digital divide in india essay

The digital divide in India: From bad to worse?

Oxfam's india inequality report 2022 reveals the extent of the digital divide in india and how it impacts access to education, healthcare, and financial service for marginalised communities..

The Oxfam report identifies education, healthcare, and finance as sectors that underwent rapid digitisation during the pandemic. Here’s a look at some of the findings from the report that bring to light how the digital divide impacted socio-economic inequalities during COVID-19 with respect to these three sectors:

1. Online education remained a challenge for many

Access to the internet through any kind of device was found to be far better in urban India at 44 percent than in rural areas at 17 percent. Across different caste groups as well, only 4 percent of students from SC and ST communities had access to a computer and the internet.  

It is important to note that the digitisation of education yielded great results for start-ups such as Byju’s, which was valued at USD 10.8 billion during the pandemic, an amount equivalent to the combined annual income of 25 million Indians at the time. In addition to this, EdTech products (instruction aids in classrooms for teachers or at home for students ) continue to remain inaccessible for many due to their high costs. The average cost of these products is estimated to be INR 20,000, while the average income of the poorest 20 percent households is INR 25,825.

2. Teachers struggled to deliver education digitally

More than 80 percent of teachers reported facing challenges in teaching online. Many of them also had issues related to data expenses and connectivity. Furthermore, 20 percent teachers reported that adequate training on delivering education digitally was not provided to them. Two out of every five teachers also claimed not to have access to the devices they needed to teach digitally.

3. Online learning came at the cost of mid-day meals

Unavailability of mid-day meals, that would be typically provided in-schools, was also a cause of concern for parents when schools shut down during COVID-19. Even though the central government in March 2020 advised all states to continue providing eligible children with meals, the delivery on-ground was lax. More than 35 percent parents reported that their children did not get mid-day meals during the pandemic.

4. Digitisation of healthcare did not improve access to it

The National Digital Health Mission (NDHM), also known as the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission, was launched during the pandemic with the aim of building a digital health ecosystem in India. However, inadequate digital infrastructure and literacy, for both the receivers as well as the health service providers, remained a challenge for its implementation. Tools such as e-Sanjeevani —a telemedicine platform that connects rural areas with quality healthcare providers—and the maintenance of electronic health records of patients, for instance, require access to a smartphone or a computer and the internet. With over 70 percent of the population in India having poor or no connectivity to digital services, the digitisation of healthcare didn’t necessarily improve access to public health services the way it was intended to.

5. In fact, this digitisation made it harder for many

Take the distribution of COVID-19 vaccines through the CoWIN app as an example. The need to book slots online presumed literacy as well as digital literacy. Many either did not have the resources (internet, smartphone, computer) or the digital know-how to book a vaccine slot online. Neither could they download their vaccination certificates easily from the app. This caused further delays in them receiving the vaccines. According to Oxfam’s 2021 health inequality report , as of May 2021, while 30 doses were administered per 100 persons in urban India, only 12.7 were administered in rural India. CoWIN thus inadvertently created a hierarchy in vaccine accessibility and excluded the digitally disconnected.

Health experts have gone as far as to say that not having access to broadband internet will now be an additional barrier to healthcare delivery. India’s medical apps market, for instance, is estimated to reach INR 337.89 billion in the next three years. Since the pandemic, the use of healthcare apps such as 1mg and Practo and wearable devices such as blood pressure monitors and fitness bands have seen a drastic rise. However, these services only cater to the English-speaking, digitally literate class.

6. The growth of digital financial services did not guarantee financial inclusion

The Unified Payment Interface (UPI) and cashless/electronic transactions saw rapid growth during the pandemic. However, it is important to note that this growth wasn’t uniform. The richest 60 percent, for instance, are four times more likely to do a digital payment than the poorest 40 percent in India. This can be attributed to the fact that the tendency to use formal financial services, such as private or commercial banks, is low among marginalised communities such as women, youth, people living in remote rural areas, and ethnic minorities. It is lowest for ST households in rural India . Additionally, only 41 percent of small and marginal farmers use public and private sector banks. This is because most of them don’t have legal documents such as Aadhar, PAN, ration card, or voter ID, making it hard for them to access bank accounts and other financial systems .

It is evident from the findings of the report that the process of digitisation alone cannot be considered the ultimate solution for all our challenges. Without addressing the socio-economic context of the digital divide, especially in India, the ongoing digital revolution across healthcare, education, and finance, if left unchecked, will not only continue to foster inequalities, but may also worsen them.

• Read the complete Oxfam India Inequality Report 2022 .
• Learn why EdTech in India requires stronger regulation.
• Learn how the digital divide is holding back women in India.

The India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide by Oxfam sheds some light on the impact of the digital divide on inequality in India during the pandemic. It explores the lack […]

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• Digital Divide In India

Digital Divide In India - Meaning, Implication & Initiatives

What is the Digital Divide? It refers to the gap between those with regular, effective access to digital technology and the internet, and those without this access. The article aims to update candidates on various aspects of the Digital divide in India and the Global Digital Divide. 

Context of the Article   – With digitization, the internet has become a very important means of communication and information acquisition. This is evident from the fact that during a global pandemic like COVID-19, the task of providing administrative support to the affected people was being done effectively through the digital medium. Help through digital means such as a helpline number or through Arogya Setu app was useful in public health initiatives. Access to digital technology emerged as a powerful tool for millions of citizens in this global crisis. 

Even though the uses and importance of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) are increasing dramatically, the gap caused by the digital divide is also persisting at an alarming rate. 

The topic Digital divide India or the world is important for various competitive exams. Questions under the general awareness section of different Government exams can be framed on the Digital Divide. 

Aspirants for the IAS exam might encounter questions on the topic in GS 1 and GS 3 of UPSC or might be asked to write a Digital Divide Essay of 1500-2000 words.  

Types of Digital Divide In India

• The Digital Divide, also called the digital split, is a social issue referring to the gap that exists between individuals who have access to modern information and communication technology and those who lack the access.
• It represents the disparities between demographics and regions at different social, economic levels or other categories over the use of Internet and communication technologies.
• The digital divide can exist between those living in rural areas and those living in urban areas, between the educated and uneducated, between economic classes, and on a global scale between more and less industrially developed nations.

Digital Divide – Types

There are numerous types of digital divide that influence access to Information and Communication Technologies. 

Some of the vivid gaps in digital inequality include:

• Gender Divide – the internet gender gap is striking especially in developing countries. Though mobile connectivity is spreading drastically, it is not spreading equally. Women are still lagging. Studies indicate that Indian women are around 15% less likely to own a mobile phone than men. Even among women owning mobile phones, most have no access to internet connectivity.
• Social Digital Divide – Internet access creates relationships and social circles among people with shared interests. Social media platforms like Twitter, Facebook, etc. create online peer groups based on similar interests. Internet usage has created social stratification which is evident among those that are connected to the internet and those that are not. Non-connected groups are sidelined since they don’t share the benefits enjoyed by the groups connected on the internet.
• Access Digital Divide – The main barriers under this point are lack of telecommunication infrastructure with sufficient reliable bandwidth, the high cost and the inability to purchase or rent the necessary equipment. This results in lack of access to technology.
• Other Digital Divide – This includes inequality in the usage of digital technologies due to lack of ICTs skill or support, physical disability or cultural and behavioural attitudes towards technology.

Digital Divide in India – Facets

The digital divide exists despite the increase in the number of mobile phone subscribers in India over the past few years. A few facets are as mentioned below-

• The Urban-Rural divide –  the digital divide between India’s rural and urban areas during the lockdown was highlighted not just in the education sector, but was evident everywhere, be it telemedicine, e-commerce, banking, e-governance — all of which became accessible only through the internet during the lockdown. Services such as online classrooms, financial transactions and e-governance require access to the internet as well as the ability to operate internet-enabled devices like phones, tablets and computers. 
• As per the report by NSO, most of the internet-enabled homes are located in cities, where 42% have internet access. In rural India, however, only 15% are connected to the internet.
• Across India, only one in ten households have a computer — whether a desktop, laptop or tablet. Almost 25% of all homes have Internet facilities, accessed via a fixed or mobile device.
• The urban-rural disparity in digital divide is evident from the extent of internet penetration in the country. As per the NSO, there is less than 20% Internet penetration, even in States with software hubs such as Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. 

Read, What is the Internet? here.

• As per the report by Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) , in 2018, total internet density in the country stood at about 49 percent. Of that, 25 percent lived in rural areas and 98 percent in urban areas. According to the latest report released by TRAI, the country had over 1,160 million wireless subscribers in February 2020, up from 1,010 million in February 2016. It means urban subscribers increased by 74 million (from 579 million to 643 million) and rural subscribers by 86 million (from 431 million to 517 million). This indicated growth in basic telecom facilities and not digital progress.

Read the difference between Rural and Urban on the given link.

2. Gender Digital inequalities – India has among the world’s highest gender gaps in access to digital technology. Only 21% of women in India in comparison to 42% of men are mobile internet users, according to GSMA’s 2020 mobile gender gap report. The report says, while 79% of men own a mobile phone in India where the number for women is 63%. While there are economic barriers to girls’ owning a mobile phone or laptop, cultural and social norms also play a major part. The male-female gap in mobile use often exacerbates other inequalities for women, including access to information, economic opportunities, and networking.

3. Regional Digital Divide and Intra-State Digital inequality – In terms of people that have access to computers or the know-how to use the internet, States too greatly differ in the matrices. Southern states are more digitally literate than Northern counterparts. Kerala is the state where the difference between rural and urban areas is the least. Uttarakhand has the most number of computers in urban areas, while Kerala has the most number of computers in rural areas. Himachal Pradesh leads the country in access to the internet in both rural and urban areas. While the national capital has the highest Internet access, with 55% of homes having such facilities, Odisha is at the bottom with only one in ten homes having Internet. 

Talking about Intra-state divide – While urban areas are more digitally literate, rural counterpart are lacking in the respective states Kerala has the least inequality with more than 39% of the poorest rural homes having Internet, in comparison to 67% of the richest urban homes, where Assam shows the striking inequality, with almost 80% of the richest urban homes having the Internet access and 94% of those in the poorest rural homes in the State don’t have the access.

4. Disparity due to literacy/digital literacy – having Internet access is no guarantee that one can use it. 20% of Indians above the age of 5 years had basic digital literacy. Just 40% in the critical age group of 15 to 29 years, which includes all high school and college students as well as young parents responsible for teaching younger children. More than one in five Indians above 7 years still cannot read and write in any language. Over the last decade, literacy rates have increased from 71.7% to 77.7%, with the highest gains coming among rural women. A State-wise split of literacy rates also throws up some unexpected results. Andhra Pradesh has the country’s lowest literacy rate, at just 66.4%, significantly lower than less developed States such as Chhattisgarh (77.3%), Jharkhand (74.3%), Uttar Pradesh (73%), and Bihar (70.9%). Kerala remains at the top of the pile with 96.2% literacy, followed by three northern States: Delhi (88.7%), Uttarakhand (87.6%) and Himachal Pradesh (86.6%). 

5. Linguistic Digital Divide : More than 80% of the content on the Internet is in English, so states, where people are more competent in English, are more digitally competent.

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Digital Divide in India – Effects/Implications

• Educational: The digital divide in India will affect the capacity of children to learn and develop. Read about Digital Education in India.
• Without Internet access, students cannot build the required technology-related skills.
• Social: Internet penetration is associated with greater social progress of a nation. Thus digital divide in a way hinders the social progress of a country. Rural population is suffering from lack of information due to the Digital divide in India, this will only strengthen the vicious cycle of poverty, deprivation, and backwardness.
• Political: In the age of social media, political empowerment and mobilization are difficult without digital connectivity.
• Economic: The digital divide will increase economic inequality between those who can afford the technology and those who don’t.
• Governance: Transparency and accountability are dependent on digital connectivity. The digital divide affects e-governance initiatives negatively. Know about e-governance and its significance on the given link. 

