thesis statement of vaping

• Research article
• Open access
• Published: 15 October 2020

Motivations for use, identity and the vaper subculture: a qualitative study of the experiences of Western Australian vapers

• Kahlia McCausland   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-7071-6491 1 ,
• Jonine Jancey 1 ,
• Tama Leaver 2 ,
• Katharina Wolf 3 ,
• Becky Freeman 4 &
• Bruce Maycock 1 , 5  

BMC Public Health volume  20 , Article number:  1552 ( 2020 ) Cite this article

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Vaping is a relatively new practice, and therefore its symbolic meanings and social practices are yet to be fully understood, especially within Australia where the practice is strictly regulated. This study aimed to examine vapers motivations for use, reinforcing influences, and association with the vaper subculture.

Working from a constructivist epistemology and a symbolic interaction framework, in-depth interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 37 current (89%) and former (11%) adult vapers, 70% male, mean age of 32.5. Data was analysed via thematic analysis.

Vapers largely started vaping to quit smoking and underwent common experiences during their initiation phase. Subsequently, vapers tended to adopt one of two dominant identities, that of the ‘cloud chaser’ or the ‘substitute’, which some users moved between during different stages of their vaping career. The social and symbolic meaning of e-cigarettes and vaping varied and involved concepts of harm reduction, addiction, pleasure, stigma and community, and for some, connection to the vaper subculture.

Conclusions

Understanding the complexities of vaping, and the nuanced differences of ‘cloud chasers’ and ‘substitute’ vapers may have important implications for health communication, research and policy. E-cigarette users within this sample were not a homogeneous group and differed in their motivations for use, association with the vaper subculture and relationship with the vape community. These findings provide new insights into the socialisation process and subsequent identity adoption of vapers within the unique regulatory environment of Western Australia.

Peer Review reports

Since entering the American market in 2007 [ 1 ], e-cigarettes have undergone a rapid evolution, with three broad classifications of vaping devices now recognised i) disposable (cig-a-like), ii) closed reusable (vape pen, pod-based), and iii) open reusable (mod) [ 2 ]. Cig-a-likes closely resemble a cigarette with a glowing tip that lights up upon inhalation and is disposed of once the e-liquid is consumed. Closed reusable systems use replaceable pre-filled cartridges which tend to be limited in functionality (i.e. inability to adjust the temperature) and were originally designed to resemble cigarettes. However, the most recent generation of closed reusable vaping devices, pod-based systems, have diverged from cigarettes and now resemble USB sticks [ 2 ]. Finally, open reusable systems comprise a refillable liquid reservoir or ‘tank’, which users fill with their preferred choice of e-liquid.

E-cigarettes were originally developed as an alternative form of nicotine delivery and potential smoking cessation device [ 3 ]. However, over the short period since their inception, they have transformed into high-tech nicotine delivery devices appealing to both non-smokers and youth [ 4 ], an outcome largely stemming from increased investment by the tobacco industry [ 5 ]. This investment has contributed to their use moving beyond their touted role as a nicotine replacement and tobacco cessation device, to a social, recreational and sensory delivery device [ 6 ] associated with new rituals and social practices [ 7 ].

Smokers cite numerous reasons for starting vaping, these include: to ease nicotine cravings and withdrawal symptoms; to quit smoking or avoid relapse; to use e-cigarettes where smoking is prohibited; reduce cost; and the belief that e-cigarettes are less harmful than tobacco [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ]. However, recently, research has investigated the rise in ‘alternative’ e-cigarette use behaviours such as dripping (i.e. applying e-liquid directly on the atomiser) [ 12 ] and vape tricks (i.e. creating shapes from exhaled aerosol) [ 12 , 13 ] which may contribute to the perception that e-cigarettes are ‘cool’ or to be used for recreation [ 13 ].

Research from Europe has explored e-cigarette user’s motivations, self-identity as vapers and involvement in vaping subcultures. Farrimond [ 14 ] identified differing motivations for use of, and varying political engagement in, vaping regimes among a sample of vapers in the United Kingdom (UK) and constructed three main typologies to describe these users: vaping for pleasure, vaping as medical treatment and ambivalent e-cigarette use, suggesting that the motives of vaping may be linked to different social identities. Similarly, a study of Norwegian vapers identified two dominant vaper identities, who Tokle and Pedersen [ 15 ] labelled ‘cloud chasers’ and ‘substitutes’. Cloud chasers were dedicated vapers who identified with symbols and values in the subculture, many of whom were politically engaged in improving e-cigarette regulation, describing a sense of belonging to the vape community. Whereas substitute vapers were former daily smokers who used e-cigarettes for smoking cessation, to improve their health, escape the stigma of smoking and manage nicotine addiction. These studies echo other international research pointing to the symbolic and identity aspects of vaping [ 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 ].

Vaping is a relatively new practice, and therefore its symbolic meanings and social practices are yet to be fully understood. However, it appears that through the uptake of vaping, personal and collective identities have been established and a vaping subculture has emerged [ 14 , 15 , 20 ]. Considering the limited extant research investigating e-cigarette use within Australia, this study aimed to examine vapers motivations for use, reinforcing influences, and association with the vaper subculture within Western Australia.

In Australia, liquid nicotine is classified as a ‘Schedule 7-Dangerous Poison’ under the Federal Poisons Standard [ 21 ]. Hence, the only legal avenue for obtaining it is through a personal importation scheme [ 21 ], which states the user must have a prescription from a physician. E-cigarettes that do not contain nicotine can be sold in some Australian jurisdictions, provided manufacturers do not make therapeutic claims. However, in Western Australia, the context of this study, it is currently an offence under the Tobacco Products Control Act 2006 [ 22 ] to sell products that resemble tobacco products, regardless of whether they contain nicotine or not.

Since the early 1990s, Governments in Australia have enacted progressive comprehensive legislation to reduce the impact of tobacco [ 23 ], and as a result, smoking rates have steadily declined. The 2019 National Drug Strategy Household Survey (NDSHS) [ 24 ] reports daily tobacco smoking rates in Australia have more than halved (11.0%) since 1991 (24.3%), and the daily use of tobacco products is most common among people aged 40–59 years (31.7%). Conversely, e-cigarette use has increased and current use is most common among those aged 18–29 (32.4%). During the time this study was undertaken the number of vape retail stores within the Greater Capital City Statistical Area (GCCSA) of Perth, Western Australia, had multiplied exponentially [ 25 ], which has resulted in increased exposure and access to these products, and perhaps reflects an increase in demand.

Vaping devices are referred to by users and scholars by a multitude of terms, including e-cigarette, ENDS (electronic nicotine delivery device), vape and mod. In this paper, the term e-cigarette is used to represent all of the various consumer products available.

Theoretical framework

Symbolic interactionism is a micro-level sociological theory providing the theoretical framework underpinning this study [ 26 ]. Symbolic interactionism is situated in a constructivist epistemology, focussing on the interactions between individuals rather than large scale social structures, examining how people navigate their interactions with others and allocate meanings based on their interpretation of those interactions [ 26 , 27 ]. Symbolic interactionism has a history of being used to investigate drug use, the creation of deviance, and the exploration of meaning associated with new phenomena [ 28 , 29 , 30 ]. The symbolic interaction framework, therefore, assists in understanding a society (e-cigarette users) which is created through the repeated interactions between vapers [ 26 , 27 ].

Participants were purposively sampled for maximum variation in demographic characteristics (i.e. sex, age, Index of Relative Socio-Economic Advantage and Disadvantage (IRSAD) - a ranking derived from the economic and social conditions of people and households within an area [ 31 ]) within the sampling frame. Data collection and analysis occurred simultaneously (March – November 2018), facilitating appropriate and targeted recruitment. Eligible participants were current and former (vaped within the last 12 months) vapers, aged over 18 years residing within the GCCSA of Perth, Western Australia [ 32 ]. Eligibility criteria were stipulated on all recruitment material.

Recruitment

A multipronged approach to recruit participants was utilised. Recruitment flyers and posts were placed on four online vaping forums (AussieVapers, Vaping in Australia, Vaper Café Australia and E-Cigarette Forum); seven subreddits on Reddit; and 30 closed vaping Facebook groups. The lead author created personal accounts on each of the forums and social media. Facebook groups were accessed by requesting permission to enter the group as a researcher to recruit study participants. Vape retail stores, online and bricks and mortar, within the GCCSA of Perth were contacted via email, social media and webpage submission forms. Snowball sampling was also utilised.

Interested individuals were invited to contact the lead author via email or telephone to express their interest in participating and receive further details about the project and what their participation entailed. After reading the participant information statement and providing informed consent, interviews were arranged at convenient safe public locations (e.g. local café, university campus). Interviews were conducted in English by the lead author who has experience in qualitative data collection. Interviews lasted on average 49 min (range 25–86 min) and were audio-recorded with participant consent. Participants were provided with an AUD$25 gift voucher at completion of the interview as an honorarium for their time.

