment Planning

An integrated catchment plan for the Mazowe catchment is still in progress. It is taking a long time to complete as it is being realised that the task is larger than originally thought and the process more complicated.

Adapted from a WRMS Bulletin, October, 1998.

The plan process consists of a first stage where water resources and land are matched with needs and subjected to an economic and environmental appraisal with full stakeholder participation; and a second stage when a water resources management plan is produced using computer models to optim ise water use. Continuous change is envisaged and a formal review is allowed for every ten years.

Institutional Framework

The water catchment planning process is led by the Department of Water Development in the Ministry of Rural Resources and Water Development. This leadership will pass to the Zimbabwe National Water Authority (ZINWA) once this is established. The Act allowing for ZINWA was passed in 1998. Whilst the process is led by DWD they have established an inter-ministerial steering committee to involve all other government stakeholders. Within DWD there is a Water Resources Management Strategy Project (WRMSP) which provides technical and planning support to the process. At the district level there is a strong involvement of the RDCs (and Urban Councils where relevant). In the case of the Mapfure Catchment a Catchment Executive has been formed and other staff include water bailiffs and community development officers.

The programme has had a strong donor input from the GTZ, the Dutch Government and DFID.

The water catchment planning process involves a substantial bottom-up process with strong ownership from elected water users boards. There is a strong technical input but it is seen as a supportive process to the stakeholders who are involved in all important decision-making. The approach of the process is seen as an integrated one and on this basis is seen to act as an overarching process to all other planning systems such as DEAPs, Rural Master Plans, Land-use plans and District Development Plans.

4.3.7 National Park Plans

National Park Plans are a relatively recent innovation. Such plans owe their origin to Government concerns over the management of resources and the rehabilitation of services and facilities within park areas. They are also intended to provide a framework for the process of commercialisation of some of the National Parks services. They are not specifically allowed for in any legislation, although the RTCPA specifies that Master Plans and Local Plans may be prepared for national park areas except for a few areas specified in Schedule 1 of the Act. However, the current National Parks Plans are not being prepared as statutory plans under the RTCPA. They are informal plans that can be seen to stem from responsib ilities placed upon the National Park Board in the National Parks Act.

The National Parks plans are five-year development plans that seek to ensure a sustainable utilisation of resources among all of the stakeholders within and adjacent to park areas. The plans also aim to provide a rehabilitation plan to restore roads, boreholes and tourist facilities.

Two five-year development plans have been produced for Gonorezhou and Hwange National Parks. The planning process is also underway for the Matopos and Victoria Falls National Parks areas. These are all part of a five year programme of planning work that is intended to embrace all 11 national parks and 69 recreational parks countrywide.

The process is led by the DNPWLM. The DNPWLM have also established a Stakeholder Consultative Group, including the RDC, representatives of CAMPFIRE and adjacent communities, tourist operators, hoteliers and others. A planning Unit has been established within the DNPWLM. The World Bank, UNDP and the Japanese development agency, JICA, are all involved in providing support to the initial 11 national parks and support is required for the remaining recreational parks.

Whilst there is some element of a bottom-up approach in this type of planning in that stakeholders are involved it is essentially a technical management exercise, in which the output is intended for the managers of the National Parks and the DNPWLM.

4.3.7 Forest Action Plans

Forest Action Plans have a similar origin to National Parks Plans except that they are now seen as part of a philosophy of shared forest management. In terms of legislation much the same comments apply as to national parks plans. Rural Master Plans and Local Plans can be undertaken by the Forestry Commission under the RTCPA for all Forest Areas except Gwaai and Fuller Forests. However, this is not being done and the Forest Action Plans are informal plans justified in general terms under the management responsibilities of the Forest Board.

The objectives of Forest Action Plans are to provide a development plan for forest areas that provides for social, economic and natural resource sustainability.

Only one pilot project has been completed for the Mafungabusi Forest in Midlands Province . A new project on Shared Forest Management has commenced in Gwaai and Bembesi Forest Areas and adjacent localities and may eventually embrace several other indigenous forest areas in Matabeleland North. This project is currently examining the options for the illegal settlers in the Gwaai and Bembesi forest areas. Eventually the project will hope to produce Forest Action Plans for these and other areas.

The process is led by the Forestry Commission who work in close association with other stakeholders, especially the RDCs in whose districts Forest Areas are present. Other stakeholders include central government ministries, logging companies, tourist operators, community representatives, traditional leaders and so on.

The process has received donor support from GTZ for the Mafungabusi Pilot Project and DFID for the Shared Forest Management Programme.

There has been a growing appreciation of the need to adopt a participatory approach to both community and stakeholder involvement. PRAs are being undertaken in the SFM Project among both the forest dweller communities and the adjacent communities. Widespread consultation is underway and the aim is to adopt a long term process approach to the planning of forest areas with a strong link to RDCs.

4.4 Institutional and financial support to planning

4.4.1 Introduction

Institutional and financial support to rural development and planning is increasingly derived from donor funding, as indicated in Figure 5. Many Rural Development Programmes are now funded solely or mainly by donors and international NGOs as Government and local authority resources have lessened.

Within Government the operation of planning systems is also now increasingly underpinned by donor assistance in the form of technical support at national and other levels. Many government ministries now have special planning units funded by donors, supporting either rural development programmes or planning systems.

Support to RDCs to improve their capacity to plan and manage has also increased in recent years. This support to strengthen institutional capacity for rural planning has become an increasing feature of overseas assistance and is dealt with below in terms of central and local government.

4.4.2 Support to planning at central government level

Special planning units of one sort or another exist in most government ministries. There are a number of sector support units. Health planning has been assisted in this way for many years by a range of donors. Within the MLGNH, integration of the rural water and sanitation sector has been supported by a National Coordination Unit funded by SIDA. DANIDA and SIDA support the Rural Feeder Roads Programme in the Ministry of Transport and Energy. In the MPSLSW a Pove rty Alleviation Unit has been supported by the World Bank and UNDP.

Planning systems have also received support of late. In the MRRWD the evolution of water planning has been assisted by the GTZ and the Dutch Government in the Water Resources Management Unit. In the MMET the DEAP process has been supported by UNDP and a separate programme office established. In National Parks a separate Planning Unit is supported by the World Bank.

4.4.3 Support to planning at local government level a) Rural District Council Capacity Building Programme (RDCCBP )

In order for functions to be successfully decentralised to RDC the capacity needs to be increased first. In 1993 the MLGRUD in conjunction with the Rural Forum commissioned a further study which produced the Strategic Plan for Capacity Building (SPCB) of RDCs. This Plan formed the basis for the major programme of capacity building for RDCs which has been embarked upon by the now Ministry of Local Government and National Housing (MLGNH) with the support of major donors. At the output level the RDCCBP has three arms, The Institutional Development, The Human Resources Development and The Capital Development components. These outputs are summarised in figure 7 overleaf.

Institutional Development

The institutional development component of the RDCCBP is supported by DFID and consists of providing eight provincial teams of facilitators to work alongside the RDCs. The provincial support teams work in such a manner as to encourage long term sustainability of organisatio nal change within the RDCs, rather than to create any sense of dependency. The work is co-ordinated from the government side by the Capacity Building Unit (CBU) within the MLGNH and by a consultancy company, Development in Practice.

Figure 7: Rural district council capacity-building chart

Human Resources Development

The Human Resources component is supported by SIDA and DANIDA and consists of various forms of training, both on the job and college based, as well as seeking to encourage the RDCs to identify skill gaps and training needs in a Training Plan.

Capital development

The Capital Development component is supported by SIDA, the Dutch, and the World Bank and consists of grants and loans. The District Development Grants have been used as a stimulus to learning for the RDCs in the institutional development component as well as a stimulus to rural development. The Grants are made available to all RDCs who fit the selection criteria. The key criteria is to have 3 key staffing posts filled namely the Chief Executive Officer (CEO), Finance Officer, and Projects Officer, having up-to-date audited accounts and signed DDG Participation Agreements. The RDC select projects submit a proposal and if successful implement the projects, taking full responsibility for the project. The idea is to learn whilst doing. (see Box 7 below)

Box 7: Key lessons from the district development grant process being learned at RDC/RDDC level

1. Many RDCs have recognised the need for Strategic District Development Planning as the basis for project selection and prioritisation.

2. Some are starting to appreciate the key role of the RDC as the ‘Planning Authority’ and ‘Co- ordinator of Development’ in the district, rather than simply as a ‘club’ looking after the interests of councillors and officers.

3. Almost all RDCs have had great difficulty of defining a ‘community project’ and the relationship between RDCs and their communities. Most have recognised the difficulties of selecting ‘community projects’ and of managing their implementation.

4. Whilst some RDCs have successfully and effectively completed some of their projects, especially where they have competent projects and planning officers, almost all are recognising weaknesses in RDC project Planning including costings and schedu ling.

5. Appreciation of what constitutes consultation with communities really means re-development and project planning.

6. Appreciation of the need for sector ministries to provide technical inputs at both district and provincial levels. Also from RDCs viewpoint how much they need sector ministry inputs and the potentially constructive role of the Provincial Development Committee.

7. The need for RDCs to establish effective project monitoring systems.

8. Those RDCs that chose to implement a large number of small projects are realising the enormous capacity they need to do this. We anticipate a smaller number of DDG projects in 1999.

Taken from RDCCBP second sixth monthly review, September 1998, CBU, MLGNH.

There is a similar scheme called District Development Loans, which can be accessed by RDCs, however the selection criterion is tougher, and as yet no RDCs qualify for this scheme. b) Other support

SNV, a Dutch development organisation, has been providing technical support to RDC in planning for several years. They second planning experts to work in RDCs with counterparts as a means of increasing the planning capacity of the RDCs. The application is limited to four districts.

MS, a Danish development organisation, has also provided technical support to RDCs for several years, mainly in the field of conservation. Overseas Voluntary Organisations have also made contributions to RDC development through providing technical experts for limited periods of time. Currently the Swedish voluntary organisation SYD is providing planning expertise to two districts in Matabeleland South.

RURAL PLANNING IN ZIMBABWE: ISSUES, PROBLEMS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Chapter 5: Issues and problems

Chapter 6: Recommendations

ISSUES AND PROBLEMS

5.1 Introduction

This chapter assesses the strengths and weaknesses of current rural planning in Zimbabwe. Its objective is to consider whether the present planning systems are adequate to provide the basis for sustainable rural development and, if not, where the main problems lie. The assessment is based on our own analysis of the situation described in Part 3, comments in the literature, the views of key informants whom we interviewed, and discussions at the national workshop held on 10 March 1999.

The analy sis is divided into three main parts. These parts correspond to three of the factors which affect sustainable rural livelihoods identified in DFID's analytical framework (Carney, 1998): strategies, structures and processes. The first part focuses on rural development strategies - in other words, on the content of rural plans . Although the main focus of the study is on approaches to planning rather than the content of plans (i.e. on structures and processes rather than strategies), a brief analysis of the policy content of Zimbabwe's rural plans is necessary in order to provide a meaningful assessment of their effectiveness in achieving sustainable rural development. The second part looks at rural planning structures; that is, at the institutions involved in rural planning. The third part then considers rural planning processes; that is, the methods and procedures which are used in planning. The chapter concludes with a brief summary of the main issues and problems raised.

5.2 Rural development strategies

There are a number of problems associated with the content of Zimbabwe's rural plans. These may be divided into two main categories: the lack of a coherent national rural development policy and the failure to address key rural development issues.

5.2.1 Lack of a coherent rural development policy

There is no overall national rural development policy in Zimbabwe at present. Consequently, each sectoral agency involved in rural development adopts its own policy. Furthermore, since much of the funding for rural development activities (especially for the provision of infrastructure and services and for innovative research and development programmes) comes from external agencies, policy is heavily influenced by the priorities of these agencies, which often reflect international "development fashions" more than the reality of the Zimbabwean rural environment. The implications of this will be discussed further below.