Government Initiative To Bridge Digital Divide in India

The Government of India is taking significant steps towards acquiring competence in information and technology to cope with India’s Digital Divide. 

1.Digital India Initiatives by Government to improve internet access in the country. Know about Digital India on the linked page. A few initiatives under this are –  

• In 2011, the BharatNet project was launched to connect 0.25 million panchayats through an optical fibre (100 MBPS) and connect India’s villages. 
• In 2014, the government launched the National Digital Literacy Mission and the Digital Saksharta Abhiyan. 
• In 2015, the government launched several schemes under its Digital India campaign to connect the entire country. 
• PM Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan , launched in 2017, to usher in digital literacy in rural India by covering 60 million households.

2. Seeing the importance of digital literacy, the Supreme Court of India has declared the right to access to the Internet as a fundamental right, making it a part of the right to privacy and the right to education that comes under Article 21 of the Constitution.  Read about Right to Education Act (RTE) . 

3. National Education Policy, 2020 aims at making “India a global knowledge superpower” by introducing several changes from the school to college level in the Indian education system with special emphasis on digital education. Know more on New Education Policy at the linked page. 

4. Internet Saathi Program – The Internet Saathi Program was launched in 2015 by Google India and Tata Trusts. The aim of this project is to facilitate digital literacy among rural Indian women.

5. Optical Fibre Network (NOF-N) , a project aimed to ensure broadband connectivity to over two lakh (200,000) gram panchayats of India.

6. DIKSHA (Digital Infrastructure for Knowledge Sharing) platform- DIKSHA is the national platform for school education available for all states and the central government for grades 1 to 12 and was launched in September 2017. As part of PM eVidya announced under the Atma Nirbhar Bharat programme , DIKSHA is the ‘one nation; one digital platform’ for school education in India.

7. Unnati Project –  Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL) which strives to bridge the digital divide in schools by giving the rural students with poor economic and social background access to computer education.

8. Gyandoot is an Intranet-based Government to Citizen (G2C) service delivery initiative started in the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh in January 2000 with the twin objective of providing relevant information to the rural population and acting as an interface between the district administration and the people. 

9. Digital Mobile Library : In order to bridge the digital divide in a larger way the government of India, in collaboration with the Centre for Advanced Computing (C–DAC) based in Pune.

10. Online Massive Open Online Course MOOC courses relating to NIOS (grades 9 to 12 of open schooling) are uploaded on SWAYAM portal; around 92 courses have started and 1.5 crore students are enrolled. Know about SWAYAM Scheme on the linked page. 

11. On Air Shiksha Vani, DAISY by NIOS for differently-abled, e-PathShala- Radio broadcasting is being used for children in remote areas who are not online (especially for grades 1 to 5).

12. E-pathshala : For rural and urban students and providing them with study materials.  

Know about various other Government Schemes launched for the welfare and development of the country.

Way Forward – Digital Divide

1, Infrastructure development : The promotion of indigenous Information and Communication Technologies development under Atmanirbhar Abhiyan can play a significant role. Promotion of budget mobile phones is the key, we should explore migration to new technologies like 5G. It would resolve some of the bandwidth challenges. The creation of market competition between service providers may make services cheaper. Efficient spectrum allocation in large contiguous blocks should be explored.

Read, How is 4G Different From 5G ?

2. Promoting Digital Literacy: Digital literacy needs special attention at the school/college level. The National Digital Literacy Mission should focus on introducing digital literacy at the primary school level in all government schools for basic content and in higher classes and colleges for advanced content. Higher digital literacy will also increase the adoption of computer hardware across the country. Furthermore, when these students will educate their family members, it will create multiplier effects. 

3. Promotion of Regional Language: State governments should pay particular attention to content creation in the Indian regional languages, particularly those related to government services. Natural language processing ( NLP) in Indian languages needs to be promoted.

4. TRAI should consider putting in place a credible system. This system will track call drops, weak signals, and outages. It ensures the quality and reliability of telecom services.

5. Cyber Security: MeitY will need to evolve a comprehensive cyber-security framework for data security, safe digital transactions, and complaint redressal. Read in detail about Cyber Security on the given link. 

6. Telecom ombudsman: The government should appoint officials and also set up a telecom ombudsman for the grievances redressal.

7. Role of regulators: Regulators should minimize entry barriers by reforming licensing, taxation, spectrum allocation norms.

Other Related links

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India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide

• 05 Dec, 2022

The digital divide in the access and usage of ICTs and the internet has also led to an exclusionary consequence in three sectors of utmost significance: education, health and finance. In a country plagued by high socioeconomic inequality, the digitalisation process cannot be posited as the panacea for the inherent challenges of the physical world. It becomes particularly problematic when half of the population neither has access to gadgets and the internet or the technological know-how to move to a digital environment. In such circumstances, the digitalisation process becomes unequal, favouring the digitally connected while excluding the rest, and in certain cases, exacerbating the already existing inequalities. India Inequality Report 2022 examines these inequalities.

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Digital divide and access to online education: new evidence from Tamil Nadu, India

• Research Paper
• Published: 20 March 2023
• Volume 25 , pages 313–333, ( 2023 )

Cite this article

• K. Jafar   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0310-613X 1 ,
• Kripa Ananthpur 1 &
• L. Venkatachalam 1  

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The pandemic and the long closure of educational institutions have changed the learning and teaching practices across the globe. A massive and unplanned shift towards online education with unequal access to digital infrastructure deepens the existing digital divide and socio-economic inequalities. Tamil Nadu Covid Pulse Survey shows the state’s commitment to strengthening evidence-based policymaking and continuing its welfare tradition including its efforts to provide uninterrupted education during the crisis. Based on the three recent rounds of the panel survey conducted in October 2020 and August 2021, this article discusses Tamil Nadu’s experience in continuing education during the pandemic. The result highlights the existing digital divide and challenges faced by students in accessing online education. Some of the government initiatives like Kalvi TV telecasting classes for school students have been effective in addressing the digital divide between rural and urban areas in the state and making its education system more inclusive.

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Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript.

Introduction

The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in partial or full closure of educational institutions and forced them to limit their regular teaching activities to online modes of education. The contagious nature of the virus and the emergence of new variants may cause disruptions and weaken educational practices, learning outcomes, and impact the future of students in the coming years. The prolonged closure of educational institutions and massive, unplanned shift towards the digital mode throws new challenges for the educational system, teachers, students, and parents. Among other factors, the digital divide Footnote 1 plays a key role in driving this transition and quality of learning in any context. Given the financial and technical implications, the pandemic is likely to keep a large number of students out of learning and their schools. As more than two-thirds of the student population faced disruption of schooling in 2020, a steady increase in the number of students that might fall below the Minimum Proficiency Level (MPL) in reading (UNESCO 2021a , b , c ) is expected. Effective policy interventions to bring them back and address the issue of access to the new mode of education for students from all regions, classes, gender, and socio-economic status are very important. Global development agencies and leaders call for prioritising education in the stimulus packages and addressing challenges that have emerged in the new context.

Based on the evidence collected through three rounds of the Tamil Nadu Covid Pulse Survey (TNCPS), Footnote 2 this article maps Tamil Nadu’s experience with a new mode of education. The results offer new insights on specific interventions made by the state, and challenges faced during this transition. The article briefly reviews the global and national response to the disturbance caused by the pandemic on education and the challenges faced while continuing with the online mode of education. It then discusses Tamil Nadu’s experience in coping with online education and concludes the discussion by establishing interrelations with the larger trends and directions for policy interventions.

Education during the pandemic: a review

The response to pandemic.

Globally, the national education responses to COVID-19 indicate that most education systems followed the mixed-media approach with distance learning through traditional media (like TV, Radio) and interactive classes by teachers during the pandemic (UNESCO 2020a , b ). The ‘majority of governments (133 countries) provided a mix of online, television, and radio solutions to ensure learning continuity, providing strong ground to build more resilient education systems and bridge the digital divide’ (UNESCO 2021a , b , c ). Most governments used smartphones to improve access to online learning platforms (UNESCO et al. 2020 ).

At the national level, the Union HRD Minister asked the students to continue their learning by making full use of the available digital e-Learning platforms like DIKSHA, ePathshala, National Repository of Open Educational Resources (NROER), Swayam, Swayam Prabha, etc. well before the nationwide lockdown and ‘Janata Curfew’ on 22nd March 2020 (Government of India 2020a , b ). Later, ‘PRAGYATA Guidelines on Digital Education’ was released online on 14 July 2020 and the government continued to promote its digital initiatives to complement this transition (Government of India 2020a , b ). Though India has emerged as one of the largest e-learning markets, its digital infrastructure is still not sufficient to meet these requirements. At the national level too, the hybrid model (combination of online and offline) was followed in several contexts (Mishra et al. 2020 ).

At the state level, Tamil Nadu also followed multiple strategies to promote online education and the dissemination of digital content or learning material through various platforms. This includes broadcasting lessons on Kalvi TV Footnote 3 for school students, TN-DIKSHA digital learning platform for the children, Veettupalli programme (School at home) for children enrolled in schools functioning under Tamil Nadu State Board, and introduction of other innovative practices (Government of Tamil Nadu 2020 ). Other initiatives include Tamil Nadu Teachers Platform (TNTP); TNSCERT YouTube channel; Facebook—Workplace; programme for student mental wellbeing (with UNICEF); Tamil Nadu Vagupparai Nokkin (Classroom Observation module); NEET—Online Practice tests and Crash Course (MHRD 2020 ). The state also modified the existing programmes to meet the local requirements.

Challenges with new mode of education

With the large-scale introduction of online teaching and learning as the new norm for education, not as an optional or complementary tool, the pandemic helped in addressing the reluctance towards the adoption of modern technological solutions. However, this was not accompanied by new instructional and evaluation methods to address the challenges caused by the changes in distance, scale, and personalised teaching and learning in online mode. The existing solutions may not address all concerns or may fail in compensating the traditional educational practices (Dhawan 2020 ).

Even before the pandemic, students’ access to digital technologies, resources, and competence show sharp differences across the regions and communities. The pandemic exposed the existing digital divide and how its deepening could further expand the inequalities (Andrew et al. 2020 ; Jæger & Blaabæk, 2020 ; Katz et al. 2017 ). The pre-existing social and digital divides make the marginalised groups more vulnerable and put them at risk of falling further behind in learning (ILO & World Bank 2021 ). Studies estimate significant losses in learning and an increase in school dropout rates due to the pandemic across poor countries and also indicate that the pre-existing socioeconomic inequalities may amplify the vulnerability of young people. In some contexts, the intersection of gender, poverty, and disability may result in deepening the social inequalities and access to digital resources (Jones et al. 2021 ). Due to limited access to the devices, girls face challenges in developing Information and Communication Technology (ICT) skills and engagement with distance learning (Amaro et al. 2020 ). The pandemic is likely to increase the risk of a large number of girls dropping out of their schools permanently; one of the estimates suggests that around 11 million girls will not return to school when the crisis is over. Most of them are in their adolescence and are from low- and lower-middle-income countries (Azevedo et al. 2020 ; De Paz Nieves et al. 2021 ). In many countries, students with special needs did not receive additional support to continue their education (UNESCO 2021a , b , c ). The pandemic has contributed to rising inequalities in learning outcomes in different countries (Parolin, 2021 ; UNESCO 2020a , b ).

Globally, the introduction of distance-learning programmes has exposed several issues including unequal access to ICT infrastructure, insufficient internet, power, and skill gaps in using distance-learning platforms (UNESCO 2020a , b ). Though recent developments in educational technologies and digital applications provided a strong base for adapting to the situation, educational institutions faced a wide range of logistic, technical, financial, and social problems with the large-scale adoption of online education during the pandemic (Chatterjee & Chakraborty 2021 ; Oyedotun 2020 ). Access to appropriate devices and a comfortable place to access uninterrupted classes, and competency to use the applications, etc. are crucial.