Data collection

A semi-structured interview guide was developed to allow flexibly and adaptability within each interview [ 33 ], and pilot tested with two participants. The interview guide addressed the following topic areas: reasons for vaping; pathway to using; knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs associated with e-cigarette use; devices and products used; means of accessing products; attitudes of friends, family and society towards vaping and their use; and emergent subculture (see Additional file  1 ). As new ideas and concepts were identified within the data these data-driven concepts were fed back into the data collection process and further guided sampling and adaption of the interview guide [ 34 ]. Sampling was terminated when thematic saturation was reached [ 35 ], which was determined through the constant comparison of data with preceding data until few new themes were generated.

Analysis and interpretation

All interviews except one (file corrupt) were transcribed verbatim by an independent professional transcription service and checked for accuracy by the lead author. The detailed notes taken by the lead author during and after interviews were sent via email to the participant the following day to review for accuracy and validation. Amendments from the participant were returned via email. Transcripts and interpretations were not provided to participants for respondent validation. Interview transcripts and detailed notes were anonymised and imported into NVivo (v12) to facilitate data organisation and linkage. The lead author conducted all coding, allowing for a single researcher to be immersed in both the data collection and analysis, thereby ensuring that the coding frame adequately described the intentions and content of the interviews [ 36 ].

The analytical process followed the steps proposed by Braun and Clarke [ 37 ] for thematic analysis and drew upon the initial and axial coding process of grounded theory [ 38 ]. The lead author played an active role in the analysis by searching for and identifying themes “to theorize the sociocultural contexts, and structural conditions, that enable the individual accounts that are provided” [ 37 ] (p. 85). Line-by-line analysis was undertaken to look for patterns of meaning and issues of interest important to the research objective and to generate a range of initial codes [ 38 ]. Codes were developed based on theoretical interest and emergent concepts that arose during interaction with and interpretation of the data. Axial coding examined the initial codes at a conceptual level to combine and connect codes to form overarching ‘candidate’ themes and subthemes in a meaningful way for the phenomenon under investigation [ 38 ]. Revision of the candidate themes then occurred at two levels. Level one involved reviewing all the data collated under each candidate theme to consider whether the data formed an intelligible pattern [ 37 ]. Some themes and sub-themes were refined during this process to create new themes/subthemes and to separate and combine others [ 37 ]. Level two involved a similar process, whereby the data were reviewed and further refined. This process, however, concerned the validity of the individual themes in relation to the data set ensuring participants meanings and voices were accurately reflected [ 37 ]. A detailed analysis was then written for each theme to report the content and meaning of patterns [ 37 ]. Working theme titles were reviewed to ensure they accurately reflected the respective analysis and the most vivid quotes were selected that best illustrated the essence of the point being described [ 37 ].

Strategies to enhance the rigour of the research included the use of a codebook to provide structure and agreement about code definitions, constructs, and themes; in-depth rich description of the research methods through field notes, personal reflections and analytic memos [ 39 ]; and discussions with team members about meaning and interpretation of findings and conceptual maps [ 40 ].

Demographic and behavioural data were analysed using descriptive statistics (SPSS v26). The reporting of this study is guided by the consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) checklist [ 41 ] (see Additional file  2 ).

Participants

Thirty-seven interviews were conducted with current ( n  = 33, 89%) and former vapers ( n  = 4, 11%) (Table  1 ), with a mean of age of 32.5 ( SD  = 7.411, range 20–45 years). Thirty-two participants (87%) were current or former cigarette smokers and five (13%) were vaping despite having never been a regular smoker. Five participants were dual users of tobacco and e-cigarettes. Former ( n  = 24, 65%) and current ( n  = 8, 22%) smokers had been using tobacco on average for 14 years ( SD  = 8.268, range 3–38 years). In comparison, participants had been vaping on average for 2.4 years ( SD  = 2.011, range 1 month – 7 years).

Two identities and approaches to vaping emerged from the data, which we labelled ‘substitute’ vapers and ‘cloud chasers’ after the dominant vaper identities constructed by Tokle and Pedersen [ 15 ]. Cloud chasing is the act of expelling large amounts of vapour using an e-cigarette, we use the term in a broader, more symbolic sense. As such, the ‘cloud chaser’ identity is formed by the experiences articulated by 19 dedicated vapers who connect with at least some aspect of the vaper subculture, whether that be engaging with hobbyist activities, the trick culture or technological aspects of vaping. Whereas the experiences of the ‘substitute’ vaper are derived from 18 vapers who primarily viewed vaping as a means to manage their nicotine addiction and quit smoking. The identity prescribed to each user was not ‘fixed’ as some participants described their movement between the two identities over time as the meaning they attributed to vaping changed (i.e. hobby to primarily smoking cessation).

The narrative summary describes the commonalities experienced by vapers and then the experiences unique to the ‘substitute’ and ‘cloud chaser’ identity. Quotes from participants are provided in italics, followed by their pseudonym, attributed identity and age.

The common experience

“can i have a go of that”: an introduction to vaping.

Participants were predominantly introduced to e-cigarettes through work colleagues, friends, and during their time abroad in locations where e-cigarettes were more readily available (e.g. the UK). For the majority of participants, this introduction marked the first occasion they had seen or heard about e-cigarettes. Subsequently, participants asked if they could “have a go on that” or the e-cigarette user suggested they try their vape. No one spoke of being pressured into trying their first e-cigarette with experimentation occurring spontaneously, either alone with the user or in the company of friends. Rarely did participants report communal experimentation where the vape was passed around to multiple people, rather it was most commonly a discrete encounter. Participants were mostly curious to try this device which in most instances functioned like a cigarette, however, were told it was not. Participants regularly reported coughing upon trying their first vape which could be attributed to several factors including the type of device (e.g. first/second versus third/fourth-generation device), device functionality (e.g. variable temperature, wattage, airflow or resistance), nicotine concentration, and the users smoking history, if any. Those who were smokers described this experience as being similar to that of their first drag of a cigarette, whereas non-smokers had difficulty articulating their experience as they had nothing to compare it to.

“As a non-smoker, it was really hard for me to grasp the concept. Everyone was trying to explain it to me like it's either like a cigarette or a bong. I was like, ‘I don't know what you're talking about.’ They were like, ‘mouth-to-lung, or direct-to-lung’ and I still can't even understand the concept. If I had to explain to you what I do, I don't know what I do. I press the trigger, I breathe it in, it comes out.” Karis, cloud chaser [ 33 ]

The inhalation of vapour reportedly took some time to get used to as the vapour from the e-cigarette was “moist” compared to the “dry heat” of a cigarette. Participants went on to purchase an e-cigarette for themselves after enjoying their first experience, or after disliking the encounter chose not to pursue it until another opportunity arose, years later in some instances.

“I was a silly teenager”: motivations for vaping

Thirty-two users were tobacco smokers for many years and described themselves as being “very addicted” which had resulted in several failed quit attempts. Participants had tried multiple methods to quit smoking, including going ‘cold turkey’, hypnotherapy, and nicotine replacement and drug therapies. The increasing cost of tobacco, real and feared deterioration of their health, and encouragement from loved ones to quit smoking were other significant drivers to commence and subsequently maintain vaping. For those users who had never been committed smokers, their motivations for initiating vaping were varied and included socialisation with other vapers, to appease food cravings, and as a diversion from alcohol or illicit drugs.

“On their way to their vaping journey”: starting off

Most participants opted to start their “vaping journey” with a disposable (cig-a-like) or pen-style closed-system device which introduced them to vaping at a rudimentary level, as explained by River [ 42 ] “… something basic, where you push the button, you suck on it…” . Most, however, described these devices as unsatisfying (e.g. mute flavour, inadequate throat hit), poorly fabricated and not producing enough vapour. Subsequently, most participants progressed to an open-system device which provided functionalities to enhance and personalise their flavour profile, adjust temperature, voltage, resistance, airflow and nicotine concentration, and comprised a refillable tank and rechargeable batteries. These features were particularly important for tobacco smoking participants, and were conducive to replicating the “throat hit” they were accustomed to.

“It [e-liquid] had no nicotine in it, as is Australian rules. I ended up actually putting my own [nicotine] in it because it was just, too smooth basically, you could taste it, but you couldn't feel it which is what I want, I want to feel it [throat hit].” Brody, substitute [ 34 ]

Transitioning to vaping from “analogue cigarettes” was a daunting process for some, and more so for those who had never been committed smokers. Participants explained that other vapers had tried to describe to them how they were required to inhale to achieve the desired throat hit and experience the best flavour.