There has not always been a policy vacuum in this area. In the immediate post-Independence period, rural development, particularly in the previously neglected communal areas, was the main priority under the Government's "growth with equity" programme, and there was a relatively clearly articulated rural development policy, based on the provision of infrastructure and services. This provided a basis for investment by both Government and external agencies, resulting in a major improvement in facilities in most communal areas and considerable expansion in agricultural output

in at least some of these areas. This was a period in which Zimbabwe was widely regarded internationally as a model in terms of rural development.

However, since the adoption of structural adjustment policies in 1990, the situation has changed dramatically. National development policy is now focused on macro-economic stability rather than on development per se and on economic growth rather than equity, whilst the scarcity of financial resources now prohibits any significant amount of Government investment in infrastructure and services. As already indicated, most rural development programmes are now funded by external agencies and, because of the absence of a coherent national development policy, reflect the policies and priorities of those agencies.

The situation is exacerbated by the large number of agencies involved in rural development and the bureaucratic rivalries and jealousies between them. There is no ministry with overall responsibility for rural development and no effective machinery for co-ordination, especially at national level. This is not a new problem. It hampered the implementation of rural development policy in the 1980s. Its effects are, however, more obvious now, because of the lack of a comprehensive national development policy. This problem is discussed further under the section below that deals specifically with institutional issues and problems.

An additional, and related, problem is the lack of a spatial dimension to rural development policy. National development policies are aspatial in nature and, despite various calls for the introduction of a spatial element nothing has yet materialised. Meanwhile, the lack of a clear policy on decentralisation and sub-national planning processes has discouraged the formulation of comprehensive rural development policies at provincial, district or regional level - except in areas (such as the Zambezi Valley (see Box 7 below) and districts such as Gutu, Gokwe and Buhera) where donor agencies have funded some form of multi-sectoral rural development programme. This is also discussed further in the section on the institutional framework.

Box 8: A regional policy framework plan: The Kariba Lakeshore Comination Master Plan

The Kariba Lakeshore Master Plan differs from conventional master plans in the following ways:

§ The main role of the Master Plan is to provide a policy framework for the Plan area, within which individual members of the Combination Authority will prepare their own detailed plans. These local authority plans will constitute the main instrume nts through which the Master Plan is implemented, although there are some areas where action by the Combination Authority itself is required.

§ The Plan includes a set of Planning Guidelines to assist the individual local authorities and other relevant bodies to prepare and implement plans and programmes in accordance with the provisions of the Master Plan.

§ The Plan has been prepared within the framework of a wide range of national and international policy and legislation, including policy on national parks and wildlife, fisheries, environmental impact assessment, tourism, shipping and cross-border travel, as well as more conventional physical planning concerns such as urban development, settlement planning and infrastructure provision.

§ Similarly, the Plan includes strategies and policies which extend beyond the conventional boundaries of physical planning and require action not only by local planning authorities but by other organisations (including central government departments and non- government organisations) operating in the Plan area. It is a natural resource development plan, rather than a conventional land use plan.

§ Partly because of the above but also because much of the Plan area consists of Communal land where statutory Development Control procedures are difficult to apply, the implementation of the Plan will involve a variety of measures in addition to conventional Development Control procedures.

§ For similar reasons, the Proposals Map, although an essential component of the Plan, does not provide a comprehensive summary of all the key policy components in the way that it does in a conventional master plan, since some of the policies cannot be portrayed in spatial form.

§ A major effort has been made to address the conflicts between different interest groups in the area and to ensure that "stakeholders" are involved in the formulation and implementation of the detailed plans and programmes which will be undertaken under the auspices of the Master Plan.

Finally, although the policies prescribed in the Plan can be formally implemented only within the boundaries of the Plan area, it is anticipated that, since many of the issues and problems in the area apply also to adjacent parts of the various local authority areas, the local authorities concerned will, when appropriate, take these policies into consideration when formulating policy for other parts of the areas under their jurisdiction.

5.2.2 Failure to address key rural development issues

The other major set of “content” problems is that current rural development policies are failing to address the key problems of rural areas. The basic problem in rural Zimbabwe is poverty, which although varying in extent from place to place and year to year, is widespread and increasing. The causes of this poverty are complex, but the main ones are inadequate access to good quality land, insufficient and/or erratic rainfall, lack of off-farm employment (in both rural and urban areas), and the spiralling increase in the cost of living. The provision of rural infrastructure and services in the 1980s improved both the quality of life and economic potential, but it did not tackle the more complex issues of access to land and drought and its impact on off-farm employment in rural areas (through the growth centre policy) was disappointing. Meanwhile, the 1990s have witnessed increasing unemployment in urban areas, a deterioration in the quality of social services, and unsustainable increases in the cost of living in both rural and urban areas.

Although these problems are widely recognised, current rural development policies are woefully inadequate. The Government's Poverty Alleviation Action Plan can do little more than alleviate the worst affects of rural poverty, since it does not address the main causes outlined above. The problems of access to land, drought, unemployment and inflation are all highly complex issues for which there is no easy solution, particularly in the current macro-economic environment. The Government's efforts to tackle these issues are currently constrained by a combination of politics, lack of resources, bureaucratic inertia, and the vagaries of the weather.

The many ad hoc, donor-supported rural development programmes are equally ineffective. Donors shy away from land reform because of its complex political and economic implications, while tackling the problems of unemployment and inflation means questioning the basic macro-economic policies, which they themselves are supporting. Consequently, they tend to focus on "easier" issues, such as infrastructure (e.g. IRWSSPs), natural resource management (e.g. Campfire, DEAP, IFAD), and gender-focused projects. These are important policy areas, but their impact is inevitably limited unless the more fundamental problems are also tackled. The limited impact of infrastructure provision has already been pointed out. In the case of natural resource management, one cannot expect farmers to practice sustainable resource management if it is a choice between that and short- term survival, while in the case of gender programmes, the welfare of women is dependent not only on their status within the family and community but also - and probably primarily - on the economic wellbeing of that family and community.

5.3 Rural planning structures

As already indicated, the institutional framework for rural planning has a major - and often negative - impact on both the formulation and implementation of rural development plans. There are five main problem areas: centralisation, lack of inter-sectoral co-ordination, lack of capacity, conflicts between political and technical priorities, and inappropriate external support.

5.3.1 Centralisation

The centralised nature of the Zimbabwean government structure has long been recognised and, as already indicated in earlier chapters, there have been various attempts to decentralise power to sub- national levels. Some progress has been made, particularly in terms of the consolidation and strengthening of the position of RDCs, and there appears to be a greater commitment to decentralisation now than at any time in the almost twenty years since Independence. However, at the time of writing the Government's decentralisation policy is still somewhat vague and there is no detailed implementation programme, although one is currently in preparation. Furthermore, and

perhaps of greater concern, the main reason why decentralisation is at last gaining widespread support within Government is that many central government agencies see it as a means of "passing the buck" of inadequate res ources and deteriorating services to RDCs.

The centralised nature of the Zimbabwean bureaucracy has made it very difficult to plan effectively at sub-national level. The main problem has been that manpower and, in particular, financial resources have been controlled at the centre. Consequently, the many attempts to prepare plans at provincial, district and community level have been frustrated because there have been no resources to implement them. The situation has changed somewhat in recent years, since there is an increasing tendency for donor agencies to fund capital projects through RDCs. This has not only encouraged planning at district level but also increased the status and boosted the morale of RDCs. However, these benefits have been compromised by the fact that each donor has its own programme, with its own priorities and planning systems. This makes comprehensive planning difficult and places enormous management burdens on the RDCs. The decentralisation of government structures is unlikely to improve the situation, since (as already indicated) functions are likely to be decentralised without adequate financial resources, thus increasing both donor dependency and local management problems.

An additional problem is the fact that decentralisation has to date focused on the transfer of powers and functions from national to district level. There has so far been very little attempt to strengthen institutions and provide access to resources at community level. The "bottom up" planning system introduced in the 1980s never really got off the ground, primarily because of the confusion and conflict caused by the establishment of new institutional structures (VIDCOs and WADCOs) and (except in areas where Campfire is in operation) lack of access to financial resources. There are signs that the situation could improve in the near future, since the forthcoming Traditional Leaders Act should help to reconcile the conflict between "traditional" and "modern" institutions and increasing efforts are being made to provide financial resources (e.g. through CAP and the community-based component of DDGs) to this level. However, it remains to be seen how effective these measures will be.

5.3.2 Lack of co-ordination between agencies

As already indicated the multiplicity of agencies, government and non-government, involved in rural development hampers rural planning efforts. It makes it difficult to prepare and implement comprehensive plans at national and sub-national levels and frequently results in conflicting polic ies, duplication of effort, and failure to share both information and resources. The effects are most serious at the local level, where communities are faced with conflicting or competing policies and projects and their leaders are forced to attend so many meetings that they have no time for other activities.

This problem exists in all countries. The multi-dimensional nature of rural development necessitates the involvement of a number of different agencies and the hierarchical structure of most of these agencies inevitably makes inter-agency co-ordination difficult. Moreover, it can be argued that there are advantages in having several different agencies involved, particularly if they include both government and non-government agencies, since there are then more channels by which local people can get access to support. One of the problems of the one-party state model, which was common in many African nations in the 1960s and 1970s, is that access to services is dominated by party members and, in some cases, party officials.

However, this lack of co-ordination has been particularly serious in Zimbabwe, primarily because there is an exceptionally high level of jealousy and suspicion between agencies. This was, in fact, the main reason for the introduction of the "bottom-up" planning system in the 1980s, which involved the establishment of co-ordinating structures at each level - village, ward, district and province. However, their impact was limited. It soon became evident that the establishment of co- ordinating committees does little other than facilitate the exchange of information if financial resources are still allocated at the centre through sectoral agencies. Consequently, the enthusiasm with which those at sub-national level initially embarked upon the preparation of plans was gradually replaced by frustration and disillusionment with the planning process. Furthermore, since the co-ordinating structures were dominated by party members, non-party members found increasing difficulty in accessing development initiatives.

The situation has been further aggravated by the existence of a number of different planning agencies, including NEPC, DPP, Agritex, ARDA, the former Departments of Rural Development and Community Development and, more recently, the Department of Natural Resources. These agencies differ in their professional focus and in their level of operation and, if they worked together could provide an effective rural planning team. However, they have instead seen themselves as rivals, operating independently and, in many cases, in direct competition with each other.

There is evidence to suggest that the situation is now improving somewhat. An exceptional example of inter-agency co-operation exists in Matabeleland South with the Give a Dam Campaign (see Box 8 below). The increasing tendency for donor agencies to channel funds through RDCs, combined with the scarcity of Government financial resources, is encouraging inter-sectoral co- ordination at district level. Agencies which previously operated independently now have to seek funds through the RDC and thus to comply with the RDC's plans and priorities. Moreover, even the different planning agencies are finding that they can no longer afford to compete with each other. For example, NEPC has withdrawn its staff from the sub-national level, while Agritex no longer has the resources to do its own land use planning exercises and so makes its services available to assist the RDC (or other agencies) who do have funds. However, because of the large number of donor- funded activities, each with its own priorities and planning systems, co-ordination remains a problem.