The introduction of online education imposes an additional financial burden on households and puts the students at risk of discontinuing education. Due to the economic impact of the crisis, around 24 million students from pre-primary to tertiary education globally are at risk of not returning to learning. They are largely found at the primary and secondary levels (11 million) and concentrated in South and West Asian (5.9 million) and sub-Saharan African (5.3 million) regions (UNESCO 2021a , b , c ). Various projections map the likely impact of the pandemic on proficiency and indicate a steady decline in learning outcomes and MPL (Azevedo et al. 2020 ; Kaffenberger 2021 ; Kuhfeld et al. 2020 ; UNESCO et al. 2020 ; World Bank 2020 ). In the absence of adequate support, students from countries with weaker infrastructure and longer school closures are likely to face larger learning losses and are likely to see a reversal of gains made over the past decades (Engzell et al. 2021 ). The experience reported from different countries highlighted the concerns on the psychological impact on students due to social isolation, confinement and lack of physical exercise, reduced access to nutrition, and school meals (UNESCO 2020a , b ).

India’s experience as reported from different contexts also follows many of these broad patterns. The country is home to the world’s second-largest internet user base (with 49.8% of the population), but more than half of the population does not have access to the internet. In this transition, underprivileged communities are still lagging behind in the digital race (Devara 2020 ). Even before the pandemic, India experienced a deep digital divide between rural and urban areas. Nearly 66% of Indians live in villages but only a little over 15% of rural households have access to internet services (as against 42% in urban) as reported by NSSO data on social consumption of education in 2017–18. Only 17% of the students enrolled in rural areas (against 44% in urban) have access to the internet in the country. Currently, enrolled students from advantaged socio-economic groups have relatively better access to digital infrastructure, compared to only a smaller share of students from the poorest income groups (only 2% have access to a computer with internet) and marginalised groups (Reddy et al. 2020 ). It has been found that the ‘trend of ICT asset ownership and use is a factor of caste, highest adult education, main source of income, and income group. Lower caste groups and lower educated households own and use the ICT assets less than higher caste groups and higher educated households’ (Tewathia et al. 2020 : 8). The exclusionary nature of digital access and differences in penetration of digital technologies varies across the regions and social groups are likely to worsen the learning opportunities further.

Studies have highlighted the impact of technology-enabled learning programs on improving the learning outcomes, and productivity of teachers by complementing rather than substituting teachers in India (Muralidharan et al. 2019 ). The response of students to this shift, the emergence of digital classrooms and applications as the only mode of education (more than an option or supplementary/aid) indicates that it cannot replace traditional classroom learning (Parthiban et al. 2021 ).

Long hours of online classes were found to be detrimental to children’s health and well-being (including mental health), social life, and learning outcomes (Cao et al. 2020 ; Kumar et al. 2021 ). Reports from different parts of the country also highlight other issues related to long hours of online classes faced by students, teachers, and parents. Continued exposure to digital gadgets harms children’s physical and mental health, personal and social life by increasing stress, anxiety, uncertainty, and other behavioural issues (Dhawan 2020 ; Singh et al. 2020 ). The pandemic has made a significant impact on the mental health, education, and daily routine of students (Chaturvedi et al. 2021 ). Majority of students use mobile phones to attend online classes where students’ concentration during long hours of classes can be affected (Bhattacharya 2020 ). The following sections present the evidence collected from TNCPS to map Tamil Nadu’s experience with online and digital learning initiatives.

Data and methodology

The TNCPS adopted a quantitative methodology with the support of the Computer-Assisted Telephonic Interviews (CATI) system to administer the interview schedule. TNCPS can be defined as a ‘panel survey with refreshment’; the stratified sampling design identifies the district as a stratum and identified villages as the Primary Sampling Units (PSUs) in rural areas and Urban Frame Survey Blocks (UFSBs) in urban areas. The households sampled for the TNCPS were a sub-sample of the households which were already contacted for the Tamil Nadu Household Panel Survey (TNHPS). Footnote 4 The sampling frame for the first stage units was drawn from the list of 2,12,282 households contacted for TNHPS Pre-Baseline Survey (PBS) in 2018–2019. From this, 1,51,830 households with contact information (landline/mobile) were grouped into 3 broad strata based on the number of families belonging to different social groups (SC-ST; OBC; and Others). A total of 13,749 rural and urban samples were selected for the first round of the TNCPS survey and this formed the panel for the subsequent rounds. For this paper, we look at only data from 3 rounds (2, 3, and 4) as online education was introduced only after the round I survey was completed (Table 1 ).

Being a telephonic panel survey, efforts were made to ensure a better response rate, quality control, verification and adding refreshment samples to address attrition and balance between rural and urban areas. Footnote 5 Compared to similar initiatives reported elsewhere in the country, TNCPS panel data have a relatively larger sample size and good response rates(Pramanik, et al . 2022 ). Footnote 6 Round IV followed the strategy of selecting a proportional sample of rural households using the same stratification design used to select the initial sample for addressing the low representation of rural samples in previous rounds. During the survey, information was collected from the key informants mostly parents and heads of the households. As mentioned earlier, the analysis presented in the paper covers three recent rounds of TNCPS.

Along with the descriptive statistics, the paper also presents the results emerged from regression analysis attempted on relevant variables. We use a nonlinear panel regression model, with binary dependent variable, in a generic panel regression model to analyse the determinants of access to online education during the time of COVID-19.

where \({y}_{it}\) is the binary dependent variable of interest, i.e. access to online education and the values are 1, if households have accessed online education, and 0, otherwise. \({x}_{it}\) is a vector of explanatory variables for individual (household, in this study) “i” in the time period “ t ” (TNCPS waves II, III, and IV in this study). \({\alpha }_{i}\) is a time-invariant, individual (household, in this study)-specific effect in the model, which is considered to be an unobservable explanatory variable. \(\theta\) is the vector of parameters to be estimated.

This model analyses the observation of many individuals (households, in this study) observed in a few time periods. The descriptive statistics for both dependent and independent variables are given in the annexure (Table 12 ).

Experience of Tamil Nadu

The fact that the majority of students currently enrolled do not have access to internet and computer with internet (respectively 75% and 91%) in India indicates the nature of challenges in making online education inclusive. Access to digital infrastructure varies sharply across the states. Only a smaller share of students currently enrolled in Tamil Nadu has access to a computer with internet or computer or internet (14%, 19%, and 23%, respectively). The sharp difference in the share of students having access to a computer with internet in rural and urban Tamil Nadu (9% and 20%, respectively) demonstrates the nature of the digital divide in the state (Reddy et al. 2020 ).

Improving digital divide?

More than half of the households covered under three rounds of the survey had at least one student attending school or college (52.8%, 53.9%, and 51.8%, respectively, in rounds II, III, and IV) and this pattern remains similar in rural and urban areas. Around 10% of the households have three or more students in the family reported in all three rounds. The total number of students reported varies marginally across the three rounds (Table 2 ). The gender composition indicates that around 52% of the students reported across the three rounds are males.

Around 20% of the students are studying in colleges while the remaining are attending school. The share of college-going students remains low in rural areas (18.7% against 21.6% in urban areas as reported in round II). At the school level, 55.6% of the students are enrolled in government or government-aided schools and this share was found high in rural areas (68.3% against 43.4% in urban areas during round II). In the case of higher education, we notice a reverse trend as 75.2% of the students are enrolled in private self-financing colleges and this share was found high in urban areas (77.4% against 72.1% in rural areas during round II). The details indicate that more students from the rural areas are enrolled in diploma and vocational /ITI courses (11.3% and 7.9%, respectively, against 6.8% and 4.4% in urban areas). The share of students enrolled in undergraduate and postgraduate courses remains high in urban areas (78.1% and 9.0%, respectively, in urban areas against 73.7% and 5.3% in rural areas during round II).

During round II, nearly 60% of the students had accessed online education in Tamil Nadu. The third round reported a marginal decline in this share (from 59.3% to 52.5%) and the decline may be linked to the relaxations in lockdown restrictions and partial reopening of educational institutions during this period. This was followed by a sharp increase in the percentage of students accessing education through digital services during round IV and the same could be attributed to the onset of the 2nd wave of COVID-19.

While reporting a gradual improvement in the overall access, all three rounds of the survey report differences in the share of students accessing online education in rural and urban areas (Table 2 ). This digital divide marginally increased between round II and round III (from 14.7% to 16.2%) but declined in the later period (12.8% as reported in round IV). Within Tamil Nadu, the pattern of access to online education varies across districts. The top three districts with higher access to online education were Ramanathapuram followed by Erode and Kanniyakumari, while the bottom three districts were Thiruvarur, Cuddalore, and Viluppuram.

The pattern of access may vary across different levels of education. Compared to round II, round IV reports a steady improvement in share of students accessing online education at all levels (Table 3 ). Compared to school students, share of students accessing online education found high among the college students. Students from urban areas have better access to online education in schools (74.7% against 60.1% in rural areas) and colleges (91.1% against 88.9% in rural areas). Nearly 90% of students enrolled in colleges and schools use mobile phones to access online classes, while the use of tablets and desktops/laptops is found high among college students.

Given the differences in social and economic status of the households, challenges faced in accessing online education during the pandemics may vary across the communities. Vulnerable groups with limited resource bases and access to digital resources are likely to be excluded from digital learning. The social background of students and their access to online education indicates that students from vulnerable groups have low access to online education. While TNCPS reports a gradual improvement in access to online education for students from all social backgrounds in the state but a significant variation across the social groups (Table 4 ).

Devices used for online education

Across three rounds, majority of students (83.7%, 83.5% and 90.4%, respectively, in rounds II, III and IV) who accessed online education were using mobile phones to access online classes followed by other gadgets including tablets, laptops/desktops, and neighbour’s devices. During round II, 3.9% of the students (4.5% and 3.5%, respectively, in rural and urban areas) reported that they used the laptops distributed by the government of Tamil Nadu. Compared to urban areas, rural areas have fewer students using tablets, computers, or laptops to access online education. A significant share of students, especially in rural areas followed classes broadcasted through Kalvi TV during three rounds of the survey. It also indicates a marginal decline in the use of laptops/desktops and neigbour’s device or no device used for accessing the online classes during three rounds (Table 5 ).

Overall, more than 85% of the students use mobile internet data to access online education in the state compared to other means like wifi modem, others’ wifi/hotspot, etc. Nearly 90% of the total students have access to study materials shared through different forms while this share is found marginally low in rural Tamil Nadu. Students use multiple options (including combinations) to collect the study materials (Table 6 ). Between rounds III and IV, the share of students who received these materials by visiting their school/college increased sharply from 55.3% to 76.7%. At the same time, the share of students who used WhatsApp/ Telegram/Google Classroom to collect the materials declined sharply (from 54.6% to 36.6% against a marginal decline in the use of email (from 7.6% to 6.9%) and preloaded material in laptops Footnote 7 (from 3.1% to 1.8%).

Many students reported that they received additional support from teachers after online classes and this has improved over time (increased from 46.1% to 55.6% between rounds II and III). Notably, more students from urban areas received such additional support (57.6% against 52.4% in rural areas) during the third round. Around 83% of students from both rural and urban areas received this additional support through phone calls/emails. During round III, share of students who received support through additional classes or school/college visits was found marginally high in rural areas (20.6% against 17.6% in urban areas).

Coping with new mode of education: challenges

While looking into the reasons reported for not attending online classes across the three rounds, we notice some changes in the share of students reporting that their schools or colleges do not conduct online classes or they were attending in-person classes (Table 7 ). The government guidelines for the educational institutions to facilitate online mode of teaching and distribution of digital content, changes in the spread of reported cases, relaxations and emergence of new waves and variants of COVID-19, etc. also could have contributed to this pattern. Footnote 8 Information on ‘Returning to school/college for regular classes’ may be looked with the context (reported in round 3) and other factors which could contributing to decrease in usage of online education during these periods.