“My friends were kind of just like, ‘Just pull it in. You'll cough if you do it hesitantly.’ I was super scared of just going-- [inhales], on this thing that's firing. The first few times that I did it, I don't think I was doing it properly because I was firing it for a really short amount of time, taking like really small puffs. Then when I did do it properly, I was like, oh this is what it's meant to feel like and taste like." Karina, substitute [ 24 ]

For those who were smokers, they described the inherent challenges, actions and processes of transitioning from cigarettes to e-cigarettes which took perseverance, including no longer lighting a cigarette, maintaining a charged device, importing, mixing and storing liquid nicotine, and accepting the physicality of the device compared to the slender profile of a cigarette.

“Filling it up, charging it up, carrying it around, because it f***ing weighs a ton, as well. It just became too hard filling it up. It was always leaking, and it's not as simple as clicking a button and smoking it. You have to set it to what you want and all that.” Jonathan, substitute [ 27 ]

“A bit of a learning curve”: gaining knowledge and understanding

The majority of users reported being proactive in conducting intensive ‘self-learning’ through the internet and social networking platforms, other vapers, and to a lesser extent, retail stores, to acquire relevant skills (i.e. nicotine strength, mixing and safety; steeping; inhalation style “direct-to-lung” or “mouth-to-lung” ; building and changing coils), information on health and safety, the meaning of vaping specific language and jargon, and troubleshooting techniques. Vape forums, social media (i.e. Facebook) and content sharing platforms (i.e. YouTube) were usually the first resources accessed to acquire knowledge and support. Participants reported simultaneous active (i.e., contributing content) and passive (i.e., viewing content posted) engagement in multiple local and international vaping groups and forums to discuss personal experiences, exchange information, and obtain new knowledge. Passive engagement provided newcomers with an opportunity to observe the online community and its rules, whereas more established vapers kept their “finger on the pulse” by monitoring the rise of new products. Conversely, active contribution to these fora provided opportunities for learning among ‘newbies’ and mentorship for more experienced vapers.

“Well, that's where I got most of my knowledge from [online vaping groups]. It's hard to explain, it's a little family sort of thing, like whether it's starting off fresh or you know plenty of s**t you can always go there, get the advice that you need. That's definitely a helpful thing as well. … You've got people in those groups that have been vaping for 10 or so years, like starting off when it was just a tiny industry, a fresh industry. Then you've got people that are trying to get off the smokes and they ask for advice from there.” Timothy, cloud chaser [ 20 ]

“There is something for everyone”: finding the right product

During the transition phase from cigarettes to vaping, some respondents reportedly struggled to quit smoking, relapsing on occasion, and/or dual using with cigarettes until they found the right combination of flavour, nicotine concentration and device. Finding the right combination was the moment many sensed they could quit smoking, citing the sophisticated features of the second (closed reusable) and third-generation (open reusable) devices most effective for smoking cessation.

“For me, it was getting used to the action but also … finding the right flavours and then it was getting the nicotine level right, then it was finding the right device that was going to satisfy my intake, my draw in and my exhale… I’d buy one and go, ‘Oh it’s a bit crap. I still want a cigarette. Why do I still want a cigarette?’ Then eventually I found another device which was a bit more powerful and I found flavours that I actually liked and so when I found that flavour I can tell you it was 48 hours between finding this particular flavour blend to when I had my last cigarette.” Ursula, cloud chaser [ 43 ]

“I haven’t quit I’ve upgraded”: from one addiction to another

Smoking cessation was viewed very differently to nicotine cessation, with the majority of users opting to continue using nicotine in their vapouriser to keep them from relapsing to cigarettes. Three of the five users who had never been committed smokers chose to use nicotine in their vapouriser after being introduced to it by a romantic partner or friend. All three users described themselves as not being addicted and that they could easily give it up if they tried. The end goal for many participants was not to be reliant on nicotine at all, and they explained how they were, or had, implemented strategies to reduce the concentration of nicotine they were using, such as alternating between nicotine and nicotine-free vapourisers and gradually tapering down the nicotine concentration. Four users had successfully quit smoking and were continuing to vape nicotine-free. Those users who were happy to continue to use nicotine in a “cleaner” and “healthier” form (e-cigarettes), or felt they were not ready to “wean” themselves off for fear of relapsing to smoking, recognised that they had completely transferred the behavioural and sensorimotor aspects of smoking to vaping. However, they believed because they were no longer smoking any potential ill-health inferred by vaping seemed inconsequential.

“As it stands, I have no intention of stopping [vaping] because whilst I'm using that [vapoursier] I have no intention to have a cigarette. That's how passionately I don't want to smoke again, but I'm not prepared to risk it at this time, but who knows? … Do you know what, I often think I probably do need to cut back a little bit and I think, well I'm not smoking?” Ursula, cloud chaser [ 43 ]

Previous cigarette users observed that vaping fit nicely into their routine, which was once occupied by cigarettes (i.e. driving, coffee). Vaping allowed them to continue to enjoy the social aspects of smoking (i.e. drinking alcohol) and to placate feelings of stress or anxiety.

“Yeah, I still make a point of, especially when I first quit, of keeping that routine of going outside to smoke, or vape, just so it felt a little bit more like I was having a cigarette. It wasn't such a drastic change. You know like straight after a meal or things like that, my trigger moments. I would still get up, keep it to that little bit of a routine. Get up, go outside, have my vape, go back inside.” Ella, substitute [ 41 ]

Socialising with other vapers and smokers was said to reinforce and maintain their use of e-cigarettes. Even amongst those who were never committed smokers and those who were now vaping nicotine-free.

“I’m not a smoker. I’m a vaper”: breaking free of tobacco

In general, users referred to their device as a vape, themselves as a vaper, and the practice as vaping. Some felt the term ‘e-cigarette’ too closely aligned with smoking discourse and supported associations with negative connotations of death and disease. Vape products were generally not considered to be tobacco products, especially with the evolution of vaping devices and how they no longer resembled a cigarette, as earlier generations had.

“They need to stop calling them e-cigarettes because they're not cigarettes. That s**ts me up the wall, they're not cigarettes.” Ian, cloud chaser [ 29 ]

Several users documented how they had experienced the “ignorance” of both smokers and non-vapers, and many seized the opportunity to “educate” these people. They highlighted the features which distinguished vaping from smoking, such as not containing tobacco and the production of vapour, not smoke, and the perceived positive changes to their health they had experienced since starting vaping, in the hope of reducing the stigma and the estrangement they felt.

“… people will say, ‘why don't you just smoke cigarettes?’ which I think is a strange thing to say. People just misunderstanding the health risks.” Julia, substitute [ 26 ]

For some, they could not escape their internalised feelings of smoking-related stigma, and as a result, avoided vaping in public.

“I generally try not to vape in public because it is not stealthy unless you're using a little stealthy device … People can see you a mile away, and I get really embarrassed. But I used to hide when I was a smoker as well. At least when I was a smoker I could hide in my car. Even with my vape, I get in my car and there's big clouds coming out.” Ursula, cloud chaser [ 43 ]

The substitute vaper

“a means to an end”: vaping to quit smoking.

For those ‘substitute’ vapers who were former smokers, they viewed their vaping experience as a practical means to quit smoking and valued the positive effect vaping had on their health and wallet. They were aware of the existence of more enthusiastic vapers, however, at the time did not associate with the vaper subculture as ‘cloud chasers’ did.

“I see people, and it's kind of a sport for them, they make big clouds … I don’t really buy into that. … It's not where my mindset is. For me, yeah it [vaping] really is a means to an end [nicotine/smoking cessation].” Ella, substitute [ 41 ]

“It’s just a revolving circle”: stigma

Although many acknowledged the stigma they had endured as a smoker in Western Australia, some vapers holding the ‘substitute’ identity now projected these same negative feelings to fellow vapers associated with the ‘cloud chasers’ subculture, perpetuating the circle of stigma.

“People think that people smoking vapes think they’re ‘cool’. Sitting in their car and they've got big clouds coming out of the car. Even I do it. When I see clouds like that I think, ‘You d***head. You think you’re cool vaping like that?’ … Like I’ve seen the way people blow out their clouds I’m like, ‘You’re one of these d***heads who’s overclocking the battery’ … .” Milo, substitute [ 36 ]

“It is not stealthy”: managing vaping in public

Vaping is notorious for producing large vapour clouds (although some products such as JUUL are very discrete), and as such some ‘substitute’ vapers spoke of how they disliked the attention vaping brought them from bystanders, and spent energy devising strategies to manage their e-cigarette use in discreet ways, such as vaping alone. This was especially pertinent for some young women:

“It is a bit showy because like there's a lot more vapour. I guess the only place in public that I do it and feel kind of safe is like just at the park when I'm taking a walk or something.” Karina, substitute [ 24 ]

The cloud chasers

“i’ve gone full enthusiast”: the vaper subculture.