Box: 9: Angency co-operation: The example of the Give A Dam campaign

The Give a Dam Campaign was born in late 1995 out of the experiences of National and International NGOs involved with drought relief activities in the drought stricken Matabeleland South Province. NGOs, Donors, Rural District Councils representing the Communities in Matabeleland South and Government agencies formed a consortium. The aim of the of the consortium is to construct small to medium sized dams to provide water for irrigation, domestic use and for livestock watering. Below are the Give a Dam Partners:

Africare Africa 2000 Network Christian Care CADEC Dabane Trust Mat. Dev. Foundation Six RDCs Government Agencies ORAP Oxfam USA Oxfam Canada World Vision UNDP Evangelical Fellowship Lutheran World Fed. German Dev. Serv.

The Campaign is jointly chaired by the Provincial Administrator of Matabeleland South and the UNDP Resident Representative.

Achievements

§ 22 dams substantially completed § 7 dams under construction § 21 dams surveyed and awaiting confirmation of funding § 3 irrigation schemes operational § 26 new irrigation schemes surveyed, of which 5 are under implementation

Training and Ownership

Each dam constructed under the Campaign is managed by the Dam Management Committee. This is a committee which is selected by the communities and its major responsibility is to help the community to fully participate in all dam related activities. The Dam Management Committees are trained and exposed to various situations sa as to assist them to manage their situations better. Training has been conducted for 33 Dam Management Committees. 47 environmental animators, drawn from the communities, have been trained.

Training is conducted at community, district, provincial and national levels. All training processes are facilitated by District Training Teams which are composed of extension workers from central and local government

Extract from GAD Annual Report 1998

5.3.3 Lack of capacity

Lack of technical and financial capacity to prepare and implement plans is a widespread problem, which affects all agencies and all levels. However, two dimensions of the problem warrant particular mention.

Firstly, the severity of the problem has increased in recent years, particularly in government organisations, because of the lack of financial resources. This has not only hampered day-to-day planning and implementation activities but also reduced the morale of civil servants and encouraged the exodus of staff to NGOs and the private sector. The public sector is thus left with inexperienced and/or unmotivated staffs, who lack the basic resources (such as transport and office equipment) needed to perform effectively. Moreover, the lack of financial resources has, as already indicated, increased dependency on donor funding and, therefore, resulted in "donor-driven" policies and programmes.

Secondly, the la ck of both financial and technical resources increases in proportion to both physical and hierarchical distance from the centre. There is less capacity at district level than at provincial or national level, and even less at community level; and there is less capacity in poorer, isolated districts (such as Binga) than in wealthier districts nearer the main urban centres. However, both the Government and external funding agencies have recognised the need to improve capacity at sub- national level, particula rly in RDCs, in order to transfer additional functions from the national level. This has resulted in the establishment of the RDC Capacity Building Programme, a major donor- funded initiative to strengthen the planning, management, technical and financial capacity of RDCs.

5.3.4 Conflicts between political and technical priorities

Planning is inevitably fraught by conflicts between "objective" professional or technical priorities and various "political" interests or necessities, and rural planning in Zimbabwe is no exception. As elsewhere, this problem affects the planning process in three main ways. Firstly, development policies and plans inevitably reflect not merely "objective" needs and priorities but also political pressures by the various interest groups. Secondly, the difficulty in reconciling the various conflicting interests (political and technical) frequently delays indefinitely the formulation of policies and plans. And thirdly, the implementation of plans is frequently disrupted by political intervention. The issue of land reform is a particularly obvious example of a policy area where there are complex conflicts between various political and technical interests, but it is only one of many.

There are two ways of regarding the role of politics in planning. One way, which is common among frustrated professional planners, is to regard it as "political interference" in what should be an "objective" technical process. The other, more realistic way is to regard planning as an essentially political process. The latter approach suggests the need for professional planners (and other concerned individuals and organisations) to consider the political implications of their proposals, to "sell" them to the politicians, and to provide institutional support to weaker interest groups in order to increase their political influence. The implications of this in terms of planning methods will be discussed in the next section. At this point, however, it should be noted that there are various efforts to "change the balance of power" within the field of rural development planning. The RDC Capacity Building Programme, which is designed to (among other things) strengthen the bargaining capacity of RDCs is one such example, which is already having a considerable impact. Other examples are the increasing number of attempts, mainly by NGOs (for example, ACPDT, Zimrights and CCJP) to support the interests and strengthen the negotiating capacity of community groups, especially in deprived areas.

5.3.5 Inappropriate external support

Various references have already been made to the role of external agencies in rural development planning and it has already been indicated that, although they provide much needed technical and,

in particular, financial support, there are major problems associated with this support. There are three main problem areas. Firstly, external agencies tend to have their own priorities, which are not necessarily those of the Zimbabwean Government - or of the communities where the projects are located. Secondly, these agencies generally impose their own planning and monitoring systems, which are different from those used by Government - and those of other external agencies. Thirdly, the form in which the support is provided often increases rather than decreases dependency. The first two problems have already been discussed in some detail. However, the third one warrants some elaboration here.

In order to be effective, external support should not merely meet a short-term financial or technical need but result in long-term benefits in terms of the financial or technical capacity of the institution concerned. In other words, as the well-known saying goes, "give someone a fish and s/he has food for today; teach him or her to fish, and s/he has food for life." However, much of the external assistance currently being provided in Zimbabwe is reducing rather than strengthening local institutional capacity. For example, externally supported programmes are increasingly operated by special units within Government agencies, staffed by specially recruited staff on short-term contracts who receive much higher salaries than their counterparts in permanent positions. Similarly, much of the technical assistance provided to RDCs has, at least until recently, involved the provision of expatriate staff who do the work concerned rather than train or facilitate permanent local staff. The RDC Capacity Building Programme is a major exception in this respect, since the basic principle underlying the programme is that of facil itation. However, even it involves the employment of large numbers of short-term contract staff at national and provincial level, thus running the risk of undermining rather than strengthening the long-term support role of the central government.

5.4 Rural planning processes

It is obvious from the description of rural planning activities in previous chapters that there has been a great deal of planning activity in Zimbabwe, particularly since Independence. The various agencies involved in these activities embarked upon them with energy and enthusiasm. However, more often than not, the impact in terms of sustainable rural development has been disappointing. With the benefit of hindsight, it is possible to identify four main reasons for this: the lack of a coherent approach to rural planning; the gap between planning and implementation; the lack of effective community participation in planning; and a bias towards blueprint rather than process planning. These are discussed in turn below.

5.4.1 Lack of a coherent approach to rural planning

This problem stems from the many different agencies involved in rural planning and the lack of co- ordination between them. Each agency has adopted its own planning methods and procedures, based on its own particular focus of interest and professional bias and, in many cases, influenced by the whims of external funding agencies and their technical advisers. Various attempts have been made to prepare general guidelines on planning procedures, but most have failed, due to the reluctance of agencies to collaborate. The most obvious example is a series of unsuccessful attempts to reach agreement on provincial and district planning procedures between the two main Government agencies involved, NEPC and DPP. However, there have also been some equally ineffective efforts to reconcile different planning approaches at community level (e.g. between Agritex, DPP and the then Department of Community Development in the 1980s), and a somewhat more successful attempt, lead by the DFID team in Midlands Province, to share experiences between the various external funding agencies operating at district level in the early 1990s.

In some cases, there has been no co-ordinated approach even within agencies. The main culprit in this respect has been DPP, which took the lead in sub-national planning in the 1980s and continues to play an important role but, despite various departmental conferences on the subject, has never had a coherent national policy on planning methods at provincial, district or community levels. Consequently, each province has adopted its own approach, resulting in a wealth of lessons of experience but no overall consistency.

5.4.2 Gap between planning and implementation

Zimbabwe's rural development activities can, perhaps over simplistically but not unjustifiably, be divided into two main types: plans which are not implemented and projects which are executed in a policy vacuum. This applies particularly in the case of spatial (i.e. area) plans and policies, which (because of the multi-sectoral nature of rural development) play a critical role in rural planning. On the one hand, there are many examples of provincial, district, ward and village plans which have not been implemented, ranging in time from the MLGRUD/DPP-led plans of the 1980s to the recent District Environmental Actions Plans (DEAPs) sponsored by the Department of Natural Resources and UNDP. And on the other hand, there are numerous projects, which are planned and implemented by sectoral agencies, or even by local authorities, often with external funding, which do not fit into any spatial policy or plan. These include not only the sectoral projects of agencies such as the Ministries of Education and Health, DDF and Agritex, which are planned on a national sectoral basis, but also projects where there is more scope for local spatial planning, such as those funded through Campfire, the Rural Development Fund (RDF) and the Community Action Project (CAP).

The result of this gap between planning and implementation is, on the one hand, frustrated and disillusioned planners and, on the other hand, projects which do not meet local needs and priorities or fit in with other development activities. The term "planners" here refers not only to the professional planners who have put so much wasted effort into the preparation of provincial, district and community plans which have not been implemented, but to the agencies that have been involved in their preparation (e.g. members of Provincial and District Development Committees) and, perhaps most important of all, community leaders who, time after time, have been asked to indicate their priorities in terms of development assistance, only to find that, if any assistance comes, it is for something totally different.

There are two main reasons for this gap. One is the problem of centralisation, which was discussed; particularly the failure to decentralise control over the financial and other resources needed to implement plans. As long as financial resources are controlled by the centre and allocated through sectoral agencies, it is difficult to link projects and programmes with area plans and priorities. However, it is also due to the adoption of inappropriate planning processes - by both spatial and project planners.

Those responsible for the preparation of spatial plans have tended to ignore the question of resources for implementation, resulting in plans, which are over ambitious and not linked to resource availability. This problem has been gradually recognised, particularly at district level, resulting in some cases in the abandonment of any form of comprehensive area planning but in other cases in attempts to develop more pragmatic planning systems. Such systems have two main characteristics. Firstly, they give most attention to the planning of resources over which the district has control, which are as already indicated in, increasing in number as more external agencies are provide funds through RDCs. Secondly, they use plans as a tool with which to negotiate with

national sectoral agencies or external funding organisations to get financial support for district priorities; in other words, the plans become a means of strengthening their bargaining power with funding agencies. These lessons have not yet been formalised into any form of planning guidelines, but they have influenced the planning practice of some districts, particularly those that have had some external planning support.

Meanwhile, those responsible for project planning (at national, provincial and district levels) have also erred, in that they have tended to plan in a top-down, sectoral and aspatial manner. Inadequate attention has been given to community needs and priorities, a point which is discussed in depth below, or to the relationship with other development activities and the need to see the project as part of a broader spatial strategy for the area. Even at provincial and district levels, the concept of strategic planning is lacking. The few attempts which have been made to prepare strategic plans (for example, DPP's pilot rural master plans) have been top-down initiatives, undertaken in most cases by external consultants and, like so many other spatial plans, unrealistic in terms of the resources for implementation. There is an urgent need for a simple, pragmatic approach to strategic planning, particularly at district level, which can be undertaken by local institutions and provides simple guidelines for the identification of priorities and, therefore, for project planning.

5.4.3 Lack of effective community participation in planning

There has been a great deal of rhetoric about community participation in planning in Zimbabwe since Independence, by both Government and donor agencies. This is reflected in the "bottom-up" planning system introduced through the 1984 Prime Minister's Directive and, more recently, in programmes such as Campfire, IRWSSP, DEAP and CAP. The reality, however, is somewhat different. There are very few cases where rural development interventions have been actually initiated by the communities concerned - or, to see it from another perspective, where communities feel that their needs are really being met by current development interventions. In other words, community participation in planning has, in most cases, been a top-down affair! There are three main reasons for this.

Firstly, the rhetoric of community participation has not always stemmed from a genuine concern that people should have more control over their own development. In many cases, it has been introduced as a means of maintaining political support and strengthening the role of the ruling party at local level, reducing the costs to Government of the construction and/or maintenance of community services, or obtaining support from external funding agencies, for whom popular participation (like gender awareness) has, for a variety of reasons, become an essential condition for project approval.