The respondents reported various reasons for their children not attending online classes. Some students could not attend online classes on time as the households had more students using a single device for accessing online education. It may be noted that many households (around 10%) had three or more students attending classes online. Others reported the lack of internet network connectivity and lack of computer knowledge of the parents/students as the reason for not attending online classes. The share of students facing these issues remains high in rural areas. Compared to the earlier round, we notice some positive changes in round III but they do not seem to continue in the later period (Table 7 ).

Like elsewhere, Tamil Nadu also reported loss of job and income due to the lockdown restrictions and economic stress caused during the pandemic. The evidence shows differences in the pattern of job loss reported in rural and urban areas and their reversal over different rounds of the survey. In the early rounds, rural areas reported higher job loss, while urban areas reported more job loss in the later rounds (the recovery took longer period). Similarly, job loss reported by casual workers remain high in all key sectors where as this share remained low for salaried workers in the state (Ananthpur et al. 2022 ). As more households from marginalised sections engage vulnerable livelihoods like casual wage work, the worst hit sector, students from these backgrounds face more challenges in accessing online education. Many parents could not afford the cost of electronic devices or wifi modem and data charges or mobile data charges to support their children’s online education (Table 7 ).

The additional financial burdens and technical challenges adversely affect the enrolment and drop-out rates at various stages of education. While looking into the reasons for not attending online education, the survey finds that some students (6.3%, 3.8% and 4.2% in round II, III and round IV respectively) dropped out of their school/college due to financial crisis. Compared to rural areas, share of students who dropped out of schools and colleges due to this reason remains high in urban areas (8.6%, 4.2% and 5.0%, respectively, in rounds II, III and IV against 4.0%, 3.6% and 3.7% in rural areas). Given the nature of the crisis and the possibility of under-reporting, the government may adopt effective strategies to monitor these trends and control further rise in the dropouts and bring back the out-of-school children.

Many students currently accessing online education face technical and network issues during online classes (39.3%, 33.3%, and 28.5% during rounds II, III and IV, respectively). The survey reports a gradual decline in the share of students facing technical issues in both rural and urban areas over three rounds. Some students face challenges in availing a separate room or a quiet place to attend the online classes. Similarly, lack of computer knowledge makes online education more challenging for some students (Table 8 ). Gradual growth in the share of students who did not face any issues while attending online classes and a decline in the gap between rural and urban areas indicate improved access to digital learning in the state.

The survey also looked into the duration of online classes and its impact on the learning and well-being of students. During the round II survey, 16.9% of the students spend 4 h and above (average) on online education per day (against 30.1% who spent 2 h and 19.4% 3 h per day). Similarly, 55.1% of the students spent 5 days per week on online education (49% and 59.2%, respectively, in rural and urban areas), while 14.7% were attending classes for 6 days. The time spent on online education by students (in terms of average hours per day and average days per week) was found low in the rural areas. A large number of students (36.8%, 32.5% and 40.4%, respectively, during rounds II, III and IV) reported that online classes caused health issues like dryness/irritation of the eyes (Table 8 ). Households also reported headaches, back/neck pain experienced by their children due to online classes.

Students and teachers may require adequate time and exposure to adapt to the new mode of education. Many students (12.8%, 13.5% and 13.5%, respectively, during rounds II, III and IV) were unable to comprehend the teaching (Table 8 ). Round II reports the level of understanding of topics taught in the online classes and found that 73.8% of the students understand partially (against 18% fully understand and 8.2% unable to understand). Thus, 54.7% of the informants reported that students need additional support in this regard. As the information was reported by the key respondent (often parents), the reality can go beyond this reported figure. Issues like students surfing on the internet, and odd teaching hours also make online education more challenging as reported by many respondents during the survey (Table 8 ).

Educational institutions follow different methods and strategies to conduct regular classes and examinations. Reports and public discussions have highlighted the anxiety shared by students over their examinations and career aspirations. Mandatory house confinement missed classes, and examinations are associated with the stress reported among the students in Tamil Nadu (Rajendran et al. 2021 ). The uncertainty has adversely affected their career choices, preparation, and participation in some of the popular entrance examinations (like JEE, NEET) in the country (Roy and Roy 2021 ).

Round III collected information on students’ preferences for the mode of final semester/term examination and found that 68.4% of students prefer in-school examinations (72.5% and 65.8% respectively in rural and urban areas). Others preferred getting questions online and taking the examinations from home (22.6%) or full online examinations (9%). During the round IV survey, about 70.1% of the students stated that their final examinations/semesters were not conducted. Among those (29.9%) who wrote final examinations, majority received the questions online and wrote their examinations at home (Table 9 ).

Kalvi TV: bridging digital divides in rural Tamil Nadu

The fact that a large number of students from the rural areas have accessed classes broadcast through the Kalvi TV during the survey (Table 5 ) highlights the potential for strengthening Kalvi TV. Given that the majority of the households own television (94.6% and 96.3%, respectively, in rural and urban areas as reported during round III), Kalvi TV has great potential for complementing digital learning and new modes of schooling in the state. Rural areas continue to have a larger share of students accessing Kalvi TV but we notice a decline in its share across the rounds. Out of 6590 students attending schools during round IV survey, 41.4% of the students accessed Kalvi TV (respectively 45.9% and 36.6% in rural and urban areas). Technical issues related to the devices or services, lack of awareness about the schedule/telecast time, channel details and type of classes covered, etc., or poor support (related to power supply, network, battery, etc.) could have contributed to this trend. Promoting Kalvi TV among the public and capitalising on its earlier welfare interventions (like distribution of free televisions to households) can be a critical strategy to improve students’ access to online classes and digital content during the pandemic.

Results from nonlinear panel regression model

The results from nonlinear panel i.e. Conditional fixed-effects logistic regression, show low access to online education for urban and rural households who faced job loss during the pandemic. For urban households, an increase in job loss by a unit reduces the likelihood of online education access by 0.64 units for their children attending school or college. While the scenario marginally changes for rural households but indicates a positive relation between job loss and exclusion from online education in rural and urban contexts (Table 10 ). The results follow the larger pattern of digital divide and challenges in accessing online during the pandemic in different contexts. This has resulted in higher drop-out rate, especially in rural areas and among the students from marginalised groups and this digital divide could be a reason for this negative sign. The evidence from early phase of the pandemic indicates an increase in the share of children (6–14 years) out of school (from 2.5% to 4.6% during 2018 to 2021), especially in rural India (Banerji & Wadhwa 2021 ).

In the case of reasons for not attending online education category, both the independent variables are negatively significant. If households face technical issues and knowledge gaps for children or parents, their access to online education decreases by 1.56 times and 2.0 times, respectively. The result is consistent with findings of ASER 2022; the non-availability of gadgets such as smartphones and phones for children to use, and network or connectivity issues were the challenges faced by children. Considering the differences in the source or medium used in accessing online education during the crisis, we tried to analyse the pattern against their common characteristics. The result shows variations across the groups. If Television’s usage increases by a unit, then access to online education increases by 6.54 times where one-unit increase in usage of mobile phone leads to an increase in online education by 6.28 times. Both laptop/desktop and tablet increase access to online education by 5.49 times and 4.46 times, respectively, if their usage increases by a unit, respectively. Since many school students are studying in government schools, government-run Kalvi TV might be a reason for the most use of Television.

Our study employed the Conditional fixed-effects logistic regression model over the Random—effects logistic regression model based on the results from the Hausman specification test (Table 11 ). We find the P-value of the test as highly significant (0.004) and reject the hypothesis that Random-effect model is better than the Conditional fixed-effects. A lower AIC value (306.882) of the Conditional-effect logistic regression model also confirms that this model is better suited to this analysis than the Random-effect logistic model (2778.942). The finding emerging from the descriptive statistics and regression indicate the nature of the digital divide and challenges in accessing online education in the state. The results also indicate that students from rural areas and socially marginalised groups (socially or economically) have lower access to online education. Many parents engaged in vulnerable livelihoods and casual wage work lost their jobs during the pandemic and unable to meet the additional expense for ensuring their children’s access to online education.

Conclusion and policy implications

While government interventions have improved access to online education and digital content over time, many students especially in rural areas still do not have access to online education in the state. This digital divide and differences in access to digital infrastructure need to be addressed by systematic and focused interventions. Government should initiate viable and effective policies to ensure that no student is left without access to online classes and digital content. Government interventions like ‘Aakash tablet project’ or other state-level schemes for distributing laptops and tablets for students play a critical role in bridging the digital divide, especially among students from marginalised groups (Bapna et al. 2020 ). Focusing on specific socio-economic groups and their levels of education could be more effective.

Government can promote Kalvi TV through regular updates on its schedule and content to the larger public and repeat the telecast for better coverage. This would make Kalvi TV more accessible and reliable to act as a viable medium of education, particularly in rural areas which had reported lower access to online education. Similarly, tracking the potential rise in the drop-out at all levels of schooling (especially among the marginalised groups) and encouraging their re-enrolment and ensuring proactive support to students with special needs, etc. may help the government to ensure that no child is left behind in accessing education in the state. Prioritising the existing measures like distribution of free laptops, mobile data, etc. to the students at a higher level will be more effective. The state government introduced a provision of 2 GB of free mobile data to the students from the government and government-aided colleges during the pandemic. While this has great potential in addressing the issue faced by many students, a low usage was reported in round III. Making the requirements and guidelines more flexible (instead of centralised implementation) could have encouraged more students to access such schemes.

Recent developments from the new waves of the pandemic have led to more uncertainties around education and extend the pressure of new mode of education. This is likely to have far-reaching implications for quality learning, teaching, and career transition in the coming years. Ensuring free access to the educational resources in any context, building a sustainable approach to teachers’ professional development and adapting teaching to the new context (through crash-course on remote learning pedagogies and blended learning approach), protecting child nutrition and maximizing contact time, etc. are crucial in minimising the disruption caused by the pandemic (Gustafsson 2021 ; Oyedotun 2020 ; Saboowala and Mishra 2020 ; UNESCO 2021a , b , c ). The government should use this opportunity to devise effective policies to make the educational system more resilient and inclusive by addressing the digital divide and inequalities that exist at all levels and explore the possibilities of digital transformation to improve the quality of teaching and learning in the state.

Digital divide can reflect beyond access or use of digital technology; it implies integrating digital technology into meaningful social practices and gaining benefits out of it (Iivari et al. 2020 ).

A telephone survey jointly conducted by Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS) and the Department of Economics & Statistics, Government of Tamil Nadu to assess the impact of COVID-19 and the subsequent lockdown on the Tamil Nadu economy and society. TNCPS completed four rounds of surveys in June 2020, October 2020 February 2021, and August 2021 (Round I, II, III, and IV, respectively) across all the districts of Tamil Nadu. TNCPS provide reasonable and updated information on how Tamil Nadu’s education faced the pandemic.

Kalvi TV (Kalvi Tholaikatchi): An initiative of Tamil Nadu School Education Department specially for government school children (available both on TV and online platforms) https://www.kalvitholaikaatchi.com .

The Tamil Nadu Household Panel Survey (TNHPS) is designed as a longitudinal survey where a set of sample households in the state of Tamil Nadu will be surveyed at specific intervals to analyse the change in their socio-economic conditions over time. It was designed to begin with a pre-baseline survey, followed by a baseline survey (Wave-1) and subsequent periodic surveys (Wave- 2, Wave- 3, etc.). For details, see the final report of ‘Tamil Nadu Household Panel Survey (TNHPS)- Pre Baseline Survey (PBS) 2018-19’ jointly prepared by MIDS Chennai, SRC, University of Michigan and DES, Government of Tamil Nadu, October 2021.

Round 4 followed selecting a proportional sample of rural households with same stratification to address the low representation of rural samples in previous rounds. The data and analysis presented in the paper refer to the last three rounds (online education was introduced during the 2 nd round).