This group of respondents shared the view that e-cigarettes are a healthier alternative to smoking, however, more importantly, vaping also offered social and symbolic functions not provided by “analogue cigarettes” .

Vaping was differentiated from smoking, with some describing it as a hobby, which at times could be all-consuming and expensive. Nevertheless, many genuinely enjoyed customising their experience through the collection of various flavoured liquids and coloured devices, experimenting with the creation of their own juices, engaging in the technological aspects of vaping and building accessories, such as coils.

“I play around with them [making coils], I do all my own, I build all the things, I use all the rebuildable stuff. So yeah, it has become a bit of a hobby, which is why I think it appeals to certain people, because it has that sort of community aspect where it becomes like a hobby … they all sort of get together…” Wade, cloud chaser [ 28 ]

A minority of vapers reported attending “build days” and “vape meets” where users got together to learn about Ohm’s law and battery safety, how to build coils, and to meet new people and socialise, as the Western Australian vape community was reportedly not as established as others in the Eastern States of Australia.

Participants commented on the various ‘types’ of vapers (i.e. hobbyist, flavourist) and ‘levels’ (i.e. novice, advanced user, expert, veteran) one could progress to. Participants categorised themselves by comparing their preferences and level of experience with others, which was influenced by various factors including vaping duration, type of device they were capable of safely using (regulated vs unregulated (no circuit board and runs directly off a battery)), possessing an online profile or presence, and experience in the retail industry.

“[I’m] close to the expert stage. An advanced user, I'd say. When you start using mechanical mods, that's when you're an advanced user.” Zadie, cloud chaser [ 27 ]

“I've gone full enthusiast … I want to have the experience. I'm also hoping to get a job in one of the vape shops in Perth because I'm really enthusiastic about health or being able to help people.” Quade, cloud chaser [ 24 ]

A small proportion of ‘cloud chasers’ were highly immersed in the vaping subculture and were actively involved in, or managed specialised vape groups, provided product reviews to YouTube, Instagram and Facebook, and some were even ‘sponsored’ by local or international e-cigarette brands to promote their products on social media. Relationships between these vapers and their sponsors were established by one of them contacting the other, usually through social media.

“I'm part of this group called Cloud Kings Australia. Cloud Kings are basically all over the world. There's a group of them in Sweden, Mexico, Germany, France, Amsterdam, mostly in Europe. We get sponsored by companies, get free product from those companies, and then we rep[resent] those companies.” Zadie, cloud chaser [ 27 ]

Few were also deeply entrenched in the vape trick culture:

“Absolutely, there's an absolute technique [to vape tricks]. We've got it down to a really fine art. There's names of [tor]nados that you can do like specialised ones and stuff like the DNA, the double, oh it’s crazy. So we go all out. Like you've got to wet the table, make it stick, and you've got to layer it. So we do layer upon layer upon layer of smoke. No one’s allowed to breathe. If you breathe, you're dead.” Clara, cloud chaser [ 33 ]

“Vaping brings people together”: for the cause and the community

The vape community, especially the online community, was described as “free of judgement” and provided for many a sense of connection and belonging. Participants described how their communication with like-minded vapers gave them the forum and permission to “nerd out” and voice their struggles and triumphs with a group who they felt would listen and be responsive, which some users did not feel they were able to do with their non-vaping friends and family. For those who were more experienced vapers, they felt it was important to give back to the community and chose to mentor new vapers through the initiation process.

“I'm in a lot of Australia-wide groups ... and it’s community-minded. … It's a way to quit smoking, sure, it's a health choice, but it's also a hobby for a lot of people, so I think these groups are both support networks and hobbyists. … I think it is important because there's nowhere else to get that support to quit smoking. For me that's what vaping is all about, it's about quitting smoking and staying off the cigarettes. … For people like myself who have tried everything … It is important for me to give back, so I give a lot of advice to people that say ‘Hey I don't know what to do.’ I try and give people the advice that I didn't get but also just making friends Australia-wide, getting to know people. It's awesome. It's a pretty cool community, yeah.” Ursula, cloud chaser [ 43 ]

Further, some participants had turned vaping into a business; were currently working, or aspiring to work in the retail industry; or were creating a social media presence (i.e. reviewing products, seeking sponsorship) for themselves. Some of these participants who were heavily involved in the online community and/or retail industry expressed frustration with the “childish” and “bitchy” behaviour displayed by some of the vape community online, especially among local and inter-state retailers. Instances of online users “dobbing” on people to the authorities who were selling nicotine and/or devices were described, as well as general unsocial behaviour as illustrated by one local business owner:

“They're [vape retailers] just very childish, … and because it's still quite a small community, everything's a personal attack against someone else. Like, if so and so were to have a sale and then he'd think that it was a direct attack on him. It is very clicky and very immature a lot of the time, I don't know why. I don't really bother doing much with Facebook groups because that’s just where it all is. When it's in-store and stuff and it's all very professional, everyone's very eager to help, it’s just everyone seems to become a keyboard warrior online.” Wade, cloud chaser [ 28 ]

Users who heavily invested in the culture or hobbyist ethos were inclined to perceive their device as an accessory, or a status symbol which was dependent on having the very latest and greatest device. For these vapers, vaping not only encompassed their passion and desire to help others quit smoking but their livelihood, which now strongly aligned with their core values.

“All my life I've had trouble [working] in retail because I have an ethical code where I can't sell something that I don't believe in and I believe 100% in the industry of vaping and what their motives are. I think it's good. It is entirely good and all the people that I've met who also promote it and stand behind it have good intentions, and their sole drive is to see people get well and stop smoking. We want to make smoking history just as much as the non-smokers. That's the thing … almost all vapers are reformed smokers…” Quade, cloud chaser [ 24 ]

The Australian NDSHS has been regularly conducted since 1985, and first provided limited data about e-cigarette use in 2013. Data from the most NDSHS [ 24 ] reports the most prevalent e-cigarette users are male current and former smokers, which is reflective of our sample population. Data does not distinguish whether users use nicotine in their vapourisers, nor what type of device they use. Enhanced surveillance and reporting of e-cigarette use within Australia would contribute to a deeper understanding of the population using e-cigarettes, the reasons for using and devices used among this cohort, and would assist policymakers to determine where public health efforts should be focussed.

Thirty-two vapers in this sample were committed smokers for several years and five participants were dual users of tobacco and e-cigarettes. The primary reason for initiating vaping was to quit smoking, citing less than optimal successes with other TGA (Therapeutics Goods Administration Footnote 1 ) approved smoking cessations aids, as also described by a sample of American vapers [ 44 ]. Vaping was considered more satisfying and therefore more supportive of successfully quitting smoking compared to other methods due to its similarity with conventional smoking, namely the inhale and exhale of vapour, nicotine hit, and the hand-to-mouth action, as also documented in other international research [ 16 , 18 , 43 ]. Furthermore, vaping does not expect one to relinquish the rituals and habits connected to smoking [ 45 ]. The conclusions surrounding the effectiveness of e-cigarettes as a smoking cessation aid and their harm reduction potential, however, are varied and depend on several factors, such as whether the smoker switches completely to e-cigarettes, becomes a dual user with cigarettes, and whether the user becomes a sustained and persistent vaper [ 42 ].

The majority of vapers in this sample were former smokers, however, several respondents had taken up the practice despite having never smoked. Understanding how vapers ‘make sense’ of their health practices [ 46 ] is required to understand the processes by which vapers make health behaviour choices, such as choosing to vape, so that appropriate tailored communication on the risks and benefits of e-cigarette use can be developed [ 47 ]. Limiting vaping uptake by non-smokers is essential and the supportive role Australia’s strict regulation plays in limiting this uptake and exposure to marketing is discernibly apparent when compared with vaping prevalence within countries with more liberal regulation (i.e. United States (US) [ 48 , 49 ] and UK [ 50 , 51 ]).

Participants within this study generally exhibited limited knowledge of the potential health effects of e-cigarettes. However, as reported by vapers abroad [ 52 , 53 ], they expressed many positive attitudes towards e-cigarettes, held very strong opinions that vaping offered them an alternative means to consume nicotine, and based their decision to use e-cigarettes on perceived harm reduction compared to cigarettes. For them, the individual health benefits experienced and the tangible sense of satisfaction since ceasing smoking outweighed the potential health risks of maintaining vaping. Furthermore, continued nicotine addiction was largely perceived as unproblematic so long as it helped maintain a cigarette-free lifestyle, also documented by others [ 43 , 54 ]. This concept has been studied by Oakes and Chapman [ 55 ] who explored the rationalisations smokers use to explain their justification of continued smoking and suggest a series of self-exempting beliefs may provide smokers with a false sense of security and ultimately block them from exploring the importance of quitting. Given the complexity of nicotine and addiction, and the assortment of information presented on e-cigarettes, it is not unexpected that users in this study and overseas [ 56 ] rely on their own experiences, and that of others, to inform their behaviour and decision-making processes [ 18 ]. This highlights the need for accessible, clear and impartial information about e-cigarette use which communicates the benefits, risks and current uncertainties to health professionals and the public about e-cigarettes [ 43 ] and continued support for nicotine cessation through approved cessation methods.