Secondly, although significant change is discernible, Zimbabwean culture has not facilitated the adoption of a genuine "bottom-up" planning process. Traditional organisational structures are hierarchical and authoritarian in nature and ordinary people are used to doing what they are told rather than taking the initiative and challenging those in positions of authority.

Thirdly, and perhaps most significantly, effective popular participation is, under the best of circumstances, difficult to achieve. It requires time and resources, flexible planning and policy- making systems, and personnel with participatory skills and attitudes. Furthermore, it is not something that can be imposed from above. The main initiative has to come from the communities themselves and the quality of participation is, therefore, dependent to a large extent on the nature of the community concerned, including the commonality of interests, the degree of social coherence, the existence and effectiveness of organisational structures, and the quality of leadership. "Outsiders" can do no more than facilitate the process.

However, the experience with community participation is not entirely negative. The increasing number of participatory planning efforts has contributed to a wider understanding of its nature and complexity and there have been a number of relatively successful cases. These include, on the one hand, some communities where nation-wide programmes such as Campfire and DEAP have involved effective participation and, on the other hand, initiatives by some NGOs, such as ACPDT in Gokwe (see Box 9 below) and CCJP in Binga (PlanAfric 1996). Furthermore, there is increasing evidence that local people are beginning to recognise that they can influence the development process and, therefore, to voice their opinions and take a more responsible attitude to the election of community leaders. The large turnover in local councillors at the 1998 RDC elections is an indication of this growing awareness.

Box 10: Community participation: The example of an ACPDT project in Gokwe North

Prior to the availability of funds for the Leadership Capacity Building Project for Wealth Creation and Development, one of the community publishing activists from Gokwe North initiated a pilot project in Simchembu and Nenyunga wards in Gokwe North, since “people in our area are so committed to development” (Sibanda, 1997). Beginning in November, 1996, the following has been achieved in six months as a result of the initiative, co-ordination, creativity and self-reliance of the trainee leaders and their communities, and with strong moral and technical support but small financial contributions from ACPDT:

§ 82 suitable participants (22 women/ 60men) from low income families were recruited for the programme and organised into small units, each with a mobiliser and deputy mobiliser to lead the unit. § The programme was introduced to and gained support from key local leadership, including chiefs, councillors, extension workers and school heads. § Individual trainees wrote their life and family histories. § Units undertook research on the forty-year-old problem of elephants in their area and wrote a petition to the responsible authorities, as well as writing a report on how to improve the management of CAMPFIRE, which was presented to the RDC and the CAMPFIRE national office. § Trainees wrote the second part of their life stories, identifying their strengths, talents and achievements, and chose symbols to represent themselves – providing both a valuable record of poverty and indicators for measuring change over time. § Units identified their ideas and suggestions for the Local Leadership Programme, including a list of their learning needs ad suggestions for a name for the Programme. § Several trainees and other young people in the area have worked with grandmothers to write, translate and illustrate traditional (mainly Tonga) stories. In addition, the grandmothers have initiated the collection of local wild plants and an identification of their uses. § Trainees have raised ZWD 8000 from local resources towards building a multi-purpose community centre at which to hold workshops, run a pre-school, establish a resource centre, set up an art gallery, and so on. They are also working on a project proposal to assist in completing the centre. (this could be compared with the top-down idea of Village Development Centres conceived of in the early 1980s by the then Ministry of Community Development and Women’s Affairs. Besides one or two demonstration sites, such centres were never developed.) § The units have started a drama group, football club, as well as discovering and encouraging the various artistic talents of their members.

Source: Sibanda, 1997

5.4.4 Bias towards blueprint rather than process planning

Most rural development planning initiatives have adopted a "blueprint" approach. In other words, they have involved the preparation of a comprehensive plan, with a detailed list of projects and programmes to be implemented over a specified time period. This has been the case with the many provincial, district and local area plans which have seldom been implemented because they have not been linked to the resource allocation process and with the various sectoral and project plans which have been funded. The blueprint approach has been encouraged by professional planners, for whom "comprehensive rational" planning is professionally satisfying, and, in the case of sectoral and project plans, by external funding agencies, for whom a blueprint plan is a means of knowing exactly what they are going to fund before they commit themselves to it and a basis for monitoring progress.

The main problem with blueprint pla nning in the context of rural development is that it is never possible to predict accurately all the details of a project or programme, particularly in the case of projects which are initiated by and/or require a major input from local communities. Consequently, implementation progress seldom goes according to the plan - and if it does, it is usually at the expense of gaining the commitment or understanding of the beneficiary community.

The alternative approach, which is generally known as a "process" (or "learning process") approach, is a more flexible system of planning, in which only the main objectives and strategies and initial action is determined before implementation begins. The project or programme then evolves gradually, through a continuous process of action and reflection, in which both planners and beneficiaries participate. This approach was pioneered in Zimbabwe by the DFID-funded PDSP in Gokwe District and later replicated in the nation-wide RDC Capacity Building Programme. However, in these programmes the concept of a "learning process" approach applies primarily to institutional development, which is the main objective of the programmes, rather than to planning per se. The introduction of a participatory, process approach to planning at district and sub-district levels is one of the "sub-objectives" of the Capacity Building Programme, the intention being that RDCs will gradually learn by experience with District Development Grants (DDGs) - and other district funding sources - how to plan effectively and realistically. However, this learning process is still in the early stages.

5.5 Summary and conclusion

It is obvious from the above analysis that Zimbabwe's rural planning systems are fraught with problems: lack of a coherent rural development policy; failure to address the main issues which affect sustainable livelihoods; centralisation; lack of co-ordination between the many agencies - and many planning approaches – involved; inadequate planning capacity and ineffective institutional support; the gap between planning and implementation; lack of effective community participation; and inappropriate blueprint planning methods.

However, a vast amount of experience has been gained in the almost twenty years since Independence and there is evidence to suggest that some valuable lessons have been learned from this experience. These include a better understanding of the complexities of rural development in an environment like Zimbabwe, where access to resources is highly unequal and there are major conflicts between the needs of short-term survival and those of long-term environmental sustainability. They also include an appreciation of the need for - and problems of achieving - effective planning structures, including decentralisation, co-ordination between agencies, and local

capacity building. And they include a greater awareness of the complexities of community participation and the need for a realistic, process approach to planning. Many of these are lessons which had already been learned in other countries which gained Independence earlier and one could therefore argue that the necessary knowledge could have been gained more quickly, cheaply and painlessly by studying others' experiences. However, as the learning process approach expla ins, learning by doing is the most effective - and in many cases the only effective - method of learning.

The main concern, perhaps, with regard to the current situation in Zimbabwe is that many of the valuable lessons which have been learned are of limited relevance or are difficult to apply in the present national and international economic environment. The increases in poverty and inequality make it even more difficult to formulate sustainable rural development strategies, while because of declining Government resources, reforms such as decentralisation and community participation are promoted for the "wrong" reasons and therefore run the risk of compounding the problems.

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 Introduction

The following conclusions and recommendations are based upon the previous chapters, especially the analysis of the previous chapter coupled with the experience of the authors in rural planning over many years. They are intended to be both a guide to good practice for the purposes of the wider report and an indication of a way forward within Zimbabwe. We have tried to avoid a prescriptive approach, concentrating instead upon ways of improving processes and structures as a means to strengthen the potential for Zimbabwean agencie s to arrive at their own solutions to problems. However, where we feel there may be some useful pointers to solutions we have elaborated these as possible options for consideration.

The structure of this chapter follows the adopted division between strate gies, structures and approaches.

6.2 Strategies

6.2.1 Conclusions

There are a number of critical issues regarding the content of rural planning in Zimbabwe. In the first place it is widely acknowledged that Zimbabwe lacks an overall vision to guide rural development and therefore, such strategies as it does have are pursued as separate matters lacking integration. Moreover, this vacuum in national strategic direction justifies donor agencies in imposing their own strategic agendas, which may or may not coincide with Zimbabwean ideals.

Secondly there is a dearth of new thinking regarding policy and strategy development in rural planning. Linked to this is the fact that there is a lack of research in certain critical areas and consequently policy makers lack good information on which to base their deliberations.

Finally, issues of rural development in Zimbabwe are beset with growing structural problems related to poverty, inequality, food security and access to such vital resources as land. These are key issues that require some resolution before sustainable progress can be made on improving rural livelihoods.

6.2.2 Recommendations

National Rural Development Strategy for Sustained, Improved Rural Livelihoods

§ The Government of Zimbabwe should seek to develop a National Vision for the sustained improvement of rural livelihoods in Zimbabwe and an integrated set of rural development strategies to meet such a vision. § District visions and strategies should also be encouraged, guided by the national vision and strate gies. § There is a need for rural development strategies to be multi-sectoral.

§ In order to assist the above process a Rural Policy Institute or think tank may be appropriate. Such an institute could be established as a non-government body, but with full support and participation from all stakeholders. § Among the immediate areas of concern that may be tackled by such a think tank, or through any other mechanism, are: - rural/urban linkages, - further research and development of SRL analysis, especially the difficulty of reconciling short-term survival and long-term environmental sustainability, and - increased data on who is doing what, where, at what value and with what impacts.

Common approach to structural issues in SRLs

§ All agencies working within the field of rural development and rural planning should recognise the importance of addressing key structural issues impacting upon SRLs, such as land reform, poverty reduction and inequality and support national efforts to resolve these and integrate proposed reforms into their own strategies and proposals.

6.3 Institutions

6.3.1 Conclusions

We have identified four main areas of concern in the current way in which rural planning institutions operates in Zimbabwe. The first area concerns decentralisation. Whilst considerable progress has been made in this field there remain a number of worries. Despite strong government statements to the effect that the focus of decentralisation is to empower RDCs many ministries are pursuing different agendas. There is also a lack of clarity from government with regard to a programme of implementation and proper financing of RDCs. Despite the fact that RDCs are increasingly recognised as the key co-ordinating planning agency at district level some agencies continue to by-pass the RDC.

A second cluster of issues occurs around the question of capacity building . There has been a growing pressure on central government to increase its planning capacity at national level, whilst concomitantly reducing its role in direct service provision. At the same time government has suffered from reduced resources and loss of skilled and experienced staff to the private sector. To meet this gap donor agencies have increased their support. This, in turn has created a new form of dependency. At the RDC level there has been a significant measure of activity to enhance capacity with some measurable success, although much remains to be done. At the community level there is a huge need to build capacity of local institutions and organisations as more and more rural development agencies seek to involve them in the participation and ownership of projects.

A third set of issues concerns the lack of integration both within and between rural planning sectors. Thus central government remains bedevilled by strong vertical ministry lines and weak cross sector linkages; NGOs operate in idiosyncratic ways and donors pursue their own programmes and agendas without much consultation amongst themselves or with other sectors. The private sector is often ignored by all the others and also operates in its own ways. In addition the vexed question of the role of the province in rural development and planning remains unresolved.

Finally, in what could be seen, as a subset of the above, but deserves separate consideration in the context of this report, is the question of actual and potential overlap and duplication amongst the different planning systems. This stems in part from the absence of an acknowledged leader in the field, resulting in rivalry and competition amongst the different planning agencies.

6.3.2 Recommendations

§ There is a need for clearer statements from government, endorsed by the Cabinet, that decentralisation is primarily intended to devolve functions to RDCs and only secondarily to de-concentrate responsibilities within ministries. § There is a need for government to establish a timetable for the decentralisation and to ensure commitment of line ministries to this programme. § In decentralising to RDCs there is a need for decentralisation, not just of planning but of powers, functions and, in particular, access to, or control over resources needed to implement plans. § The allocation of resources at district level must be linked to the strategies and priorities contained in district development plans. § Decentralisation must be combined with capacity building (capacity to plan, implement and manage development programmes), at all levels, that is based upon a learning by doing approach.