Given the scope of this paper, more details on the measures followed in designing the sample, survey process, tools used and quality check at different stages of the study are not provided here. The same may be found in the final reports ‘Tamil Nadu Covid Pulse Survey’ (Round I, II, II and IV), jointly conducted by Madras Institute of Development Studies and Department of Economics & Statistics, Government of Tamil Nadu submitted to the government of Tamil Nadu.

Government of Tamil Nadu has provided free laptop computers to all plus one, plus two and college students studying in Govt./Govt. aided institutions from 2011 onwards. The scheme was announced on 3.6.2011 and commenced on 15.9.2011 by the Special Programme Implementation Department and Electronics Corporation of Tamil Nadu (ELCOT) in the state (Government of Tamil Nadu 2019 ).

Compared to the uncertainty and strict lockdown restrictions faced in the early phase of COVID-19 wave-1 (covering rounds 1 and 2 of TNCPS), the later phase showed some improvements and resulted in the partial reopening of educational institutions and smoother transition with new forms of education. In our opinion, the emergence of new wave of COVID-19 (covering round 4 TNCPS) and flexibilities (online and offline mode was operational for some time) and other issues contributed to the pattern reported during round-4. Similarly, the change in rural-urban composition caused by adding more rural refreshment samples and other factors also contributed to this pattern.

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Acknowledgements

Authors acknowledge the support received from Government of Tamil Nadu and Department of Economics & Statistics team for conducting the Tamil Nadu Covid Pulse Survey. Authors thank TNHPS project team for the research assistance and blind reviewers for their detailed comments and suggestions. The views expressed are that of the authors and do not endorse or convey the views of the Government of Tamil Nadu.

Tamil Nadu Covid Pulse Survey was supported by the Government of Tamil Nadu, India.

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Jafar, K., Ananthpur, K. & Venkatachalam, L. Digital divide and access to online education: new evidence from Tamil Nadu, India. J. Soc. Econ. Dev. 25 , 313–333 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40847-023-00236-1

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s40847-023-00236-1

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• Recently, the NGO Oxfam India released ‘India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide’.

Report highlights

• The report analyses the primary data from Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy’s (CMIE) household survey held from Jan 2018 to Dec 2021.
• Indian women are 15 percent less likely to own a mobile phone and 33 percent less likely to use mobile internet services than men.
• Women constitute only one-third of internet users in India.
• In Asia-Pacific, India fares the worst with the widest gender gap of 40.4 percent, says the study. 
• Despite registering a significant (digital) growth rate of 13 percent in a year, only 31 percent of the rural population uses the Internet compared to 67 percent of their urban counterparts, says the report.
• In rural India, the tendency to use formal financial services is lowest for ST households, followed by SC households and OBC households.
• The likelihood of access to a computer is more for the General and OBC groups than for the SC and ST populations. 
• The difference between the general category and ST is as high as seven to eight percent between 2018 and 2021.
• Among all religions, Sikhs have the highest likelihood of having a computer followed by Christians, Hindus and lastly Muslims.
• Among states, Maharashtra has the highest internet penetration, followed by Goa and Kerala, while Bihar has the lowest, followed by Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand, the report said.
• As per the National Service Scheme [NSS (2017-18)], only about 9 percent of the students who were enrolled in any course had access to a computer with internet and 25 percent of enrolled students had access to the internet through any kind of devices.
• The chances of having a computer are higher with higher levels of education as well as income. 
• The digital push driven by the pandemic resulted in India experiencing the largest number of real-time digital transactions in 2021 at 48.6 billion.
• However, the likelihood of a digital payment by the richest 60 percent is four times more than the poorest 40 percent in India.
• According to UN’s e-participation index (2022), which is a composite measure of three important dimensions of e-government, namely provision of online services, telecommunication connectivity and human capacity, India ranks 105 out of 193 nations .

More about the digital divide

• The digital divide is a term that refers to the gap between demographics and regions that have access to modern information and communications technology (ICT), and those that don’t or have restricted access. 
• This technology can include the telephone, television, personal computers and internet connectivity.
• Even among populations with some access to technology, the digital divide can be evident in the form of lower-performance computers, lower-speed wireless connections, lower-priced internet use connections such as dial-up and limited access to subscription-based content.
• Proponents for bridging the digital divide include those who argue it would improve digital literacy, digital skills democracy, social mobility, economic equality and economic growth.
• Loopholes causing the divide:
• The vast majority believe the problem is getting worse.
• Women’s rights defenders and female journalists were targeted for abuse more than most.
• The third threat comes from badly designed artificial intelligence systems that repeat and exacerbate discrimination. 

Solutions & way ahead

• Addressing the digital divide requires special, urgent and focused efforts of the government.
• A large investment needs to be made, year after year, in digital infrastructure. 
• The establishment of a Broadband Infrastructure Fund with a large corpus from private, multilateral and government sources, including spectrum auction revenues, is a must. 
• An empowered entity needs to be set up which is accountable for quality and timeliness to design and construct digital highways, their rural branches, and ensure their optimum utilisation by sharing the infrastructure
• Social media sites can use their “algorithm power” to proactively tackle the issue of safety.
• Governments need to strengthen laws that hold online abusers to account, and the public to speak up whenever they witness abuse online.
• Digital skills, required today both for life and for livelihoods, must be imparted on a war footing by transforming government digital literacy programmes into skilling missions, expanding outreach, including through the private sector.
• The last mile delivery of services has to be made a reality and connectivity, devices and handholding assistance of trained persons at village service centres, schools and clinics is imperative.

Sources: TH

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The digital revolution in India: bridging the gap in rural technology adoption

• Stavros Sindakis   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-3542-364X 1 , 2 &
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This study investigates the factors that influence the adoption of digital technology in rural areas of India, with a focus on the Digital India Program (DIP). By analyzing the age distribution, education levels, technology adoption rates, and utilization patterns among rural populations, this research provides insights into the effectiveness of the DIP in targeting specific demographics and promoting digital inclusion. Quantitative data were collected from 400 respondents in Kalahandi District in the Odisha state of India. The data collected were analyzed using SPSS. The findings reveal a predominantly young population in rural India, indicating a workforce with significant economic potential and a higher likelihood of embracing digital technologies. Moreover, the study highlights the high levels of education among respondents, indicating a population well-equipped to understand and benefit from digital initiatives. Unexpectedly, the research shows a higher rate of digital technology adoption among female respondents, challenging the perception of gender disparities in technology access. This finding suggests that the DIP has played a vital role in bridging the gender gap and empowering women in rural areas. Additionally, the study uncovers a trend towards mobile-based services over computer-based services, signaling a shift in technology utilization patterns. This emphasizes the need to prioritize mobile technology and improve connectivity in rural areas to ensure wider access to digital platforms.

Introduction

India’s vision for a digital future is deeply rooted in the integration of technology into governance processes (Malodia et al., 2021 ). Prime Minister Narendra Modi has emphasized the crucial role of e-governance in realizing the country’s goals for a digital India (Gupta et al., 2020 ; Rêgo et al., 2021 ). While developed nations have already embraced digital transformation in various sectors, there is a growing recognition in India of the need to digitize collections and enhance information management practices (Mukherjee & Narang, 2022 ). In India, the increasing adoption of technology and the government’s emphasis on digitalization is shaping the changing landscape of information management (Malodia et al., 2021 ). Digitalization efforts are driven by the vision to improve governance processes, enhance access to information, promote transparency, and empower citizens through digital platforms (Holl & Rama, 2023 ). The integration of technology into governance practices holds the potential to streamline operations, improve service delivery, and foster inclusive development (Chen et al., 2022 ). Digital transformation in India is an ongoing journey with significant potential to revolutionize governance, service delivery, and citizen engagement. By leveraging technology and embracing digitalization, India can drive economic growth, enhance access to information and services, and create a more inclusive and empowered society (Barrutia & Echebarria, 2021 ).

Digital technologies, such as cloud computing and mobile applications, have become catalysts for economic growth and citizen empowerment worldwide (Tripathi & Dungarwal, 2020 ). India has made remarkable progress in technology and science, positioning itself as one of the leading economies in the developing world (Lema et al., 2021 ). Recognizing the potential for economic growth through information and communication technology (ICT), the Indian government is positioning itself as a global digital transformation partner for businesses (Ghobakhloo & Iranmanesh, 2021 ). As technological innovations continue to rise, India aims to become one of the digitally transformed nations, offering evident benefits to the government, citizens, professionals, and corporate investors (Manda et al., 2019 ).

Digitalization, as exemplified by India’s Digital India Program (DIP), is explicitly linked to inclusiveness. The DIP’s efforts to provide digital access, resources, and services to all citizens, especially those in rural areas, emphasize inclusivity (Nedungadi et al., 2018 ). By bridging the digital divide, offering digital literacy, and promoting cashless transactions, digitalization contributes to a more inclusive and empowered society by ensuring that even marginalized communities can benefit from digital technologies. To achieve this vision, the Indian government has implemented strategies to transform the nation and create opportunities for its citizens through the utilization of ICT tools, leading to the launch of the Digital India Program (DIP) initiative. The program, initiated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, aims to empower India digitally and generate prospects for its citizens through the harnessing of digital technologies (Mukherjee & Narang, 2022 ). The vision of the Digital India program, as highlighted by Kumar ( 2019 ), is to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy. The program focuses on three key areas of vision: (1) digital infrastructure as a core utility to every citizen, (2) governance and services on demand, and (3) digital empowerment of citizens.

Under the vision of digital infrastructure as a core utility for every citizen, the program aims to provide high-speed internet access, mobile phones, and bank accounts to enable citizen participation in the digital and financial space. It also emphasizes the need for a safe and secure cyberspace, a digital identity for every citizen, easy access to Common Service Centers, and shareable private space on a public cloud (Kumar, 2019 ). A digital identity is a secure and unique representation of an individual or entity in the digital world, used for online authentication and access to digital services (Laurent et al., 2015 ). The vision of governance and services on demand entails making citizen entitlements portable and available on the cloud, promoting electronic and cashless financial transactions, integrating services seamlessly across departments, and providing real-time availability of services through online and mobile platforms. The use of geospatial information systems (GIS) for decision support systems and development is also emphasized (Kumar, 2019 ). Digital Empowerment of Citizens involves promoting universal digital literacy, collaborative digital platforms for participative governance, the availability of digital resources and services in Indian languages, and eliminating the need for physical submission of government documents or certificates (Kumar, 2019 ). DIP aims to ensure that all government services are available electronically through an enhanced and effective online infrastructure (Mukherjee & Narang, 2022 ). By increasing internet connectivity and empowering the country with digital technologies, the Indian government aims to achieve electronic governance (e-governance) of public services, leveraging innovative ICT tools (Malhotra & Anand, 2020 ). According to a study by Deloitte (2016), the DIP has the potential to contribute incrementally to India’s GDP by up to 30% by 2025 (Lama, 2019 ). This significant economic impact can be attributed to several factors facilitated by DIP. One key area where the program has made notable progress is in the e-governance sector (Dhal, 2020 ).

Through the implementation of digital platforms and services, the government has streamlined administrative processes, reducing bureaucratic red tape and improving the efficiency of public service delivery (Ingrams et al., 2022 ). Citizens can now access government services and information online, eliminating the need for time-consuming manual processes. This has resulted in increased transparency, reduced corruption, and enhanced accountability in government operations (Kumar et al., 2022 ).

Furthermore, DIP has spurred innovation and entrepreneurship in the technology sector (Vijayan, 2019 ). Initiatives such as Startup India and Standup India have provided a supportive ecosystem for the growth of startups and small businesses, driving job creation and economic development. The program has also encouraged the development of indigenous technologies, promoting self-reliance and positioning India as a global player in the digital space (Godha et al., 2019 ). Another significant impact of DIP is the promotion of financial inclusion through digital payments and banking services (Barik & Sharma, 2019 ). The demonetization drive in 2016 further accelerated the adoption of digital payment methods, leading to a surge in the use of mobile wallets, the Unified Payments Interface (UPI), and other digital transaction platforms. This shift towards a cashless economy has not only improved convenience for individuals and businesses but also enhanced transparency and formalization of the economy (Mukhopadhyay & Upadhyay, 2022 ).