Participants mostly described positive reactions from friends and family to their e-cigarette use, particularly when their goal was to abstain from smoking. In this sample of vapers, few had close friends who vaped and therefore sought camaraderie through online fora and vape retail stores. As found in other qualitative inquires [ 16 ], the notion of a vaping community was recurrent. However, participating in a community that accepts the practice may make it difficult for individuals to quit and therefore contribute to sustained use [ 57 ]. These findings suggest that social norms surrounding e-cigarette use have a potentially powerful influence on initiation and maintenance and that understanding social networks is integral to prevention efforts.

Although tobacco smoking is legal in Australia, the decline in prevalence combined with the denormalisation of smoking and societal aversion has fated the behaviour to be predominantly relocated to the fringes of society and viewed as a deviant and marginalised behaviour [ 58 ]. For some smokers in this study, feeling stigmatised for being a tobacco smoker was the catalyst for them to redefine themselves as ‘vapers’, as supported by findings from Barbeau and Burda [ 16 ], making the language used (i.e. not referring to vaporises as e-cigarettes) incredibly important in an attempt to escape the stigma attached to cigarette smoking [ 44 ]. This redefinition and transition from smoker to non-smoker has been argued to play a key role in supporting successful smoking cessation [ 59 ]. However, through the quest to obtain the socially desirable non-smoker status, smokers have adopted another behaviour that maintains addiction and deviates from current societal norms, an unapproved and unconventional means to quit smoking.

Two approaches to vaping emerged from our data, that of the ‘cloud chaser’ and the ‘substitute’. Vapers within this sample displayed similar subcultural elements and practices to those reported in the international literature examining the motivations of e-cigarette users, identity formation and involvement in the vaping subculture [ 14 , 15 ] which could be diffused via global structures such as social media. However, some subcultural elements are localised to Australian vapers due to the unique social conditions under which the behaviour has evolved. For example, the vaping subculture which has emerged in the US is more encompassing than in Australia, which may be attributed to differences in the countries regulatory contexts [ 60 ], access to nicotine products, and exposure to mass marketing [ 61 ] and subcultural practices (e.g. vaping conventions [ 62 ] and abundant vape stores [ 63 ]).

Supported by Farrimond [ 14 ] and McQueen and Tower [ 64 ], ‘cloud chasers’ perceived their affiliation and connection with the vape community in the online and offline milieu as a positive source of support and reinforcement. Moreover, vaping was regarded as an integral part of their social identity, influencing how they behaved and the social and political activities they engaged in. Given the loss of identity and social engagement reported by individuals who quit smoking, the social opportunities, and group and community experience of vaping may be a particularly appealing aspect of the endeavour [ 6 , 16 , 53 ]. Furthermore, vaping was explicitly differentiated from cigarette smoking and referred to by many ‘cloud chasers’ as a hobby. Several dimensions of ‘pleasure’ were identified, including the sensory experience (i.e. flavours) and electronic and technological aspects of vaping [ 6 , 65 ]. Such descriptions of enjoyment are not usual in the substance-use discourse [ 66 ] due to the dominance of the ‘pathology paradigm’ which marginalises the idea of pleasure concerning drug use [ 67 ].

The assessment that e-cigarettes are a tool to manage nicotine addiction among ‘substitute’ vapers may explain why these users did not strongly identify with, or actively rejected connection with the social identity of vaping, and enjoyment did not play a substantive role in their use and maintenance [ 14 ]. Research suggests that cessation goal-oriented vapers may be less likely to become persistent e-cigarette users compared with vapers who do not stipulate future intentions to quit [ 68 , 69 ]. The nuanced differences in experiences of ‘cloud chasers’ and ‘substitute’ vapers may, therefore, contribute important insights for health communication. Australia has implemented a suite of effective strategies [ 23 ] to combat tobacco smoking that could be applied to e-cigarettes, such as supplementing health communications with legislation (e.g. health warnings, plain packaging, smoke-free laws that include e-cigarette use), until there is scientific evidence regarding their safety and efficacy as a tobacco cessation therapy [ 70 ].

E-cigarettes are both technically complex devices, which novice users may find difficult to spontaneously start, and a non-medical consumer product, which has resulted in the need for many aspiring users to look to other vapers as their experts, building a vast and international social network of shared knowledge and identity [ 14 ]. A common experience among this cohort of vapers was their use of e-cigarette forums and social media groups to discuss personal experiences, exchange information, and obtain new knowledge, similarily reported by vapers in New Zealand [ 18 ]. Seasoned vapers and newcomers disclosed periods of both active and passive engagement (also known as ‘lurking’ [ 71 ]). Lurking served newcomers with an opportunity to observe the community and its rules [ 72 ], whilst it provided more established vapers with the opportunity to monitor changes in the industry and the development of new products. Conversely, active contribution to these fora provided opportunities for learning among ‘newbies’ and mentorship for more experienced vapers. Some research suggests that joining and actively participating in e-cigarette-related social media communities [ 13 , 73 , 74 ] may play an important role in the development of ones vaping identity [ 14 , 18 ] and can exert a significant influence on attitudes and behavioural intentions toward e-cigarettes [ 75 ]. The investigation of dedicated vaping fora, therefore, may be valuable to study interactions among users and how these interactions shape e-cigarette knowledge, attitudes and behaviours.

These findings were gathered from a small purposive sample within a specific geographical context and time, and therefore may not be generalisable to the broader vaping community or e-cigarette users abroad due to Australia’s regulatory environment, absence of mass media advertising and lack of Government endorsement as a smoking cessation aid [ 76 ]. However, the consistency with other research suggests our findings are not atypical. All participants in this study were adults, therefore these results may not be generalisable to younger vapers.

Few studies have explored vapers motivations for use, reinforcing influences, and association with the vaper subculture, especially within the unique regulatory context of Australia. We found that our sample of vapers largely started vaping to quit smoking and underwent common experiences during their initiation phase. Subsequently, vapers tended to adopt one of two vaper identities, that of the ‘cloud chaser’ or the ‘substitute’, which some users moved between during different stages of their vaping career. The social and symbolic meaning of e-cigarettes and vaping were diverse. ‘Cloud chasers’ connected with the vaper subculture in varying degrees and involved concepts of pleasure, community and performance. However, the aesthetic and performance part of the subculture, in particular, had little appeal to ‘substitute’ vapers who largely viewed their use of e-cigarettes as a means to quit smoking, and enjoyment did not play a substantive role in their use. Understanding the complexities of vaping, and the nuanced differences of ‘cloud chasers’ and ‘substitute’ vapers may have important implications for health communication, research and policy. Our findings add to the understanding of the varying motives for use and provide new insights into the socialisation process and subsequent identity adoption of Western Australian vapers.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets used and/or analysed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

The Therapeutic Goods Administration is the regulatory body for therapeutic goods in Australia and is responsible for conducting assessment and monitoring activities to ensure that therapeutic goods available in Australia are of an acceptable standard and that access to therapeutic advances is in a timely manner.

Abbreviations

Electronic cigarette

Electronic Nicotine Delivery Device

COnsolidated criteria for REporting Qualitative research

Greater Capital City Statistical Area

Index of Relative Socio-Economic Advantage and Disadvantage

National Drug Strategy Household Survey

Therapeutic Goods Administration

United States

United Kingdom

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Acknowledgements

We wish to thank the people who participated in this study and willingly provided their time and insights.

This research was supported by a Healthway Exploratory Research Grant [grant number 32803] and an Australian Government Research Training Program Scholarship. The Scholarship is provided by the Commonwealth of Australia to support the general living costs for students undertaking Doctoral Research studies. The funders had no role in the design of the study; in the collection, analyses, or interpretation of data; in the writing of the manuscript, and in the decision to publish the results.

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Conception and design of the work: JJ, BM, KM, TL, KW; Data acquisition and analysis: KM; Data interpretation: KM, BM; Writing – original draft: KM; Writing - review and editing: JJ, BM, BF, KW, TL. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Participants gave written (at the time of the interview, or via email), and in one case verbal consent before participating in a face-to-face ( n  = 35) or telephone ( n  = 2) interview. All procedures were performed in compliance with relevant laws and institutional guidelines and the study protocol was approved by the Human Research Ethics Committee of Curtin University (HRE2017–0144).