Capacity Building at community le vel

§ Considerable resources are required to build capacity at community level so as to enable sub- district institutions, especially the future Village Assemblies, to plan, manage and conserve natural resources. § Similarly capacity building is required to enable community based organisations plan and manage local projects. The capacity building should be facilitatory and imbued with a learning-by-doing philosophy.

Capacity Building at district level

§ The increasing role of the RDC in rural planning requires that RDCs establish separate planning departments, headed by a professional rural planner. This will need to be achieved within the wider context of strengthening RDCs through the HRD component of the RDCCBP. As an interim measure it may be necessary for RDCs to combine to support one professional planner who would serve two or three districts. § The RDDC needs to be strengthened by seeking to ensure that all stakeholders attend, especially where rural planning matters are decided. This may mean altering formats and styles so as to make the Committee’s deliberations more attractive to NGOs and the private sector. Efforts need to be made to ensure that district government officials attend, either through mandating or incentives. § Overseas agencies should come together to agree upon a common set of requirements for project and programme support at district level. The current situation, where each country requires the RDC to comply with their own financial, management and monitoring systems is placing intolerable burdens upon RDCs. At the very least there should be a common core set of requirements with minimal additional special records related to specific country issues.

§ Strategies should be developed by the Public Service Commission to ensure that government develops its own capacity to plan and manage rural development rather than rely on donor technical support. Donor support should be seen as building capacity rather than substituting for lack of national resources. § National level integration of rural planning could be achieved through the Capacity Building Co-ordinating Committee (CBCC) as it includes all the relevant government departments and ministries (except Agritex-which should be rectified). The rationale for using this mechanism is that district level integration of planning must be primarily achieved through the RDC and the RDDC and that the CBCC is the best linked national committee to the rural local authorities. § The question of agreeing which planning agency, NEPC, DPP or DWD should be first among equals is likely to remain unresolved as each has a legitimate claim. Therefore the approach should be made, as soon as possible, to achieve complementarity between the seven different planning systems in Zimbabwe. This may best be achieved through the CBCC. The basis for agreement must seek to resolve the function, scale, focus and timeframe of each planning output, the way each planning output relates to the others and the roles of the different agencies. § In addition to the above each planning system should relate to the RDC in a similar manner and in accordance with decentralisation. Guidelines should be made available to RDCs for each planning system setting out expected role of the RDC at district and sub-district levels.

Rural Planning Fora

§ The feasibility of establishing Rural Planning Fora at national and provincial level should be explored. Such fora would serve the purpose of bringing all stakeholders together: Government, RDCs, NGOs, Donors and the Private Sector to identify problems and issues and seek ways forward. Their main focus would be on finding ways of working together so as to complement each other and to discuss strategic and policy issues. These partnership arrangements could be jointly funded by all sectors and would meet, perhaps two or three times a year. The provincial fora would include RDC representatives and seek to provide an interface between national and district levels. The RDDC may act as a rural planning forum at district and local level by committing one or two meetings a year to a review of development and progress and involve all sectors in such a discussion.

6.4 Approaches

6.4.1 Conclusions

There is a widespread acceptance among practically all rural development and rural planning agencies of the need for an approach to planning which is strategic, integrated across sectors,

focussed, participatory and imbued with a learning by doing process. However, in practice many agencies cling to top-down sectoral approaches which lean heavily upon a blueprint and technical philosophies. There is a need, therefore, to close the gap between rhetoric and genuine practice. Part of the problem lies in the demands of the funders (Government, NGOs and Donors) to see quick results. Another underlying problem is that assistance is often conditional upon adopting certain approaches. This leads to following the approach without genuine commitment or understanding.

6.4.2 Recommendations

§ There is a need for an iterative, top-down and bottom-up approach, with clear national policy guidelines coming down and local needs and priorities filtering up.

§ At all levels there is a need for a simple but relatively comprehensive (i.e. wide-ranging) and long term strategy. The approach needed to prepare this should be multi-sectoral, cutting across different planning professions/systems. § This strategy should be based upon the identification of key issues/problems/potential and should provide basis for detailed sectoral strategies and projects.

§ Planning should be process rather than blueprint in approach- less emphasis on comprehensive plan documents, more on multiple outputs (e.g. basic strategy; sectoral policies; budgets; project plans); constant monitoring and revision/rolling plans; quality of planning should evolve over time in response to perceived needs.

District and local levels

§ Community planning should, in particular, be demand led. However, outsiders can facilitate by providing information and advice and the district level must be responsive. § At district and local levels there will be two types of planning: i) planning activities over which that level has control (including control over resources) and ii) identifying priorities for purposes of lobbying for support from higher levels for those activities and resources over which there is no control.

Appendix 1 Bibliography

Appendix 2 Rural Development Programme Charts: Central and Local Government

Appendix 3 Donor support to Rural Development and Rural Planning

Appendix 4 Case Study and Provincial Data

Appendix 5 Workshop Report

APPENDIX 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Carney, Diana, (ed). Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: What contribution can we make? Department for International Development. UK. 1998 Helmsing, A.H.J. & Wekwete, K.H. (eds). Subnational Planning in Southern and Eastern Africa. Avebury, 1990 Helmsing,A.H.J.et al. Limits to Decentralisation in Zimbabwe: essays on decentralisation of government and planning in the 1980s. 1991 Mutizwa-Mangiza, N.D. & Helmsing, A.H.J. (eds). Rural Development and Planning in Zimbabwe. Avebury. 1991. NANGO. Directory of NGOs in Zimbabwe, 1992 Moyo, Sam. The Land Question in Zimbabwe, 1995 Valk, de P. & Wekwete, K.H. (eds). Decentralising for Participatory Planning ? Avebury, 1990.

Papers: Rural Planning, Land and Associated Issues

ARDA Mid-Zambezi Rural development project. Paper presented to Zambezi Regional Planning Workshop, 1993 Carlberg, E.C. & Ocarsson, G. Challenges to Regional Development Planning in Zimbabwe, Swedeplan. 1988 Commissioner of Planning NEPC: Proposed Composition, Functions and Structure. Cabinet Paper, 1993. Conyers, Diana Bridging the Gap between North and South: Towards a Common approach to Intra-Regional Planning. In Third World Planning review Vol. 6 No. 4, Nov. 1984. Conyers, Diana Rural Regional Planning: Towards an Operational Theory. Centre for Development Studies, University College of Swansea, n.d. 1980s Conyers, Diana. Rural development in Zimbabwe. Background Paper for the estab. Of the Forum for Strategic Dialogue on Rural Development (MLGRUD). PlanAfric, 1991 Conyers, Diana. Strengthening Land Use Planning to Facilitate the development of Tsetse cleared areas in the Zambezi Valley. FAO Project. 1990 Conyers, Diana. Which Way Strategic Planning. Paper for DPP Workshop 1998 Cormack, Ian. An Analysis of Rural development Policy in Zimbabwe (Paper presented to the ZIPAM Conference on Rural Development) 1992 DPP Prototype RDC Master Plans. Draft TOR. c 1991 Gunby, Derek Regional Planning Approaches to Zimbabwe, 1945-1994 in Proceedings of PHG Symposium, South Africa 1994 Hilhorst, J.G.M.Assistance in Regional Planning to National Planning Agency, Zimbabwe, UNDP/ISS The Hague. 1989 Liechtenstein Development Service, A Directory of Organisations for Development in Zimbabwe, 1998. Mlalazi, A. Regional development in Zimbabwe: Progression and Problems. n.d. Moyo, Sam Rural Land use and Planning Policy. Research Paper for the NLPF, 1998 Muir, Ann. Evaluating the Impact of NGOs in Rural Poverty Alleviation: Zimbabwe Country Study, ODI, UK 1992

Munyira, F.H.M. The role of the Public Service in promoting Rural Development: Practical Observations. (Paper presented to the ZIPAM Conference on Rural Development) 1992 Musandu-Nyamaro, Oscar. Some Perspectives on the role and Significance of Planning in Sustainable Rural development in Zimbabwe. (Paper presented to the ZIPAM Conference on Rural Development) 1992 Nyangulu, N.M. An Analysis of the role of Women in Rural Development in Zimbabwe: The implications for policy. (Paper presented to the ZIPAM Conference on Rural development) 1992 PDSP Report of the Evaluation Workshop on the Provincial and District Planning System, Kwekwe, Zimbabwe 1989 Rambanapasi, C.O. Sector versus Territory: Critical Perspectives on the Integration of Economic and Physical Planning in Zimbabwe. RUP Occasional Paper, University of Zimbabwe, 1988 Tacoli C.(1998): Rural-urban linkages and sustainable rural livelihoods. pp 67-80 in Carney D (ed) Sustainable rural livelihoods: what contribution can we make?. Papers presented at the Department for International Development’s Natural Resource Advisers’ Conference, July 1998. Department for International Development, London Wekwete, K.H. Decentralised Planning in Zimbabwe: Review of provincial, urban and district development planning in post-independence Zimbabwe. 1988 World Bank Agriculture Sector memorandum (3 Vols) 1991 ? Zimconsult, Robinson, P. & Gunby, D. The relationship between Economic and Physical Planning in Zimbabwe: The Spatial Implications of medium and long- term economic policies and positive planning responses. For the Department of Physical Planning. (1997) ZIPAM Planning and Rural development Policy and Strategy in Zimbabwe. Report of Group at ZIPAM Conference on Rural Development, 1992

Papers: Decentralisation and RDCCBP

Address by Senior Secretary for Local Government, Rural and Urban Development, W. Chiwewe at launch of RDCCBP and CBCC November, 1994 Development in Practice. Shared Objective: Sustainable Rural Development: Study of Programmes that Impact on RDCs. (2 Vols) CBCC. 1998 Draft documents for Decentralisation, Ministry of Health, 1997 Ministry of Local Government and National Housing, Operational Manual for DDGs and DDLs, 1997 Ministry of Local Government and National Housing: Three Project Documents: Institutional Development, Human Resources Development, District Development Grants for Capacity Building, 1996 Ministry of Local Government and National Housing, Rural District Councils Capacity Building programme. First Joint GOZ/Donor Review Report, 1996-1998, 1998 Press Statement by Hon. J.L. Nkomo, Minister of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development, nd c 1996 Pudsey, Dave From Lists of projects to Integrated District Development Plans. 1998 Review Report on the RDCCBP 1996-1998, CBU 1998

Selected Government Reports

Integrated Plan for Rural Development, 1979 Growth with Equity, 1981 Transitional Development Plan, 1982 Provincial Councils and Administration in Zimbabwe, A Statement of Policy and a Directive by the Prime Minister, 1984, Second Prime Minister’s Directive, 1985 First Five-Year Development Plan, 1986-1990, 1986 Zimbabwe: A Framework for Economic Reform (1991-1995), January 1991 Second Five-Year National Development Plan, 1991-1995, December 1991 Zimbabwe Vision 2020 and Long-Term Development Strategies: Final Working Draft, 1997. Zimbabwe Programme for Economic and Social Transformation, 1996-2000 (Zimprest), 1998. Poverty In Zimbabwe, CSO, 1998 Shivji I, D. Gunby, S. Moyo and W. Ncube (1998):. Draft paper prepared for Department of Lands, supported by FAO.