Moreover, DIP has focused on bridging the digital divide by ensuring internet connectivity and digital literacy across the country (Asrani, 2022 ). The BharatNet project aims to connect rural areas with high-speed broadband networks, providing access to digital services and empowering communities with knowledge and information. Additionally, initiatives like the Pradhan Mantri Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan (PMGDISHA) have been instrumental in imparting digital literacy skills to rural populations, enabling them to leverage digital tools for personal and professional growth (Kumar et al., 2022 ).

However, despite the progress made, challenges remain in fully realizing the vision of a digital India. One persistent challenge is the last-mile connectivity in remote and rural areas, where infrastructure development is more challenging due to geographical and logistical constraints (Hassan & Rather, 2020 ). Additionally, the affordability of internet services and digital devices remains a barrier for certain sections of society, limiting their access to the benefits of digital technologies (Reddick et al., 2020 ). Addressing these challenges requires a multi-faceted approach involving government, private sector, and civil society collaboration. Continued investment in digital infrastructure, expanding internet connectivity, and reducing the digital divide should be priorities. Simultaneously, efforts should focus on enhancing digital literacy and skills development programs to ensure that all citizens can fully participate in the digital economy (Chandra et al., 2020 ). To address these challenges and ensure the sustainability of the Digital India campaign in rural India, scientific research is needed to understand the extent of digital information access and technological innovation among rural populations (Chenoy et al., 2019 ). Therefore, this research aims to examine the recognition and adoption of technological innovations offered by the Indian government among citizens in rural areas, as well as the factors influencing their adoption and utilization. By shedding light on the issues of the digital divide and digital literacy, these studies aim to provide valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders to develop effective strategies and policies.

The existing literature on digital information access and technological innovation in rural areas of India has some notable gaps that need to be addressed. Firstly, there is a scarcity of empirical studies specifically focused on rural areas, hindering a comprehensive understanding of the extent of digital information access and technology innovation among rural populations. Existing research predominantly concentrates on urban areas or provides a broader overview of the digital landscape in the country. Secondly, there is a need for comprehensive frameworks that can systematically analyze the factors influencing the adoption and utilization of digital information and technological innovation in rural areas. To discern the existing gaps in ICT strategies and policies associated with DIP in India, the research specifically focuses on the Kalahandi rural district of Odisha state. By identifying these gaps, future research can contribute to filling these knowledge voids and provide valuable insights for policymakers and stakeholders to develop effective strategies and policies.

RQ1: How and to what extent are people accessing digital information and technology innovation in rural areas? RQ2: What are the factors influencing the adoption and utilization of digital information and technology innovation among rural populations in India?

These research questions are crucial for understanding the current state of digital information access and technological innovation in rural areas. The first research question focuses on the extent to which rural populations are able to access digital information and benefit from technological advancements. This question aims to provide insights into the level of digital penetration and the effectiveness of government initiatives in bridging the digital divide.

The second research question delves into the factors influencing the adoption and utilization of digital information and technology innovation among rural populations. By exploring these factors, such as infrastructure availability, affordability, digital literacy levels, and cultural and social barriers, this research can identify the key determinants that hinder or facilitate the adoption of digital technologies in rural areas.

The findings from this research will inform policymakers and stakeholders about the current situation and challenges faced by rural communities in accessing and utilizing digital information and technology innovations. This knowledge can guide the development of targeted strategies and policies to overcome barriers, improve digital infrastructure, enhance digital literacy programs, and promote widespread adoption of digital technologies in rural India. Ultimately, these research efforts contribute to the sustainable and inclusive development of the Digital India campaign, ensuring that rural populations are empowered to participate fully in the digital economy.

To fulfill the aforementioned objectives, the subsequent sections of this paper are structured as follows: following a concise introduction, the subsequent section provides an extensive account of the literature review, outlining the critical themes and concerns explored within this study. Subsequently, the findings derived from this investigation will offer valuable insights into the extent of digital technology utilization within rural areas. Lastly, the concluding section summarizes the key findings, implications, and recommendations for future research endeavors in this domain.

Review of literature

The review of the literature section of this paper delves into the existing academic research and expert opinions on the digitization of public services in India. It examines the gaps and challenges identified in previous studies, focusing on the digital divide, digital literacy, and the adoption of ICT in rural areas. The section also highlights the need for innovative solutions and strategic approaches to bridge the gaps and promote inclusive development in the country.

Theoretical framework

The theoretical framework of this study is centered on the intricate relationship between digitalization and transaction cost analysis (TCA). Transaction cost analysis, rooted in the seminal works of Williamson ( 2010 ), provides a lens through which to examine the costs associated with conducting economic and social transactions. These transaction costs encompass factors such as information search, negotiation, and enforcement, which can be significant barriers in traditional, paper-based systems. Digitalization, on the other hand, has the potential to drastically reduce these transaction costs by offering efficient and immediate access to information, enabling digital contracting, and automating monitoring and enforcement through electronic records and data analytics (Gielens & Steenkamp, 2019 ).

Within the context of government services, India’s Digital India Program (DIP) exemplifies the transformative power of digitalization in reducing transaction costs. The DIP’s core objectives, such as electronic service delivery, digital resources, and cashless transactions, are inherently linked to the reduction of transaction costs. By enabling citizens to access government services with ease through digital platforms, the program minimizes the need for time-consuming manual processes and paperwork (Demmou & Sagot, 2021 ). Additionally, the enhanced transparency and accountability facilitated by digitalization further contribute to the reduction of transaction costs in governance processes (Paolucci et al., 2021 ). In the business sector, digitalization has led to the automation of various business processes, supply chain management, and e-commerce. These digital advancements have resulted in reduced transaction costs related to procurement, contracting, and monitoring (Dutta et al., 2020 ). By providing a digital platform for business transactions, companies can achieve cost savings through improved efficiency and reduced information asymmetry. This reduction in transaction costs is particularly significant for startups and small businesses, contributing to economic development and job creation, as evident in initiatives like Startup India and Standup India (Ordanini & Pol, 2001 ).

The Digital India initiative

Digital technology has emerged as a crucial catalyst for India’s economic growth and the pursuit of social and economic equity by enhancing access to information, public services, and markets, thus addressing the country’s infrastructure deficit (Kumar, 2019 ; Vijayan, 2019 ). The potential of digital technology to transform India into a just and equitable society while propelling it to the forefront of nations is evident, particularly considering the country’s young population’s adaptability and innovative spirit (Gurumurthy et al., 2014 ; Kumar, 2019 ). In line with this vision, the ‘Digital India’ initiative was launched on July 1, 2015, by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, aiming to create a tech-empowered and knowledgeable society where government services are easily accessible to all citizens, fostering digital and economic empowerment (Thomas, 2019 ).

In 2018, the country had a staggering 560 million internet subscribers, positioning it as the second-largest market after China. Notably, Indian mobile data users exhibit high monthly data consumption, averaging 8.3 gigabits (GB). This surpasses the average of 5.5 GB in China and falls within the range of 8.0 to 8.5 GB observed in South Korea, a technologically advanced digital economy (McKinsey Global Institute, 2019 ). This growth can be attributed to the substantial improvements in internet infrastructure and increased internet access, providing opportunities for public and private stakeholders to deliver digital services (Athique, 2019 ). However, despite these advancements, India’s e-governance provision lags, with a ranking of 107th, primarily due to challenges associated with the Aadhaar card system, which poses difficulties for individuals in rural areas to access secure services. Concerns regarding data protection efficiency and effectiveness have also arisen in relation to Aadhaar (Gowd, 2022 ).

Kumar ( 2019 ) acknowledged the substantial improvements achieved in the program’s three key areas: electronic delivery of public services and financial support, creation of a national digital infrastructure, and enhancement of digital awareness and literacy. India has emerged as one of the world’s fastest digitizing nations, driven by increased mobile connectivity, exponential data consumption, nationwide internet infrastructure expansion through the BharatNet program, and the emergence of digital transformation startups catering to millions of Indians (Raj & Aithal, 2018 ). The success of the Jandhan-Aadhaar-Mobile (JAM) initiative, which has provided digital identities to over a billion Indian citizens and access to the banking system for previously excluded individuals, stands as a significant outcome of the Digital India initiative (Sekhri & OSD, 2020 ).

The Digital India initiative has also introduced several services and mobile applications to facilitate accessibility and participation. For instance, the Accessible India Campaign Mobile App aims to create equal opportunities and inclusivity for people with disabilities, allowing them to participate fully in all aspects of life in an inclusive society (Agrawal et al., 2022 ). The Agri Market App provides farmers with crop price information within a 50 km radius, discouraging distress sales and empowering farmers with market insights (Deininger, 2017 ). The Beti Bachao Beti Padhao campaign focuses on eliminating gender discrimination and ensuring equal opportunities for girls in education and society (Parmar & Sharma, 2020 ). The Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems (CCTNS) aims to enhance policing efficiency and effectiveness through the integration of e-governance principles and nationwide networking infrastructure for crime investigation and criminal detection (Sharma, 2021 ).

Other notable initiatives under the Digital India Program include the E-Hospital system, which facilitates seamless health information management across multiple hospitals, and the E-MSIPS platform, which enables online submission and scrutiny of applications for schemes related to electronics manufacturing and clusters (Nair, 2019 ). Kud ( 2023 ) highlights the pivotal role of the Goods and Service Tax Network (GSTN) in India’s taxation system. As a trusted national information utility, the GSTN facilitates a unified interface for taxpayers and fosters shared IT infrastructure between the central and state governments. The primary objective of the GSTN is to establish a seamless and cost-effective Goods and Services Tax (GST) regime in the country. By providing a common platform for tax-related processes, the GSTN streamlines tax compliance and enhances efficiency in the overall taxation system, benefiting both taxpayers and the government. The National Ujala Dashboard promotes energy efficiency at the residential level, raising awareness about the benefits of using energy-efficient appliances and facilitating higher uptake of LED lights. Lastly, the Unified Mobile Application for New-Age Governance (UMANG) serves as a single-point access platform for various government services, simplifying the user experience and reducing the inconvenience of managing multiple mobile apps (Chunekar & Sreenivas, 2019 ).

Digital empowerment of rural India

Digital technology has brought about significant transformations in the lives of people, particularly in rural areas, by empowering and connecting them (Iivari et al., 2020 ). DIP was initiated with the objective of providing increased access to technology in rural regions through high-speed internet networks and enhancing digital literacy (Burman, 2021 ). This endeavor has presented Indians with the opportunity to leverage cutting-edge technology, leading to a transformation of the rural service industry (Rani, 2016 ). The program has facilitated IT training for students and villagers, equipping them with the necessary skills for employment in the ICT sector. Rural residents have been trained by telecom service providers to address local internet needs, resulting in the creation of job opportunities in the service industry (Vij, 2018 ).

One of the key impacts of DIP in rural areas has been the creation of community internet awareness (Banu, 2017 ). With the majority of Indians residing in rural regions, internet connectivity has played a crucial role in transforming these areas into digitally empowered societies, ensuring that everyone has access to the internet. The program has enabled rural communities, many of whom are economically disadvantaged, to access wireless internet, utilize digital platforms, and efficiently leverage e-Services (Nayak, 2018 ). This initiative has not only reduced the reliance on paper-based processes but has also resulted in significant resource savings for poor rural communities. By spending less time and money on accessing services, these communities contribute to a cleaner environment and promote sustainable practices (Jani & Tere, 2015 ).

Moreover, DIP has extended its benefits to farmers by offering them digital services. This virtual platform has connected farmers to national agricultural markets and provided access to technological advancements (Tripathi & Dungarwal, 2020 ). Farmers can access information on crop prices through mobile phones, enabling them to make informed decisions and optimize their agricultural practices. This integration of technology in the agricultural sector has opened up opportunities for increased productivity and income generation among rural farmers (Gond & Gupta, 2017 ).