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Competing interests

BF is a member of the NHMRC Electronic Cigarettes Working Committee (May 2020). She has received consulting payment for e-cigarette policy review for the NSW National Heart Foundation (December 2019). She had travel expenses (flight and registration) reimbursed to attend Oceania Tobacco Control Conference 2017 to present on e-cigarette and cessation. She provided her opinion (unpaid) at Australian Parliament’s Standing Committee on Health, Aged Care and Sport public hearing into the Use and Marketing of Electronic Cigarettes and Personal Vaporisers (September 8, 2017). She led a contract on e-cigarette regulation in Australia for the Commonwealth Department of Health (2016). She had travel expenses reimbursed by National Taiwan University for presenting on e-cigarette regulation (2016). The other authors have no conflicts to declare.

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Additional file 1..

Data collection guide. The data collection guide includes the information recorded about the interview, participant’s demographic and behavioural information and the interview guide.

Additional file 2.

COREQ checklist. A checklist of items that should be included in reports of qualitative research.

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McCausland, K., Jancey, J., Leaver, T. et al. Motivations for use, identity and the vaper subculture: a qualitative study of the experiences of Western Australian vapers. BMC Public Health 20 , 1552 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-020-09651-z

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-020-09651-z

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Vaping now more common than smoking among young people – and the risks go beyond lung and brain damage

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Vaping is now more common than cigarette smoking among young people, according to a new report coordinated by the University of Glasgow and commissioned by the World Health Organization.

This echoes research that has found the popularity of vaping among young people in the UK has surged in recent years. The number of children experimenting with vapes increased from 7.7% in 2022 to 11.6% in 2023, according to a survey conducted by anti-smoking charity, Ash.

Most of these children wanted to try vaping “out of curiosity” and were aware of the promotion of vapes in shops and online. Other motivations for using vapes included the ease of obtaining them, the flavours (young people are particularly attracted to fruity or dessert flavours) and help connecting with peers.

But vaping comes with many risks to young people, including harm to the lungs and brain.

Adolescence is a delicate period for the development of the brain. During this time, the brain grows, changes and forms new connections. The parts that control emotions and reward develop faster than those that help with planning and self-control. This can lead to teens taking more risks , such as vaping.

Nicotine, which is contained within vapes, affects teens differently to adults, as their brains are more sensitive to it. Brain receptors affected by nicotine are important for learning and addiction . Even low levels of nicotine exposure can make teens more likely to get addicted to other substances, experiment with risky behaviour , or develop mental health problems .

Nicotine can have long-lasting effects on the adolescent brain. Nicotine exposure can harm a young person’s ability to learn and focus, and make them more likely to act impulsively when they reach adulthood.

Even a small amount of nicotine can be risky for teens who are predisposed to conditions such as asthma, making them more sensitive to stress and possibly leading to mood problems later in life.

Young people who vape may be more likely to start smoking and find it harder to quit any nicotine use at all. And using vaping products alongside other products containing nicotine, like cigarettes, for example, may be even worse for their health.

Hidden risks

There are many less obvious risks to vaping too. The chemicals in vape liquids – including various toxins, heavy metals and possibly even radioactive polonium – may be harmful. The ingredients, how much of each is used and the temperature to which they’re heated can also affect what ends up in the vapour.

Some vapes may also deliver more nicotine than the user expects. This could be because of the specific mix of ingredients different brands put in the vape liquid.

The variety of flavourings in vapes is concerning, especially for teens. With over 7,000 flavours on the market such as fruit, candy floss, mint and chocolate, vapes are designed to be appealing to young people. A 2023 US study found teens are especially drawn to the more fruity flavours.

But these flavourings might also damage the lungs, potentially causing a serious condition called “popcorn lung” or bronchiolitis obliterans . This is a condition that affects the smallest airways of the lungs and can lead to coughing and shortness of breath.

There’s also some evidence that these flavourings, which are often highly concentrated in the vape aerosol, can harm cells in the body.

The Flavor and Extract Manufacturers Association is the national body representing the flavour industry in the US. It has raised concerns about how well vape flavourings are tested for safety, particularly for inhalation purposes.

This is important because some flavourings, like diacetyl , which can be used to give a butter-like flavour to food, seem harmless when you eat them but can cause serious lung problems if inhaled. This is a chemical linked with popcorn lung, which has been seen in workers exposed to high levels of diacetyl in food factories. As a result, major popcorn manufacturers have removed diacetyl from their products. But it is still available in vapes.

The process of extracting nicotine from tobacco can leave behind other chemicals like nornicotine and residues such as cotinine . And improper handling or storage of these substances can create impurities that are harmful to health.

Even if a vape liquid is advertised as being nicotine-free, it might still contain chemicals called nitrosamines , which are known to cause cancer.

Is a ban on disposable vapes enough?

The forthcoming ban on disposable vapes in England, Scotland and Wales may not be enough to deal with the problem. With more than 400 vape brands already on the market, a more comprehensive approach is needed.

This should include a crackdown on adults buying vapes for young people and prominent health warnings displayed both online and in stores that are as clear as those on cigarette packs.

Read more: To stop teenagers vaping they need to see it as cringe, not cool

We also need restrictions on flavours that target young people, stricter age verification for all vape sales and regulations that cover not just the nicotine content but also the ingredients and packaging of nicotine-free vapes.

The continued monitoring of the safety of these products is also vital, particularly in light of the loopholes exploited by “rogue firms” providing children with complimentary samples of nicotine-free vapes.

Anyone considering vaping as a way to quit smoking should aim to eventually stop vaping altogether, not just switch one habit for another. Vaping isn’t risk free for non-smokers and can have harmful health effects, especially on young people.

• Adolescents
• Young people
• Electronic cigarettes
• Adolescence
• Nicotine addiction
• Teen vaping
• Vaping risks
• teens and vaping
• Youth vaping
• Vaping dangers

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Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction Essay

Over the years, the utilization of vaping products has dramatically increased, particularly among youth. With at least 12 deaths and close to 1,000 sickened, vaping, the enormously fashionable alternative for consuming nicotine or perhaps flavorful substances, has unexpectedly been riskier than predicted (Dinardo & Rome, 2019). The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) estimates that more than 2 million young people smoked e-cigarettes in 2021 (Dinardo & Rome, 2019).

It might have a significant effect if state officials asked the region’s health authority to ban all flavored vape goods in reaction to this issue to safeguard the youth’s well-being (Domenico et al., 2021). A state does have other options in addition to that. The best way to overcome this difficulty is for nations to incorporate free science-based application innovations. While enforcing an immediate ban benefits many parents, incorporating an app is preferable since it immediately communicates with the youth by showing them the negative impacts and ultimately nullifies any possibility of teenagers smoking.

Banning commodities, especially which bring some preconceived pleasures increases the demand for those who want them instead of cutting them. It is correct that banning vapes will have a slight effect as parents will majorly appreciate it, but it would only make the youth go to more extraordinary lengths seeking the vapes, hence imposing a threat more. This solution would work in the short term and involve many state officers and laws to force the action.

Alternatively, using scientifically constructed applications that are freely accessible in any state would have a significant positive effect as it directly communicates with youth. Showcasing the adverse effects of vaping and providing statistical facts in the form of notifications on youth’s phones will, by a majority, cut vape users as they are spoken to intellectually and emotionally. On the other hand, this would work over the long term, which is more profitable for the future generation and the nation’s government.

Therefore, incorporating a scientifically created application solution is the best overall solution and should be integrated into states where vaping is prone. A significant drop will be evident as soon as the government spreads awareness of the new freely accessible application. As many people work now not for themselves but the betterment of future generations, this solution would pose the best course of action in entirely eradicating vaping for the youth soon, with no possibility of newly developing again.

Dinardo, P., & Rome, E. S. (2019). Vaping: The new wave of Nicotine Addiction . Cleveland Clinic Journal of Medicine, 86 (12), 789–798. Web.

Domenico, L., DeRemer, C. E., Nichols, K. L., Campbell, C., Moreau, J. R., Childs, G. S., & Merlo, L. J. (2021). Combatting the epidemic of e-cigarette use and vaping among students and transitional-age youth. Current Psychopharmacology, 10 (1), 5–16. Web.

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IvyPanda. (2023, November 22). Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction. https://ivypanda.com/essays/teen-vaping-the-new-wave-of-nicotine-addiction/

"Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction." IvyPanda , 22 Nov. 2023, ivypanda.com/essays/teen-vaping-the-new-wave-of-nicotine-addiction/.

IvyPanda . (2023) 'Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction'. 22 November.

IvyPanda . 2023. "Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction." November 22, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/teen-vaping-the-new-wave-of-nicotine-addiction/.