Selected PlanAfric Reports

Rural Development in Zimbabwe: An Overview for the Government of Zimbabwe, supported by the Swedish Development Agency (1991) Regional Planning in Zimbabwe and Part 1 of the Regional, Town and Country Planning Act, for the Government of Zimbabwe, supported by the ODA through the PDSP Project (1992) A Strategic Plan for Building the Capacity of the Rural District Councils of Zimbabwe for the MLGRUD of the Government of Zimbabwe (with Effective ness Consultants). (1994) Capacity Building for RDCs: Implementing the Strategic Plan: 5 Studies for Ministry Local Government, Rural and Urban Development and the United Nations Development Programme. Dr. Gunby and Dr. Conyers. (1995) Appraisal and Evaluation of SNV support to Provincial and District Planning in Zambia : North Western and Western Provinces. For SNV-Zambia 1995 Identifying Rural District Councils priorities for future decentralisation. For the World Bank, supported by ODA. (1996) Support for District and Provincial Planning in North-West Province, Zambia. SNV-Zambia. (1996) Strategic Review of the Provincial Support Programme in South Africa. (Part of IOD, UK team). For the British Development Division in Southern Africa and IOD. (1997) The work of the United Nations Agencies in Zimbabwe, a Review of Mandates, Themes, Programmes and Linkages. For the United Nations Development Programme. (1997) Zimbabwe Community Action Project. For the World Bank and the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare. (1997)

Appendix 2 Rural Development Programme Profiles: Central and Local Government Programmes

PROGRAMME NAME & SCOPE OF OBJECTIVES SCALE OF PROJECT LEAD AGENCY DONOR ACTIVITIES Land and Environment National Parks To rehabilitate National All National Parks Department of National The World Bank Rehabilitation Programme Parks and resource Safari Areas? Parks and Wildlife management

Zimuto Project Wetlands rehabilitation with Masvingo RDC Agritex, Forestry IUCN a community focus Commission and DNR

Zambezi Basin Agro- To generate appropriate agr- Mashonaland West, East and Ministry of Agriculture with International Centre for Forestry for sustainable forestry technoclogies to Central (8 sites) DR&SS and Agritex taking Research in Agro-Forestry rural development and mitigate soil degradation and the lead + ARDA Agro-forestry research increase fuel wood networks for Africa production

Southern Alliance for Facilitates economic Three pilot districts covering Department of natural Multi-funded Indigenous Resources management of indigenous three ecological zones. Resources woodland by communities Chimanimani, Nyanga and Rushinga District Environmental Empowering communities 8 pilot districts, one per Department of Natural UNDP and other donors Action Planning Process and RDCs to meet the well- province. Then to all 57 Resources (DEAP) being of themselves and the RDCs environment through sustainable development programmes

Community Areas To conserve wildlife as a National but concentrated in DNPWLM and RDCs Management Programme local resource in context of western and lowland Campfire Association for Indigenous Resources- ‘decentralisation’ thus districts. (civil society, WADCOs and USAID income generated is retained 28 RDCs RDC structures are involved) ZimTrust (NGO) for local development activities.

Land-Use and Agriculture Smallholder Dry Areas Food security and increased Two Provinces: AGRITEX IFAD Resource Management income based on sustainable Matabeleland South and Australian Government Programme and drought tolerant resource Midlands: 5 high risk (attached officer works with management by and for the districts currently. RDC’s EO Projects officer community. Increase To expand to Manicaland and RDDC Agriculture Sub AGRITEX’s capacity to and Masvingo: no. of Committee) carry out PRAs. districts?

Small holder irrigation To develop small irrigation Manicaland, Masvingo, Mat. Agritex KFW (German Bank) development schemes in CAs South, Midlands and Mat. North Shared Forest Management To develop a SFM approach Matabeleland North Province Forestry Commission DFID to Forest Reserves. Initial Initially Gwaai and Bembesi project to consider problem Forest Areas and adjacent of illegal settlement. RDCs Reforestation Programme Replace degraded forests in National DNR Was funded by World Bank, rural areas now solely GOZ Integrated Rural Sustainable rural Masvingo 3 districts Zaka, MLA GTZ Development Programme development and capacity building

FARMESA Applying farm level research Apply to district level? AGRITEX FAO methods Programme

ARDA Management Development of agricultural Country wide for all ARDA ARDA Government funded production systems estates Land-Use Programmes in To develop integrated and Mashonaland West Province ARDA EU Mid Zambezi Valley sustainable land use systems

Economic Non Farming Activities

Community Grants To provide grants to Nationwide MNAECC Government funded Scheme/ Youth Grants community groups and youth for income generating projects Infrastructure District Development Fund Providing infrastructure in National coverage MRRWD District Development Fund rural areas (roads, water, supported by a number of small dams) donors Rural Development Fund As for DDF but using National coverage Set MRRWD Government funded As for DDF but ‘meeting the another source of funds allocation per district wishes of the people’

Integrated Rural Water To improve the standard of National Coverage Interministerial Committee All major donors Supply and Sanitation living through water and including: UNICEF Provide domestic water sanitation – national National Co-ordinating Unit DANIDA supplies and sanitation in perspective defined in terms (MLGNH); DWR; DFID rural areas of % or households with AGRITEX; ZINWA SNV access to W&S (Mixture of implementation from deconcentration to decentralisation of funds to RDCs)

Give A Dam Funding of Specific infrastructural One Province (Matabeleland GAD Committee Chaired UNDP and some administrative costs related objective to build and South) All districts in jointly by PA Mat. South and International Donors and to dam building. rehabilitate 50 small and Province UNDP and including several some private sector medium size dams. And NGOs associated irrigation schemes Rural Electrification To provide electricity to rural National ZESA Programme service centres

Road sector reform To review and improve the National MTE World bank, Danida, SIDA programme management and maintenance of the national road network Rural Feeder Roads To improve access for rural National MTE DANIDA Programme communities to the primary road network Settlement Programmes Resettlement Programmes To relieve overcrowding in National Office of the President, Multi-donor funding communal areas and improve MLA, MLGNH, MRRWD promised productivity Growth Points/Service To upgrade facilities in rural National Central Rates Fund, MLGNH Government Centres settlements and MTI ?

Poverty Alleviation and Drought Mitigation Drought Mitigation To overcome perennial Matabeleland South MLGNH- PA UNDP and other donors Programme: Mat. South drought problems Province Community Food and Integrated programme to National Ministry of Health + sector SIDA up to last year , now Nutrition Programme combat malnutrition and ministries solely GOZ poverty.

Householder Agricultural Food security and increased Mashonaland Central : 4 Agritex Danida Support Programme income based on sustainable districts and drought tolerant resource management by the community Small scale seed production To promote sustainable seed Masvingo, Matabeleland Agritex GTZ supply at farm level and North promote food security Community Action Strengthen local capacity of Piloted in 12 districts MPSLSW/RDCs The World Bank Programmes Investment in communities and promote Social and Economic participatory and Infrastructure and improved collaborative planning and natural resource management implementation through (funds go directly to partnerships community but RDC approves project) Institutional Support to Rural Planning

Rural District Council To strengthen RDC capacity 8 Provincial support teams MLGNH (CBU) DFID Capacity Building to undertake full range of providing facilitation to all Programme: Institutional functions and to plan and 57 RDCs Support manage accordingly Graduate Engineer Scheme To introduce professional 14 RDCs in first phase on MLGNH/ MTE SIDA engineers to RDCs by linking basis of one graduate per two graduate engineers and districts established engineers as

established engineers as mentors and support Rural District Council To strengthen RDCs capacity As above and linked to it MLGNH (CBU) The World Bank Capacity Building institutionally and to provide Programme: District support for district Development Grants development as a basis for RDC planning and management learning Rural District Council To strengthen RDC capacity As above and linked to it MLGNH (CBU) SIDA + others ? Capacity Building through support to training Programme: Human and skill development Resource Programme

Appendix 3 Donors and Rural Development in Zimbabwe

DONORS PROGRAMME/ACTIVITY LOCATION Land and Environment FAO National Land Policy National level support World Bank National Parks Rehabilitation 11 National Parks Japan (JICA) National Parks Rehabilitation 11 National Parks UNDP National Parks Rehabilitation Gonorezhou N.P. UNDP/ Dutch Govt. Africa 2000 Network 12 Community-based projects in various parts of country UNDP Biodiversity Strategy and National level support Action Plan UNDP Global Environmental Facility 16 projects countrywide (GEF) USAID/ Dutch Govt. CAMPFIRE Support through NGO to all Campfire areas Italy Sustainable Development and Mat. South: Beitbridge Natural Resources Masvingo: Chiredzi Management Project Manicaland: Chipinge NORAD Regional Wetlands National Level Conservation Project European Union (EU) Minefields Clearance Zambezi Valley Programme Zim.Mozambique border Land Use and Agriculture IFAD/ Dutch Govt/Australian Smallholder Dry Areas Mat. South: Beitbridge Govt Resource Management Project Gwanda Midlands: Zvishavane , Shurugwi , Mberengwa To expand to Manicaland and Masvingo GTZ Integrated Rural Development Masvingo 3 districts Programme DFID Shared Forest Management Mat. North- Gwaai/Bembesi Preliminary Assessment Forests GTZ Integrated Indigenous Mash. Central: Muzarabani Resource Management Project FAO Farmesa Programme National level support European Union (EU) Micro-projects Programme National HQ Regional Units EU Assistance to AFC National level EU Small-scale Irrigation 850 smallholder farmers Programme NORAD Lake Kariba Fisheries Unit Kariba support World Bank Credit to Communal and Various areas Resettlement Farmers FAO Gender, Biodiversity and Project areas not yet Local Knowledge Systems to determined strengthen Agriculture and Rural Development GTZ Community Based Woodland Mash. West: Hurungwe and Tree Resource Mash East: Hwedza Management Project (Social Management Project (Social Masvingo: Mwenezi Forestry) Mat. South: Gwanda GTZ Vegetation Resources National; level Information System GTZ Small scale seed production Infrastructure UNICEF Water and Sanitation Mat. South- Beitbridge, Gwanda and Insiza. Mat. North. Bubi DANIDA Water and Sanitation NORAD/SIDA/UNICEF Water and Sanitation Countrywide (Upgrading wells and sanitation systems DFID Water and Sanitation Mat. North- Kusile District Masvingo- Bikita District Dutch Govt. Water and Sanitation Mash Central- Mazoe District Masvingo- Masvingo district IRISH AID Water and Sanitation Mat. North- Bubi District JICA Water and Sanitation Mat. North- Binga UNDP Give a Dam Mat. South- all districts. Regional Office- Bulawayo DFID Rehabilitate Dams and Masvingo and Midlands Catchments Provinces: 50 dams DANIDA/KUWAIT etc National Roads Programme Various roads DANIDA/SIDA/ILO Labour-Based rural roads Various roads rehabilitation and maintenance programme DANIDA/SIDA/W.B. Road Sector Reform and National Unit-RSRDCU Development Co-ordination Planning Dept of DOR SIDA Water Development and Various areas small-scale irrigation schemes JICA Photovoltaic electrification of National Master Plan plus Rural Areas pilots in Kadoma and Gokwe Italy Dam Construction Iran Dam Construction Australian Govt. CARE Small Dams Masvingo: Chivi District Rehabilitation Economic, non-farming SIDA Small-scale mining support Mash. Central- Shamva district USAID Micro-finance (Sambuko) Private sector clients in rural areas (and urban) USAID Support to horticulture/citrus growers ILO Support to informal sector

Settlement Programmes UNDP/DFID/WB and others Support to Inception Phase of National support- to be Acquisition and Resettlement followed by support to programme specific schemes

Poverty Alleviation and Drought Mitigation SIDA

World Bank Community Action Plan National Unit Support officers at 12 RDCs Support to communities in 12 RDCs CIDA Child Feeding programme Midlands- Mberengwa and Zvishavane districts UNDP and other donors Matabeleland South Drought Mat. South- all districts Mitigation Programme DFID Nutrit ion Gardens and Masvingo: All RDCs Groundwater Development Project

Institutional Support to Rural Planning DFID RDCCBP - Institutional National CBU Development Programme Eight Provincial Teams facilitation to all 57 RDCs SIDA RDCCBP - Human Resources Support to all 57 RDCs Programme World Bank/ Dutch Govt RDCCBP - District Available to all 57 RDCs Development Grants & Loans

GTZ/Dutch/DFID/NORAD Water Resources Management National level Strategy Project

DFID Water Catchment Planning Masvingo- Chiredzi-Turwi- Mkwasine sub-catchment GTZ Water Catchment Planning Mash. Central- Mazoe Mash. West-Sanyati Dutch Water Catchment Planning Mash. West- Mupfure sub- catchment

UNDP DEAP National Level District Profiles in 8 districts (1 per province) World Bank National Park Planning National Planning Unit Individual Parks Plans

CIDA Victoria Falls Combination Victoria Falls region/ Hwange Master Plan RDC CIDA EIA Support programme National level

Report of the Rural Planning Workshop In Zimbabwe 10th March 1999, Holiday Inn, Harare

1.0 Introduction

A one-day workshop was held at the Holiday Inn, Harare March 10th 1999. The report is divided into four sections and follows the day’s agenda. Firstly the objectives of the workshop and the context of the project are explained. Secondly, what planning agencies are doing and their roles are examined. The report then explores the key issues and problems as identified by the participants. Finally it moves towards a way forward. Details of organisations and participants attending the workshop can be found at the back of the report.