DIP has also played a crucial role in driving economic growth, both in rural and urban areas. Government initiatives under the program, such as economic reforms, digitization, and smart cities, have attracted foreign direct investments (FDIs) and facilitated relaxed economic policies (Behera, 2021 ).

Furthermore, DIP has facilitated real-time education for rural communities, addressing the issue of teacher scarcity in India’s education system through smart and virtual classrooms (Kamath, 2021 ). Mobile devices have also been utilized to educate farmers and fishers on intelligent farming and fishing techniques, enhancing productivity and livelihoods (Sein-Echaluce et al., 2019 ). The availability of high-speed internet connectivity in rural areas has facilitated access to online education platforms, bridging the digital divide and providing supplemental educational resources to rural communities (Rizvi & Nabi, 2021 ).

The digital empowerment of rural India through DIP has brought significant socio-economic benefits. By promoting digital literacy and providing access to technology, DIP has empowered individuals in rural areas, enabling them to participate in the digital economy and improve their livelihoods. The program has not only created job opportunities in the service industry, but has also facilitated the growth of businesses in rural and urban areas alike (Nedungadi et al., 2018 ).

Moreover, the program has enhanced connectivity in rural India, bridging the infrastructure gap and enabling individuals and communities to access digital services and information. With community internet awareness, rural areas have transformed into digitally empowered societies where wireless internet and e-services have become readily accessible. This has led to increased efficiency, reduced costs, and improved access to essential services for rural communities, ultimately contributing to their overall development (Banu, 2017 ).

In addition to its social and economic impact, DIP has played a vital role in attracting foreign direct investments and driving economic growth. The program’s focus on digitization, economic reforms, and the development of smart cities has created a conducive environment for investment and technological advancements (Bhasin, 2016 ). By aligning with international service standards and promoting a tech-empowered society, India has positioned itself as an attractive destination for global investments, leading to economic modernization and improved export capabilities (Nugroho et al., 2021 ). Farmers can connect with national agricultural markets by leveraging digital tools and services, expanding their market reach, and reducing reliance on intermediaries.

Digital India Program barriers

Digital divide.

The digital divide remains a significant barrier to the effective implementation of DIP. The divide refers to the disparity in internet connectivity and access between those who have it and those who do not (Jamil, 2021 ). In India, the digital divide is particularly pronounced between the rural and urban populations (Warf, 2019 ). Kar et al. ( 2018 ) highlighted that in 2017, 64 percent of the urban population had internet connectivity, while only 20 percent of rural residents were connected. This disparity can be attributed to several factors, including the complex economic conditions and cultural diversity of India (Ravindranath & Sundarakumar, 2021 ).

Additionally, India faces a shortage of skilled professionals capable of imparting essential digital skills to the population. The availability of formal digital skills training is limited, with a low percentage of India’s workforce reported to have received such training (Agarwal et al., 2023 ). The linguistic diversity in the country, with over 216 mother tongues, further complicates the challenge of digital literacy. This diversity, combined with functional illiteracy and limited English proficiency, creates barriers to understanding and acquiring digital language skills. It is imperative to address these challenges in order to promote digital inclusivity and empower individuals in India’s digital era (Mahapatra & Anderson, 2023 ).

DIP adoption strategies

To address the barriers to DIP adoption, two strategies/policies can be employed:

Right of way (RoW) policy: The implementation of an effective RoW policy can play a crucial role in bridging the digital divide and improving internet connectivity in rural areas. The RoW policy, introduced by India’s Department of Telecommunications in 2016, aims to facilitate the seamless acquisition of land for laying optic fiber cables and setting up mobile towers. By streamlining administrative processes and standardizing fees, the policy enables telecommunications companies to establish telecommunication infrastructure more efficiently (Dixit et al., 2022 ).

Under the RoW policy, telecommunication companies are required to electronically apply for laying down telecommunication infrastructure, ensuring transparency, cost-effectiveness, and timely deployment of optic fiber across India. The policy also allows telecommunication companies to install their infrastructure on government premises, such as post offices and administrative offices, further facilitating the expansion of network coverage (ESCAP, 2018 ).

To ensure the success of the RoW policy, close monitoring by both central and state governments is essential. Regular oversight can help ensure effective policy implementation, address any challenges that arise, and respond to issues raised in reports related to policy implementation. Additionally, the Indian government can encourage real estate developers to incorporate fiber access infrastructure when constructing new buildings, facilitating faster and more widespread fiber deployment by telecommunication companies (Dutta & Fischer, 2021 ).

Government sensitization: Government sensitization programs can play a vital role in addressing digital illiteracy and the digital divide. The Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, along with other relevant ministries, can organize awareness programs to educate the population on digital technologies, their benefits, and how to effectively utilize them (Goedhart et al., 2019 ).

These awareness programs should be designed to target different segments of the population, including rural communities. They can include workshops, training sessions, and interactive sessions with government officials, industry experts, and technology providers. The programs can focus on various aspects, such as digital payments, access to online services, and government schemes and platforms like the Bharat Bill Payment System (BBPS) and Bharat Interface for Money (BHIM) (Bhatt, 2019 ).

The design of these programs can be based on the Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA), which aims to predict behavioral intentions and factors that influence individuals’ adoption of technology. TRA suggests that individual attitudes and subjective norms play a crucial role in determining behavioral intent. By addressing attitudes and societal expectations through awareness programs, the government can encourage individuals to embrace digital technologies and overcome barriers such as lack of knowledge and misconception (Raut et al., 2021 ).

Moreover, these sensitization programs should be ongoing and regularly updated to reflect the evolving technology landscape. Continuous efforts to educate and create awareness about digital literacy can help bridge the gap between rural and urban populations, empower individuals with the necessary digital skills, and promote the adoption of digital services and applications (Falloon, 2020 ).

The digitization of public services in India has made significant progress, but there are still gaps and challenges that need to be addressed. The existing literature highlights the digital divide and digital literacy as key factors affecting the adoption of ICT in rural areas (Acilar & Sæbø, 2023 ; Lythreatis et al., 2022 ). However, there is a lack of in-depth studies on how to effectively solve the digital divide problem. One suggested solution is establishing rural telecentre service centers that provide ICT access to remote areas, facilitating technological accessibility for rural citizens (Rosales & Blanche, 2022 ).

While India has experienced success in e-governance and ICT initiatives, there are still challenges to overcome. Capacity building to utilize e-governance services, investments in and access to ICTs, and promoting people’s participation in e-democracy are identified as key challenges. The goal is to improve access to information and services, stimulate social and economic development, facilitate decision-making processes, and empower marginalized groups (Saxena et al., 2019 ).

The literature also emphasizes the rural–urban disparities in India, which are the largest in the world. Bridging the digital divide and promoting digital literacy is crucial for creating digitally empowered societies. The introduction of wireless internet and digital platforms in rural communities can contribute to reducing paper usage, saving resources, and promoting a clean environment. Additionally, it helps narrow the gap between rural and urban areas and addresses the lack of digital literacy (Jia & Desa, 2022 ).

Exploring the socio-economic impact of digital financial inclusion initiatives in rural areas of India

Adoption Rates of the Digital India Program among Different Demographic Groups refers to an analysis or examination of the extent to which various demographic groups within the population have embraced and utilized the Digital India Program. DIP is a government initiative to promote digital inclusion and transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy (Reddick et al., 2020 ).

By studying the adoption rates among different demographic groups, researchers can identify patterns and disparities in the uptake of digital technology within DIP. Demographic factors commonly considered in such analyses may include age, gender, occupation, education level, and income level (Prabhakar & Weber, 2020 ).

Understanding the adoption rates among different demographic groups provides valuable insights into the effectiveness of the Digital India Program in targeting specific populations and promoting digital inclusion (Nayak et al., 2019 ). It helps policymakers and program implementers assess whether certain groups may require additional support, resources, or tailored interventions to enhance their engagement with digital technologies. Additionally, it sheds light on potential barriers or challenges specific demographic groups face in adopting and utilizing digital tools and services within DIP (Dutta et al., 2020 ).

Conceptual framework

The conceptual framework for this study aims to investigate the factors influencing the adoption and utilization of digital information and technological innovation among rural populations in India. It comprises three main components: access to digital information and technology, influencing factors, and adoption and utilization outcomes.

Access to digital information and technology:

Availability of digital infrastructure (e.g., internet connectivity, mobile networks)

Availability of digital devices (e.g., smartphones, computers)

Accessibility of digital platforms and services

Influencing factors:

Demographic factors (e.g., age, gender, occupation)

Perceived usefulness and ease of use of digital technology

Digital literacy and skills

Socio-economic factors (e.g., income level, education level)

Government initiatives and support

Adoption and utilization outcomes:

The extent of digital information access and utilization

Engagement in online activities and communication

Socio-economic impact and empowerment

This conceptual framework provides a structure for analyzing the data collected from the survey and helps establish connections between the variables under investigation. It helps understand the factors that influence the adoption and utilization of digital information and technological innovation among rural populations in India and how they contribute to the study outcomes.

Research methodology

Research philosophy.

The research philosophy adopted for this study is a combination of positivism and interpretivism. Positivism was employed to ensure a systematic and objective investigation of the factors influencing the adoption and utilization of digital information and technology innovation among rural populations in India. It provided a structured approach to data collection, analysis, and interpretation, allowing for the identification of patterns and generalizations.

On the other hand, interpretivism was also incorporated to acknowledge the subjective nature of human experiences and the social context in which these factors operate. It recognized that individuals’ perceptions, beliefs, and interpretations play a significant role in shaping their adoption and utilization of digital technologies. Interpretivism allowed for a deeper understanding of the lived experiences, motivations, and challenges faced by rural populations in India when it comes to digital information and technology.

By employing a mixed research philosophy, this study aimed to capture both the objective aspects of the digital divide and the subjective experiences of individuals in rural India. The positivist approach provided a foundation for quantitative analysis, while the interpretive perspective facilitated qualitative insights through interviews, observations, and contextual understanding. This comprehensive research philosophy enabled a more holistic exploration of the research question and the factors influencing technology adoption and utilization in rural India.

Research design

This research was conducted using a quantitative survey. The use of questionnaires in this research provided a structured approach to gathering information and ensured credibility, repeatability, and representation of the actual state of affairs among the respondents. Questionnaires are widely acknowledged in the academic community for their flexibility, practicality, and cost-effectiveness in gathering information from the public (Phillips et al., 2021 ).

The research’s epistemological focus on rural areas in India is essential because it acknowledges the distinct characteristics and challenges of rural settings compared to urban areas. Indian rural areas often face infrastructural limitations, limited access to education and healthcare, and different socio-cultural dynamics. The questionnaire was designed to embed these differences by including questions that specifically addressed the unique challenges and opportunities within rural contexts. For instance, questions related to access to healthcare services, digital infrastructure, agricultural practices, and local community networks were incorporated to capture the rural-specific aspects. This approach ensured the research was contextually relevant and provided insights tailored to the rural population’s needs and experiences, enhancing the study’s applicability and impact.

Geographical disparities in rural India show that areas near urban centers tend to have higher adoption of digital skills due to better infrastructure and access to education. In contrast, remote rural areas face challenges like limited connectivity, resulting in lower adoption rates. Bridging these disparities requires improved infrastructure, digital literacy programs, and awareness efforts in remote regions.

The sample size for this study was determined using Fisher’s formula, and a sample of 400 individuals was considered appropriate. The study focused on the Kalahandi area in Odisha, which was manageable for the researcher to reach out to the participants within the defined sample size. The use of closed-ended questionnaires in interviews allowed for comprehensive data collection without limiting the scope of the research or influencing participants’ responses. It provided valuable insights into the research topic and offered an opportunity for respondents to express what was most important to them (Easterby-Smith et al., 2012 ).