1. IvyPanda . "Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction." November 22, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/teen-vaping-the-new-wave-of-nicotine-addiction/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Teen Vaping: The New Wave of Nicotine Addiction." November 22, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/teen-vaping-the-new-wave-of-nicotine-addiction/.

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• Ontario Cracking Down on Cellphone Use and Banning Vaping in Schools

Province removing distractions from classrooms as part of its back-to-basics plan

April 28, 2024

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NORTH YORK — Ontario is introducing the most comprehensive plan in Canada to reduce distractions in classrooms and improve the health of children by standardizing and strengthening provincewide measures and mandatory learning to directly counter the alarming rise of vaping and cellphone distractions within classrooms.

As students benefit from three more years of uninterrupted learning as a result of the government’s historic signing of deals with all teachers’ unions, the government is taking further action to go back-to-basics by combating the negative impact mobile devices, social media and vaping are having on in-class learning.

“We have heard loud and clear from parents and teachers alike that cellphones in classrooms are distracting kids from learning,” said Stephen Lecce, Minister of Education. “Our government is introducing the toughest policy in Canada to tackle this issue by cracking down on cellphone usage during class time, as well as banning vaping in all schools. When it comes to cellphones, our policy is ‘out of sight and out of mind,’ as we get students back to the basics by restoring focus, safety and common sense back in Ontario schools.”

Students in kindergarten to Grade 6 will be required to keep phones on silent and out of sight for the entire school day, unless explicitly permitted by an educator. For students in Grades 7 to 12, cellphones will not be permitted during class time unless explicitly directed by the educator. Moreover, social media websites will be removed from all school networks and devices, and report cards will include comment on students’ distraction levels in class. The government will provide mandatory training for teachers and new supports for students and parents.

The government is also strengthening the rules around students caught using or carrying vapes or cigarettes. Students will be required to surrender these products, along with parents being notified immediately of the situation. The government also officially announced $30 million in the 2024 Budget to install vape detectors and other security upgrades in schools.

To support these initiatives, the government is investing $17.5 million in new wrap-around supports for student mental health and parent engagement. This will include:

• $15 million to provide supports for students at risk of addictive behaviours
• $1 million to partner with School Mental Health Ontario to develop webinars and resources targeted to parents and students across the province to learn how to talk about the adverse effects of vaping and excessive cellphone usage 
• $1.5 million to Parent Involvement Committees and students to run local prevention campaigns to help deter vaping and cellphone distractions

These changes and investments are part of the government’s plan to get students back to basics. By removing distractions in the classroom, students can focus on learning the skills they need to succeed after graduation.

• A 2023 UNESCO report found a negative link between excessive cellphone use and student academic performance and that students can take up to 20 minutes to refocus on what they were learning after focusing on a distraction.
• A CAMH study on youth, smartphones and social media use showed that over a third (35%) of Ontario’s secondary school students spend five hours or more daily on electronic devices (smartphones, tablets, laptops, computers, gaming consoles) in their free time.
• A 2022 Statistics Canada report found that vaping is more prevalent among younger rather than older Canadians, with more than one-fifth of adolescents aged 15 to 17 years reporting vaping in the previous 30 days.
• Ontario is the first province in Canada to have a provincewide social media ban on school networks and devices, and the new cellphone restrictions go further than any other jurisdiction in Canada.
• As part of an ongoing commitment to student mental health and well-being, for 2024-25, funding to support student mental health, including initiatives focused on student safety and physical activity, has reached $135.15 million, an increase of $117.76 million since 2017-18.
• Investing $30 million over three years (2024-25 to 2026-27) to help equip schools with security cameras, lighting and other security upgrades, including vape detectors
• Strengthening existing mandatory learning on cannabis and vaping and digital citizenship, with emphasis on the elementary curriculum
• Ontario Native Education Counselling Association for culturally relevant cannabis and vaping awareness and prevention initiatives for youth
• Canadian Lung Association for the “Lungs are for Life” program to raise awareness about tobacco, vaping and nicotine addiction
• Springboard for its “Weed Out the Risk” program to raise awareness among youth and young adults about the risks of driving or being in a vehicle with a driver who is under the influence of cannabis
• Lung Health Foundation to deliver the “Quash” program, which includes digital resources and a mobile app for students who are smoking and/or vaping

"Our government is taking action to protect children and youth from the harmful risks of vaping and build healthier communities across the province. We are building on the changes we have already made to restrict the sale of flavoured vapour products by taking this next step to make students surrender vape, tobacco and nicotine products in student possession to ensure our children receive their education in a safe and healthy learning environment." - Sylvia Jones Deputy Premier and Minister of Health

"Ontario is seeing a growing number of youth in Grades 7 through 12 report using vaping products that contain and emit many toxic substances. These products can affect the respiratory, immune and cardiovascular systems, and nicotine in these products is particularly harmful to youth brain development. Removing vaping products from Ontario schools will help protect our students from these preventable threats." - Dr. Kieran Moore Chief Medical Officer of Health

"We have seen an increasing number of adolescents and teens who are using vaping devices, which can lead to both short-term and long-term health problems. Nicotine can also quickly become a long-term addiction, especially while students’ brains are still developing. We are pleased to see the Ministry of Education acknowledging the increasing use of vaping devices among Ontario’s students." - Ronald Cohn President & CEO, SickKids

"At CHEO, we increasingly see the mental health impacts of excessive exposure to social media among children and youth. We also know that clever marketing has made e-cigarettes seem fun and harmless – even though they’re not and even though they often lead youth to tobacco smoking. It is important to educate kids and families about these risks and to make sure schools are places that protect and promote students’ health." - Alex Munter President and CEO, Children’s Hospital of Eastern Ontario (CHEO)

"At a time when young people are facing so many distractions, mental health pressures and even potential dangers, such as addictions, cyberbullying and online predators, we are taking measures to protect students by cracking down on vaping and other addictive substances, removing social media from school networks and devices, and increasing student mental health supports. Students deserve positive and distraction-free schools that promote positive mental health and allow for uninterrupted learning." - Natalie Pierre Parliamentary Assistant to the Minister of Education and MPP for Burlington

"Schools need to eliminate classroom distractions and focus on academic achievement by prioritizing STEM learning and real-life skills, such as financial literacy, and ensuring young people are proficient in reading, writing and math. Our government is listening to the concerns of parents, and we’re taking action by making it clear that vaping has no place in our schools, mobile devices need to be put away, and swearing at teachers is unacceptable behaviour." - Billy Pang Parliamentary Assistant to the Minister of Education and MPP for Markham—Unionville

"Having recently championed a successful private motion to address the rising concerns of distractions in our schools, particularly stemming from cellphones and the growing prevalence of vaping among youth, I am pleased to see this swift and decisive action taken by the government. This announcement underscores our commitment to creating safe and focused learning environments for Ontario students. By enhancing policies to counter the negative impacts of excessive screen time and substance use, we are not only addressing the concerns of parents and educators, but also prioritizing the well-being and academic success of our youth. These revisions to the Provincial Code of Conduct and School Board Codes of Conduct demonstrate our dedication to meeting the evolving needs of our education system and ensuring that our school environments remain conducive to learning and growth." - Jess Dixon MPP for Kitchener South—Hespeler

• Policy/Program Memorandum 128
• Parents’ Guide to the Provincial Code of Conduct
• Cellphones and other personal mobile devices in schools
• Cannabis and schools

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Opening statements in Trump's historic trial set to begin Monday after tense day of jury selection

Opening statements are set to begin next week in Donald Trump’s historic criminal trial after the final members of the jury were seated Friday, following a dramatic day in which two prospective jurors broke down in tears, an appeals court judge rejected Trump's request for a stay, and a man set himself on fire in front of the courthouse.

“We’re going to have opening statements on Monday morning. This trial is starting,” Judge Juan Merchan said towards the end of the day, after successfully seating the remaining five alternate jurors that were needed.

The case — the first-ever criminal trial of a former president —will be heard by a panel of 12 jurors and a total of six alternates. It's expected to last roughly six weeks.

The five alternates ultimately selected Friday include an unemployed married woman who’s into art and described herself as not political, an audio professional, a contract specialist, a clothing company executive and a construction company project manager. It took four days of jury selection to find the 18 jurors.

Around the same time the judge declared, "we have our full panel" inside the courtroom in the early afternoon, a man set himself on fire outside the courthouse. The NYPD said the man, identified as Max Azzarello of Florida, later died. He appeared to have had pamphlets describing a conspiracy involving cryptocurrency that he threw around before setting himself ablaze, police said.

Later in the afternoon, Trump's attorneys were in a state appeals court trying again to get an emergency stay of the trial. Trump attorney Cliff Robert argued his client could not get a fair trial in Manhattan, which had been Trump's longtime home before moving to Florida after he was elected president in 2016.