1.2 Workshop Objectives

· To share and appreciate the perspectives of the various planning agencies in Zimbabwe; · To agree the key issues and problems confronting Rural Planning in Zimbabwe; · To explore how planning agencies can work together in complementary roles and approaches.

1.3 The Rural Planning Project Explained

This workshop was held by PlanAfric as part of a study called ‘A Rural Planning Review’. This study was commissioned by the International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) who have in turn been asked to undertake the work by the Department for International Development (DFID) as part of their Sustainable Rural Livelihoods programme.

The Outlook of DFID and the Sustainable Rural Livelihood Theme · Overall Goal: eradication of poverty. · Key Objective: strengthening the sustainability of poor peoples livelihoods. · SRL Theme: this is seen as a new framework for analysis and in brief it is seen to encompass the following; - Holistic and dynamic; - Realistic; - Environmental emphasis; - Builds on peoples strengths; - Understanding the implications of change; - Explicit links made between micro and macro (individual access to assets and policies and institutions at all levels).

· Rural Planning is seen as having an important role to play in the SRL approach because potentially it: - seeks to co-ordinate across sectors; - identifies important inter-relationships; - develops collaborative frameworks.

Role of IIED and the Larger Picture · The International Institute For Environment and Development (IIED) are undertaking a study of rural planning to identify the key principles of a strategic and partnership approach from a SRL perspective. · To compliment this international IIED study there are three case studies of rural planning that are currently being undertaken: Zimbabwe, Ghana South Africa.

· The aims of the country study are to: - give a detailed review of current practice; - provide a critical analysis; - detail lessons and principles learnt from experience; - fulfil PlanAfric’s objectives of the workshop detailed above.

2.0 Who is involved in Rural Planning and What they are Doing

A distinction between rural development programmes and rural planning systems, programme planning and project planning was made. The main implementers of Rural Development Programmes were identified as Central Government through the sector ministries, RDCs, International NGOs and local NGOs. The main financial support for Rural Development Programmes comes from Donors and a lesser extent from International and local NGOs, central government and local government. Some limited support comes from the private sector in the form of loan finance and donated support. The main planning systems which support Rural Development Programmes are central and local government, although programme planning is undertaken by all players to a lesser or greater extent.

The workshop participants looked at the roles and activities of all the key planning systems in Zimbabwe which were identified as: · Development Planning · Physical Planning · Land-Use Planning · Environmental Planning · National Park Planning · Forest Areas Planning · Water Catchment Planning

2.1 Development Planning: National Economic Planning Commission

Statutory: RDC Act and Provincial Councils Act Operational: Operational, but not as originally perceived. Lead and Supporting Agencies: NEPC and DPP (confusion and conflict over roles) and RDC Current Activities: 3 Year Rolling Plans provincial and district le vel Provincial and District level strategic profiles Proposed Activities: Mobile team is currently being trained to assist RDCs and Provinces in the preparation of plans. NEPC is working towards strategic plans as outlined in Vision 2020. Comments: 5-year plans abandoned. Annual plans ongoing. No presence at district of provincial level, partly due to the movement of staff from NEPC to the MRRWD and RDF when they were created in 1997.

2.2 Physical Planning: Department of Physical Planning

Statutory: Regional Town and Country Planning Act Operational: It is currently operational. Lead and Supporting Agencies: DPP and RDCs to a limited extent. (DNPWLM & FC + consultants). Current Activities: Rural Master Plans, 3 pilots in Chiredzi, Nyanga, Gokwe South. Two more have been initiated in Goromonzi and Bulilimamangwe. Proposed Activities: Rural District Councils are to be empowered to undertake their own Master Plans and Layout Plans. Comments: Regional Plans still possible. A combination of Master Pla n approaches can occur. Rural settlement plans and layout plans are still happening, but village planning has been abandoned.

2.3 Environmental Planning: Department of Natural Resources (DEAPs)

Statutory: Environmental Management Bill shortly, NR Act Operational: Pilots and first phase (historically based on ICAs) Lead and Supporting Agencies: DNR and RDCs plus UNDP and consultants Current Activities: One DEAP per Province. The first stage is to establish district profiles working at ward and village level. Proposed Activities: Moving to two DEAPs per Province. Comments: There should be a national framework for the DEAPs ie a Zimbabwe Environmental Action Plan by the year 2002 in line with Agenda 21. In theory DEAP’s are built up from Ward studies and will be linked to the Community Action Programme (CAP).

2.4 Land-Use Planning: AGRITEX

Statutory: Not statutory, but government policy since independence. Operational: Currently operational. Lead and Supporting Agencies: AGRITEX and RDCs supported by donors (eg IRWSS) Current Activities: Ward based plans, but limited. Resettlement areas, farm planning (LSCF and SSCF), Communal Areas reorganisation. Proposed Activities: Activities are dependent on resources. Comments: There is a lack of resources for land-use planning and activities depend largely on donor monies for other programmes. If the land reform programme goes ahead there will need to be a concentration of activity on Resettlement and Communal Area reorganisation.

2.4 Water Planning: Department of Water Resources

Statutory: Water Act 1998 Operational: Currently piloted but historically goes back to the Sabi-Limpopo catchment and 1976 Water Act. Lead and Supporting Agencies: DWD to become ZINWA later this year plus GTZ (DNR) Current Activities: Mazoe and Sanyati pilot catchment areas. Establish River Boards, Sub- Catchment Boards and Catchment Boards. Proposed Activities: The representative of Water Catchment planning was absent. Comments: Little information available.

2.5 National Park Plans: Department of National Parks and Wildlife Management

Statutory: No specific reference in National Parks Ace. Issue RTCPA, National Park Act Framework. Operational: Planning is operational. Lead and Supporting Agencies: DNPWM and World Bank, JICA and UNDP Current Activities: Gonorezhou Plan and Hwange Plan. 5 year development plans and annual plans. Matopos and Victoria Falls Plans are underway. Proposed Activities: Complete 5 year development plans for the 11 major national parks (out of 69 parks). Comments: The National Park involves stakeholders in preparing the Park Plans by establishing a Consultative Group including adjacent communities, CAMPFIRE and cross border elements. There are plans to move towards greater commercialisation in the future.

2.6 Forest Areas Plans: Forestry Commission

Statutory: No specific reference in Forest Act. Operational: Not yet operational, but moving in that direction rapidly. Lead and Supporting Agencies: Forestry Commission and DFID

Current Activities: Mufangabusi Pilot Shared Forest Management Project in Matabeleland North. Proposed Activities: Not known. Comments: Forest Areas Action Plans mooted, but not widely known.

2.7 Conclusion

There is a very large number of planning systems and if all are operational this could present a very confusing picture in the district. At the worst up to 9 different systems could be present in one district. There is therefore, a need to be very clear on the different roles and responsibilities of the different agencies to ensure a co-ordinated pla nning process in Zimbabwe.

3.0 Rural Planning Issues and Problems, Group Discussions

The workshop participants were divided into two groups for discussions on the key issues and problems facing Rural Planning in Zimbabwe today. The combined responses of the two groups are detailed below:

CONTENT/CONTEXT ISSUES · No comprehensive Rural Development Strategy or Policy and no Shared Vision · The lack of strategy has resulted in fragmented policy based on sectors and largely influenced by donor agendas. · Unco-ordinated and often conflicting plans and activities. · Wastage of scarce resources; · Duplication of effort; · Few achievements on the ground; · High level of confusion due to poor communication; · Lack of participation and interest; · Difficult to measure progress as no pre-agreed targets and benchmarks; · Difficult to separate the role of local and central government.

INSTITUTIONAL ISSUES National Level · The emergence of interministerial committees such as the CBCC and IRWSS have improved co- ordination at this level, however, decisions are not filtering down to lower level; · Individual Ministries and Departments are aware of their roles but are often too busy protecting their ‘turf’ in instances where co-operation with others is called for;

Centre/Local Level · There is a forum for co-ordination the Provincial Development Committee and District Development Committee, however, sector priorities are pursued; · There has been a change in development thinking from democratic centralism in the 1980s to deconcentration in the 1990s, however, there has been difficulty in adjusting practically to this new decentralised way of thinking; · RDCs have been promised resources and power, but Central Government has not delivered as there is no will in individual Ministries and Departments to make a change; · District Development Grants have proved a important for RDCs in adopting a ‘learning by doing’ approach;

NGOs · NGOs are often guilty of disregarding the existing structures and priorities and build parallel structures to government. However, increasingly NGOs are going through RDCs; · NGOs are unco-ordinated

Donors · Tend to have a disruptive effect on both building the capacity and sustainability development programmes as they create a dependency syndrome; · They may undermine the role of pla nning as they come in with predetermined agendas.

APPROACH ISSUES · Top-down approach predominates as political agendas and donor agendas predominate rural development; · Participatory planning has been accepted in theory but has not yet reached the stage of allowing people and their institutions to take charge of their affairs (pilot stage eg DEAPs, CAP, NGO programmes. Participatory planning is often used as rhetoric to attract donor funds. · There is not enough documentation at grassroots level to ensure effective interventions.

3.1 Getting to the Core of the Problems

The three key issues highlighted by the two groups can be summarised as follows: · CONTENT: No Rural Development Strategy. · INSTITUTIONAL: Inter-organisational power struggles and ineffectiveness of co-ordination structures (including RDCs). Plus independence of NGOs, confusion over roles of planning agencies and the negative impact of donors of sustainability. · APPROACHES: Popular participation accepted in theory but not practice.

In reaching the core of these problems there was a discussion on why is there no coherent rural development strategy? Much of the reasoning and discussion became centred on institutional issues:

- There are competing interests; - There is no clear rural development leader; - There is no effective demand for a Rural Development Strategy; - The ARDC has no capacity to articulate rural development issues and strategies; - The institutional framework is not clear or co-ordinated; - There is a policy vacuum; - There is a capacity issue; - There is a lack of political platforms to communicate and develop strategies.

In brief it was concluded that nothing fancy was needed. There was a simple need to improve services and access to services, and a need for community capacity to be enhanced to take advantage of this increased development.

The discussion progressed naturally to why are there inter-organisational struggles? The main discussion centred towards the Rural District Councils role in planning and co-ordination. It was accepted that there were three levels of planning: - National: strategic; - Provincial: interface with district and national level; - RDC: main planning authority.

The RDC was seen as the key planning authority which is strategically placed to co-ordinate all activities, but only if power and resources are decentralised to this level and the capacity to undertake this role is developed.

It was stated that other planning agencies and legislation should recognise the central role of RDCs. It was felt that the role of other planning agencies should be defined in relation to this. There was no time to discuss the approach/processes in detail.

4.0 The Way Forward

The group felt that there is a need for a forum where all key planning agencies are represented. This forum would ensure that the key planning agencies were involved in regular dialogue with each other to inform each other of their activities and future plans. This would hopefully ensure greater compatibility of roles and forum for developing new ideas. In line with the previous discussion on RDCs it was felt by all parties that this forum should use existing structures and go through the Capacity Building Co-ordinating Committee (CBCC). It was noted that all planning systems are already represented on the Committee except AGRITEX which should be included. It was felt that a planning sub-committee should be established under the Policy and Environment arm of the CBCC.

It was also suggested that RDDC should regularly review their existing committee structures to ensure that they are effective and responsive.

List of Participants

NAME POSITION AGENCY

1 Elias Mabaso Planner National Parks 2 Innocent Gadaya Chief Economist Planning Commission 3 Isaac Zindove Economist National Parks 4 Arthur Chipato Senior Planner AGRITEX 5 C. Pasi Murakwani Manager Mash. West Forestry Commission 6 A. Mlalazi National Facilitator Development in Practice

7 E. Mlalazi (Mrs) Deputy Director Dept of Physical Planning

8 F. L. Ndlovu Development Advisor ARDC 9 R.M Madavo RDCCBP Coordinator RDCCBP 10 S. Chakaipa Deputy Secretary MLGNH 11 K. Chihambakwe Assistant Secretary MLGNH 12 M. Munemo Director Dept Natural Resources 13 Sam Kahwa Facilitator PlanAfric 14 Dr D.S Gunby “ Pla nAfric 15 Catherine Gunby “ PlanAfric 16 Dr. D. Conyers “ PlanAfric

Strategies, Planning and Assessment Programme

Publications

ENVIRONMENTAL PLANNING ISSUES SERIES

No. 1 Modified EIA and Indicators of Sustainability: First Steps Towards Sustainability Analysis By Barry Dalal-Clayton (May 1993).

No. 2 Surveys, Plans and People: A Review of Land Resource Information and its Use in Developing Countries By Barry Dala l-Clayton and David Dent (December 1993).

No. 3 Resource Assessment and Land Use Planning in Tanzania: A Case Study By A.S.Kauzeni, I.S.Kikula, S.A.Mohamed, J.G.Lyimo and D.B.Dalal-Clayton Published in collaboration with the Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam (December 1993).

No. 4 Resource Assessment and Land Use Planning in Sri Lanka: A Case Study By D.L.Dent and L.K.P.A.Goonerwardene (December 1993).

No. 5 Cancelled

No. 6 National Sustainable Development Strategies: Experience and Dilemmas By Barry Dalal-Clayton, Stephen Bass, Barry Sadler, Koy Thomson, Richard Sandbrook, Nick Robins and Ross Hughes (October 1994).

No.7 Participation in Strategies for Sustainable Development By Stephen Bass, Barry Dalal-Clayton and Jules Pretty (May 1995).

No. 8 Small Island States and Sustainable Development: Strategic Issues and Experience By Stephen Bass and Barry Dalal-Clayton (September 1995).

No.9 Environmental Assessment in Tanzania: A Needs Assessment for Training By Raphael Mwalyosi, Sitna Mohamed, Ross Hughes and Barry Dalal-Clayton. Published in collaboration with the Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam (August 1995).

No.10 Great Expectations ? Green Planning in Industrial Countries By Barry Dalal-Clayton (October 1996)

No.11 Environmental Impact Assessment and Stakeholder Involvement By Ross Hughes (1999)

No.12 A Review of District-Level Environmental Initiatives in Tanzania By Izabella Koziell and Hussain Sosovele (in prep)

No.13 Southern Africa Beyond the Millenium: Environmental Trends and Scenarios to 2015

By Barry Dalal-Clayton (1997)

No.14 Performance of EIA in Tanzania By Raphael Mwalyosi and Ross Hughes (January 1998) Published in collaboration with the Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam

No.15 Introductory Course on EIA in Tanzania By Raphael Mwalyosi, Ross Hughes and David Howlett (1999) Published in collaboration with the Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam

No.16 Orientation Course on EIA in Tanzania By Raphael Mwalyosi, Ross Hughes and David Howlett (1999) Published in collaboration with the Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam

No.17 Review and Quality Control Course on EIA in Tanzania By Raphael Mwalyosi, Ross Hughes and David Howlett (1999) Published in collaboration with the Institute of Resource Assessment, University of Dar es Salaam

No.18 Strategic Environmental Assessment: A Rapidy Evolving Approach By Barry Dalal-Clayton and Barry Sadler (1999)

No.19 Review of the Quality of EIA Guidelines, their use and Circumnavigation By Bryan Spooner (1999)

No.20 Rural Planning in the Developing World with a Special Focus on Natural Resources: Lessons Learned and Potential Contributions to Sustainable Livelihoods: An Overview By Barry Dalal-Clayton, David Dent and Olivier Dubois (January 2000)

No.21 Rural District Planning in Ghana: A Case Study By George Botchie (January 2000)

No.22 Rural Planning in South Africa: A Case Study By Khanya - managing rural change (January 2000)

No.23 Rural Planning in Zimbabwe: A Case Study By PlanAfric (January 2000)

No.24 Rethinking Sustainable Development Strategies: Promoting Strategic Action, Debate and Action. By Barry Dalal-Clayton, Steve Bass, Nick Robins and Krystyna Swiderska (1998)

Carley (1994): Policy Management Systems and Methods of analysis for Sustainable Agriculture and Rural Development, IIED and FAO, Rome.

Hughes R., Adnan S. and Dalal-Clayton D.B. (1994): A Review of Approaches to Water Management in Bangladesh. Research and Advisory Services, Dhaka, Bangladesh; and International Institute for Environment and Development, London.

Carew-Reid J., Prescott-Allen R., Bass S. and Dalal-Clayton D.B. (1994): Strategies for National Sustainable Development: A Handbook for their Planning and Implementation. International Institute for Environment and Development (IIED) and World Conservation Union (IUCN), in association with Earthscan Publications Ltd, London.

IIED (1994): Whose Eden ? An Overview of Community Approaches to Wildlife Management. International Institute for Environment and Development, London.

Roe D., Dalal-Clayton D.B. and Hughes R. (1995): A Directory of Impact Assessment Guidelines. IIED, London.

Dalal-Clayton D.B. and Sadler B. (1995): Strategic Environmental Assessment: A Briefing Paper. Environmental Planning Group, IIED.

Dalal-Clayton D.B. (1996): Getting to Grips with Green Plans: Recent Experience in Industrial Countries. Earthscan Publications Ltd., London, 288 pages.

Environmental Synopses (prepared by IIED for the Overseas Development Administration)

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Zimbabwe's national AIDS levy: A case study

Affiliations.

1 a is an International Experience and Technical Assistance Fellow affiliated to US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , Harare.
2 b MD, is a medical epidemiologist affiliated to US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , Harare . Email: [email protected].
3 c is affiliated to Division of Global HIV/AIDS, US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , Atlanta.
4 d is a Research and Documentation Coordinator affiliated to National AIDS Council of Zimbabwe , Harare.
5 e is a Finance Director affiliated to National AIDS Council of Zimbabwe , Harare.
6 f is a Communications Director affiliated to National AIDS Council of Zimbabwe , Harare.
7 g MBcHB, MPH, MBA, is a Chief Executive Officer affiliated to National AIDS Council of Zimbabwe , Harare.
PMID: 26781215
PMCID: PMC4762022
DOI: 10.1080/17290376.2015.1123646

Abstract in English, French

Background: We conducted a case study of the Zimbabwe National AIDS Trust Fund ('AIDS Levy') as an approach to domestic government financing of the response to HIV and AIDS.

Methods: Data came from three sources: a literature review, including a search for grey literature, review of government documents from the Zimbabwe National AIDS Council (NAC), and key informant interviews with representatives of the Zimbabwean government, civil society and international organizations.

Findings: The literature search yielded 139 sources, and 20 key informants were interviewed. Established by legislation in 1999, the AIDS Levy entails a 3% income tax for individuals and 3% tax on profits of employers and trusts (which excluded the mining industry until 2015). It is managed by the parastatal NAC through a decentralized structure of AIDS Action Committees. Revenues increased from inception to 2006 through 2008, a period of economic instability and hyperinflation. Following dollarization in 2009, annual revenues continued to increase, reaching US$38.6 million in 2014. By policy, at least 50% of funds are used for purchase of antiretroviral medications. Other spending includes administration and capital costs, HIV prevention, and monitoring and evaluation. Several financial controls and auditing systems are in place. Key informants perceived the AIDS Levy as a 'homegrown' solution that provided country ownership and reduced dependence on donor funding, but called for further increased transparency, accountability, and reduced administrative costs, as well as recommended changes to increase revenue.

Conclusions: The Zimbabwe AIDS Levy has generated substantial resources, recently over US$35 million per year, and signals an important commitment by Zimbabweans, which may have helped attract other donor resources. Many key informants considered the Zimbabwe AIDS Levy to be a best practice for other countries to follow.

Contexte : Nous avons effectué une étude de cas sur le Fonds National du SIDA au Zimbabwe («Le Levy SIDA») pour illustrer une approche de financement en fidéicommis par un gouvernement national, en réponse à l’épidémie de VIH/SIDA.

Méthodes : Les données proviennent de trois sources : une revue de la littérature, incluant une recherche de la littérature grise, l'examen de documents gouvernementaux émanant du Conseil National du SIDA au Zimbabwe, et des entretiens avec des informateurs clés représentant le gouvernement du Zimbabwe, la société civile et les organisations internationales.

Résultats : La recherche documentaire a retourné 139 sources, et 20 personnes ont été interrogées. Créé par la législation de 1999, le fonds Levy SIDA est financé par un impôt sur le revenu de 3% pour les particuliers et une taxe de 3% sur les profits des employeurs et des fonds d'investissement (qui excluaient l'industrie minière jusqu'en 2015). Il est géré par le Conseil National du SIDA, un organisme parapublic, grâce à une structure décentralisée impliquant les comités d'action contre le sida. Les revenus ont augmenté depuis la création de 2006 à 2008, une période d'instabilité économique et d'hyperinflation. Suite à la dollarisation en 2009, les revenus annuels ont continué d'augmenter, atteignant 38.6 millions de US$ en 2014. Par décret, plus de 50% des fonds sont utilisés pour l'achat de médicaments antirétroviraux. Les autres dépenses comprennent les coûts d'administration et d'investissement, la prévention du VIH, le suivi et l'évaluation. Plusieurs systèmes de contrôles financiers et d'audit sont en place. Les informateurs clés ont perçu la taxe sida comme une solution «maison» qui a permis l'appropriation nationale et a réduit la dépendance envers des bailleurs de fonds. Cependant, ces informateurs ont appelé à une transparence accrue, à la responsabilité financière, et à une réduction des coûts administratifs du fonds Levy SIDA. Ils ont égalent recommandé des changements visant à augmenter les revenus.

Conclusions : Le fonds Levy SIDA du Zimbabwe a généré d'importantes ressources, soit plus de 35 millions de US$ par an sur la période récente, tout en signalant un engagement important des Zimbabwéens, ce qui peut avoir contribué à attirer d'autres donateurs. De nombreux informateurs clés considèrent le fonds Levy SIDA du Zimbabwe comme un exemple de bonne pratique qui devrait être suivi par d'autres pays.

Keywords: AIDS; HIV; Zimbabwe; financement des soins de santé; health care financing; le VIH; le Zimbabwe; le sida,.

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