Steven Wu of Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's office countered that "what the last week has shown is that the jury selection has worked."

"We have 18 ordinary New Yorkers who are ready to serve. It would be unfair to them and the public for this to be delayed further," he argued. The judge rejected Trump's stay request a short time later.  

The jury selection process Friday was especially intense, some potential jurors breaking down in tears and others saying they were too anxious to serve.

The day began with the judge calling up the 22 remaining potential jurors from the previous pool of 96 to answer questions designed to indicate whether they could be fair and impartial about the divisive real estate mogul and presumptive Republican nominee for president.

The first of those potential jurors was dismissed after she said she didn’t think she could be fair. “I have really, really bad anxiety and people have found out where I am,” she told the judge. A short time later, two other potential jurors were dismissed after each told the judge that upon further reflection, “I don’t think I can be impartial.”

Other potential jurors included a married father who said he listens to a podcast called “Order of Man,” which is described on Apple’s website as discussions about “reclaiming what it means to be a man.” Some past guests of the podcast include people who’ve been outspoken in their support of Trump and were highly critical of the civil fraud case New York Attorney General Letitia James brought against the former president. The man, an audio specialist, was chosen as one of the alternates.

Another potential juror was a married fund manager who said he’d done “get-out-the-vote” work for former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, Trump’s 2016 presidential opponent. Trump and his attorney Todd Blanche passed notes back and forth while that juror was speaking. He was later dismissed after being asked about a 2020 Facebook post where he apparently called Trump “the devil and a sociopath.”

Trump appeared most interested in jurors whose answers offer ambiguity around their personal political views. When one prospective juror said they were a Fox News viewer, Trump cocked his head, then quickly conferred with his lawyer, Todd Blanche.

Another potential juror was a woman who became emotional as she disclosed she'd served two years in prison on drug-related charges, but said she could be "fair and impartial."

During a morning break, Merchan — who'd chided reporters on Thursday for disclosing too much information about potential jurors — said the woman had shared "very personal things about her life" and was "very brave." “I just wanted to encourage the press to please be kind. Please be kind to this person,” the judge said. He later dismissed her, saying she needed a certificate of release to be qualified for service going forward. On her way out, she cheerfully called out, "Good luck!"

Following that juror's departure, the DA's office began its individual questioning of the jurors. One woman, who'd disclosed that her father is lifelong friends with Trump ally turned critic Chris Christie, broke down in tears when prosecutor Susan Hoffinger asked her an innocuous question about the burden of proof in the case. "I feel so nervous and anxious right now. I’m sorry," she responded, bursting out into tears. "I thought I could do this," she said, adding "I wouldn’t want someone who feels this way to judge my case." She was dismissed.

Hoffinger's questioning was followed by Trump attorney Susan Necheles, who asked a potential juror who'd started their own business how she would assess a witness's credibility. The woman then asked to speak to the judge, saying she was "getting anxiety and self-doubt” from Necheles's line of questioning. She was dismissed. 

Necheles later asked another woman — who previously said she was a victim of sexual assault — whether she would hold it against Trump that women outside this case have accused Trump of sexual assault. She said she would not have a problem setting those accusations aside but the judge ultimately excused her, saying, "It’s best to err on the side of caution."

Another man said he has some differences from Trump on his policies but thinks he's “usually awesome.” He was not chosen for the jury.

On his way into court in the morning, Trump again complained the case against him is "unfair," and that the partial gag order preventing him from lashing out at witnesses, prosecutors, court staffers and jurors is not "constitutional." "Everyone else can say whatever they want about me. They can say anything they want. They can continue to make up lies and everything else. They lie. They’re real scum. But you know what? I’m not allowed to speak," he told reporters.

Prosecutors this week asked the judge to fine Trump and hold him in contempt for social media posts that they said violate the gag order. A hearing on the matter is scheduled for Tuesday.

The m a in pa nel of 12 is made up of seven men and five women, including two lawyers, a teacher, a retired wealth manager, a product development manager, a security engineer, a software engineer, a speech therapist and a physical therapist. The foreman — the juror who essentially acts as the leader and spokesperson for the panel — is a married man who works in sales and gets his news from The New York Times, MSNBC and Fox News.

The lone alternate selected Thursday is a woman who works as an asset manager.

Trump vented about the speed of the process in a post on social media shortly after the final jurors were selected, claiming the judge is “‘railroading’ me, at breakneck speed, in order to completely satisfy his ‘friends’.”

Later in the day, Merchan held what's known as a Sandoval hearing . That's a type of hearing designed to let defendants know the scope of questions they could face from prosecutors on cross-examination so they can make informed decisions about whether to take the witness stand in their own defense.

Leaving court on Friday, Trump was asked whether he was still planning to testify and he said he was.

Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg's office disclosed in a court filing that it would like to ask Trump about several items, among them the $464 million civil judgment against him and his company for fraud , the total $88 million verdicts and liability findings for sexual abuse  and  defamation in lawsuits brought by writer E. Jean Carroll and a number of other adverse court rulings over the past few years.

Trump has denied wrongdoing in all the cases and is appealing  the fraud judgment and the Carroll verdicts.

Prosecutors said they want to be able to bring those findings up “to impeach the credibility of the defendant” if he takes the witness stand.

Discussing the findings in the fraud case, prosecutor Matthew Colangelo told the judge it was "hard to think of something that is more squarely in the wheelhouse” for the DA to ask Trump about "than a finding by a judge of persistent and repeated fraud and illegality."

Trump's attorney Emil Bove countered that prosecutors shouldn't be able to breach the topic at all because Trump's appeal is still pending. He made similar arguments over the DA's contention that they should be allowed to ask about a judge's finding that he was untruthful on the witness stand during the fraud trial and had violated a gag order in the case.

“Is it your position that because a case is being appealed or might be appealed, that therefore it can not be used?" Merchan asked the lawyer. "Not necessarily," Bove replied.

The judge said he'd issue his ruling on the dispute on Monday morning.

Trump said last week he  “absolutely” plans to testify , but he is under no obligation to do so.

Asked by Necheles at the end of the day who the DA's first witness would be, prosecutor Joshua Steinglass said they wouldn't inform Trump's team of the person's identity until Sunday, given that Trump has been criticizing some witnesses on social media despite the partial gag order in the case. “And if that should be tweeted, that’ll be the last time we provide that courtesy,” Steinglass said.

Merchan called the DA's position "understandable" and told Necheles "I will not compel them to do anything."

Trump has pleaded  not guilty  to 34 counts of falsifying business records and faces up to four years in prison if he is convicted.

Bragg alleges that Trump falsified records to hide money he was paying his former lawyer Michael Cohen to reimburse him for $130,000 he paid adult film actor Stormy Daniels  near the end of the 2016 presidential campaign. Daniels has claimed she had a sexual encounter with Trump in 2006. Trump has denied that he slept with Daniels, but he has acknowledged repaying Cohen.

The DA’s office also alleges that as part of a scheme to boost Trump, National Enquirer publisher American Media Inc. paid $150,000 to model and actor Karen McDougal , who appeared in Playboy magazine and claimed that she had a nine-month affair with Trump before he was elected president “in exchange for her agreement not to speak out about the alleged sexual relationship,” according to a statement of facts filed by Bragg.

Trump has also denied having a sexual relationship with McDougal.

Adam Reiss is a reporter and producer for NBC and MSNBC.

Lisa Rubin is an MSNBC legal correspondent and a former litigator.

Dareh Gregorian is a politics reporter for NBC News.

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Statement regarding campus protests on cross campus.

Early this morning, Yale personnel issued final warnings that protesters in an encampment set up on Sunday afternoon on Yale’s Cross Campus must end the encampment or face discipline including suspension for violating university rules and arrest for trespassing. All the protesters chose to leave the encampment, and the university is in the process of clearing tents and other items from the area. Over the past several days, administrators communicated to protesters that their encampment and activities violated the university’s policies and were disrupting academic and university operations. Several attempts by Pericles Lewis, Dean of Yale College, to convince the protestors that they had other means besides occupying Cross Campus to get their message heard were unsuccessful. The tent encampment was located near student dorms, libraries, and classrooms, where many students are writing their final papers and studying for final exams.

As President Salovey outlined in his message to the Yale community on Monday, Yale fully supports peaceful protests and freedom of speech; however, claiming control of our shared space is inconsistent with our principles and values. The university does not tolerate the violation of its longstanding policies on using on-campus outdoor spaces , postering and chalking, or the use of amplified sound. Yale’s rules on  free expression and peaceable assembly exist to ensure that all members of the community have equitable access to the campus and can engage in the full functions of the university. 

Some protesters remain near the area and on nearby streets after leaving the encampment. No arrests have been made this morning.

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