The research design aligns with the positivist epistemological stance, taking a relatively objective posture to examine quantifiable variables (Ryba et al., 2022 ). The emphasis was placed on evidence and justification, utilizing statistical analysis techniques to interpret the collected quantitative data. The surveys were conducted using pre-defined questionnaires with the assistance of research assistants employed by SurveyMonkey.com, an online survey development company known for customizable surveys and data collection and analysis services. The research assistants were trained to ensure non-interference with the respondents’ answers while gathering data.

The collected data were processed and analyzed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), a statistical software application widely used for quantitative data handling. The SPSS tool facilitated the interpretation of the quantitative data through statistical tests, presenting the findings in graphs and tables. Inferential statistics techniques were applied to generalize the findings from the sample to the larger population. As a way of making sense of statistical information, inferential reasoning plays a crucial role in analyzing and interpreting the data (Cooksey, 2020 ).

Research sample

In order to ensure the meaningfulness and generalizability of a research study, it is essential to determine a representative research sample. A sample refers to a subset of the population under investigation, while the population encompasses the entire group of individuals relevant to the study. The selection of an appropriate sample is crucial for the findings to hold value and provide comprehensive insights (Tate & Perdices, 2018 ). Researchers employ various methods to establish a sample that accurately represents the population, particularly when the population size is large or covers a wide geographic area that is challenging to cover entirely.

The rural population of Kalahandi, India, is substantial, as indicated by the 2011 population census, which reported a population of 1,573,054 individuals. Due to the impracticality of reaching out to every individual within this population, a sample was chosen by determining the number of participants required. The general formula for calculating the number of individuals to be included in the sample is as follows: n = N / (1 + N × e^2).

Here, n represents the desired sample size, N denotes the total number of individuals in the Indian rural population, and e is the significance level set for the study (Cochran et al . , 1962). For this study, the significance level was set at 0.05.

In this case, the population of rural India was utilized to determine the appropriate sample size. Considering the population of Kalahandi District in 2011 as the entire population (1,573,054 individuals), it was necessary to determine a representative sample. Using the aforementioned formula, the sample size (represented by n) was calculated as follows: n = 1,573,054 / (1 + 1,573,054 × 0.05^2) n = 1,573,054 / 3,933.635 n ≈ 399.89.

Since the formula suggested an interview sample size of approximately 399.89 individuals, it was rounded to 400, a whole number. Fractions of individuals cannot participate in interviews, hence the need for a whole number. Furthermore, all research variables in the surveys will be measured using reflective concepts based on a five-point Likert scale, ranging from 1 (‘totally disagree’) to 5 (‘totally agree’).

Ethics, consent, and permissions

In conducting this research study on digital technology adoption in rural areas of India, we place a strong emphasis on ethical considerations and obtaining informed consent from all participants involved. This includes respondents who took part in data collection.

Before initiating any data collection activities, participants were provided with clear and comprehensive information regarding the nature and purpose of the study, as well as their rights as research participants. This information covered topics such as the research objectives, the types of data to be collected, and how their information will be used and stored. Participation in this study was entirely voluntary, and participants had the right to withdraw their consent at any stage without facing any consequences. Additionally, all data collected are kept confidential and anonymized to ensure the privacy of participants. Only aggregated and de-identified data were used for analysis and reporting.

Furthermore, this research study complies with all relevant data protection and privacy regulations, including those outlined by local authorities in India. Any personal information collected was handled in accordance with these regulations to safeguard the rights and privacy of the participants. If participants had any questions or concerns about participating in this research study, they were encouraged to contact the researchers for clarification. Contact information for the researchers was provided in the consent materials. By participating in this study, respondents acknowledged that they had read and understood the provided information and voluntarily consented to participate in the research. Their contributions were invaluable in advancing our understanding of digital technology adoption in rural areas and informing policies and interventions to bridge the digital divide.

Findings, analysis and evaluation

The findings, analysis, and evaluation play a crucial role as they present and interpret the results of the study. This section involves analyzing the collected data, discussing the findings pertaining to research questions and hypotheses, and evaluating the significance and implications of the results.

In line with research objectives, three hypotheses have been formulated to extend the understanding of the research topic:

H1: Digital information and adoption of digital technology in rural areas are increasing, indicating high literacy levels among the rural Indian population.

H2: Access to digital information and technological innovation in rural areas is influenced by demographic factors such as age, gender, and occupation.

H3: The perceived usefulness and ease of use of digital information and technological innovation have a significant impact on adoption and utilization among rural populations in India.

Response rate

Achieving a response rate higher than 70% is considered significant for deriving valid and meaningful deductions from a study (Tiberious et al., 2016 ). In this study, the response rate exceeded 70%, with 87.5% of the collected questionnaires being correctly answered and only 12.5% containing errors or missing information. This response rate provides a sufficient basis for drawing valid conclusions from the study.

The high response rate observed in this study, despite its rural setting, can potentially be attributed to the high literacy levels among the rural Indian population, as indicated by the education levels of the participants. Notably, nearly half of the population held bachelor’s degrees, and a considerable proportion had post-secondary education, indicating their ability to read and write. This explains the minimal number of rejected questionnaires due to inadequate information. It is worth mentioning that India has faced gender disparity challenges, and this study reveals that males continue to dominate over females, evident from the educational status of the respondents. It can be inferred that males have achieved higher levels of education compared to their female counterparts, particularly among those with postgraduate qualifications.

Of the 350 respondents interviewed, 220 were male, while 130 were female, indicating a higher representation of males in the study. Typically, in most countries, the female population slightly exceeds the male population. However, in this study, the overrepresentation of males among the respondents may not reflect the general population in India but rather the population connected through digital devices. This gender ratio likely mirrors the gender distribution of individuals using smart devices and participating in online social networks.

Nationality

Since this study was conducted in rural India, the respondents who completed the questionnaires were likely to be natives. The findings indicate that 91.4% of the respondents were native Indians, while only 8.6% were considered foreigners. This distribution accurately reflects the rural population in India, suggesting that the respondents have a comprehensive understanding of the country’s dynamics over the years.

Table 1 presents the age distribution of the rural Indian population, demonstrating a typical population pyramid with a majority of youths. More than 70% of the respondents were below 50 years old, indicating a vibrant and growing population in rural India, as most individuals fall within the reproductive age brackets. Only a smaller proportion of the respondents were aged 50 and above, accounting for less than 20% of the population.

This age distribution holds economic significance as it implies a workforce capable of contributing to increased productivity in the economy. The youthful population is well-positioned to engage in various activities and play a crucial role in nation-building. Furthermore, young individuals are more adaptable to technology and possess higher computer literacy, enabling them to readily embrace the services offered by digital programs. This finding aligns with the observations made by Kar et al. ( 2018 ) regarding the sharp increase in internet usage in India. Moreover, the substantial level of education among the respondents indicates a readiness to embrace digital advancements. Hence, DIP has a solid foundation in the form of a young, educated, and dynamic population, which is vital for the program’s sustainability. Additionally, the study confirms that the DIP primarily serves the local native population, with only a small percentage of foreigners among the respondents.

Level of education

The study reveals that a significant portion of the participants had attained a high level of education. More than 70% of the population held at least a diploma, with 47% of the respondents having a bachelor’s degree (Table  2 ). This suggests that a substantial proportion of the rural Indian population possesses a good level of education. Notably, even in rural areas, nearly half of the population has achieved a bachelor’s degree. Furthermore, the data indicate that men have a higher representation in postgraduate education compared to women. This trend aligns with the broader pattern observed in the population, where males more commonly pursue postgraduate studies, while females often prioritize family responsibilities. It is important to highlight that the level of education significantly influences people’s awareness of current events and developments. With more than 70% of respondents having education beyond a diploma, they are likely to possess a good understanding of the success and potential of the Digital India Program.

Table 2 provides a breakdown of the education level distribution by gender. The data show that males and females both had a range of educational backgrounds, but there were slight variations. The participants with certificates consisted of 8 males and 10 females, accounting for 5.1% of the total. High school education was reported by 23 males and 13 females, making up 10.3% of the sample. A total of 81 individuals, comprising 53 males and 28 females, had a diploma, representing 23.1% of the respondents. Graduate-level education was achieved by 100 males and 66 females, totaling 166 participants or 47.4% of the sample. Lastly, postgraduate studies were pursued by 36 males and 13 females, amounting to 49 individuals or 14.0% of the respondents.

Research findings

The research findings presented in this section shed light on the key insights and outcomes of the study, providing a deeper understanding of the factors that contribute to the successful adoption and utilization of digital technology in rural areas. By examining these findings, we can uncover strategies and recommendations to enhance digital technology adoption and utilization, thereby empowering rural communities and fostering inclusive growth.

Trend Analysis of Awareness and Adoption Rates is a method used to examine the patterns and changes in the awareness and adoption of specific technologies or services over a given time period. This analysis provides insights into the growth or decline of awareness and adoption rates, allowing researchers and stakeholders to understand the evolving trends and make informed decisions.

In Table  3 , we have data on the awareness and adoption rates for e-voting, e-commerce, and mobile banking over a four-year period (2018–2021). By conducting a trend analysis on this data, we can determine the overall direction and magnitude of the changes in awareness and adoption rates for each service.

Table 3 represents the trend analysis of awareness and adoption rates for E-Voting, E-Commerce, and Mobile Banking over a four-year period from 2018 to 2021. It shows a consistent upward trend in awareness for all three services, with percentages increasing each year. Similarly, the adoption rates for these services also exhibit a positive trend, indicating a growing number of individuals adopting these digital technologies. The results suggest an increasing acceptance and utilization of E-Voting, E-Commerce, and Mobile Banking among rural populations in India, reflecting the expanding awareness and adoption of digital services in these areas over time; therefore, H1 is accepted.

Table 4 provides information on the adoption rates of digital technology among different demographic groups based on age group, gender, and occupation. In the age group of 18–25, the adoption rate is 0.65, indicating that 65% of individuals in this group have adopted digital technology. Among them, males have a higher adoption rate compared to females.

For individuals aged 26–35, the adoption rate increases to 0.75, suggesting that 75% of individuals in this age group, predominantly females, have embraced digital technology. In the age group of 36–45, predominantly males, the adoption rate is even higher at 0.82. This implies that 82% of individuals in this age group, primarily involved in entrepreneurship, have adopted digital technology. For individuals aged 46–55, predominantly females and retired, the adoption rate is lower at 0.50, indicating that 50% of individuals in this age group have embraced digital technology. Among individuals aged 56 and above, primarily males involved in farming, the adoption rate is 0.40, suggesting that 40% of individuals in this age group have adopted digital technology. These findings highlight the variations in adoption rates based on age, gender, and occupation. They indicate that younger individuals and those involved in professional or entrepreneurial occupations tend to have higher adoption rates compared to older individuals and those in retirement or farming occupations.

Table 5 presents the results of an analysis of variance (ANOVA) conducted to assess the differences in adoption rates among different demographic factors: age group, gender, and occupation.

For the age group factor, the sum of squares (SS) is 23.54, with 2 degrees of freedom (df), resulting in a mean square (MS) of 11.77. The F-value is 4.25, and the p-value is 0.023. Based on these results, the ANOVA indicates a significant difference in adoption rates between age groups. Similarly, for the gender factor, the sum of squares is 12.87, with 1 degree of freedom, resulting in a mean square of 12.87. The F-value is 6.71, and the p-value is 0.008. This indicates a significant difference in adoption rates between genders.

For the occupation factor, the sum of squares is 18.29, with 3 degrees of freedom, resulting in a mean square of 6.10. The F-value is 3.89, and the p-value is 0.015. These results suggest a significant difference in adoption rates across different occupations.

Table 6 presents the results of a logistic regression analysis conducted to examine the relationship between the adoption rate of digital technology (dependent variable) and three independent variables: age group, gender, and occupation. The coefficients represent the estimated effect of each independent variable on the adoption rate. Based on the results, the age group has a coefficient of 0.45, gender has a coefficient of 0.32, and occupation has a coefficient of 0.21. All three coefficients have associated standard errors and p-values. The odds ratio represents the likelihood of adoption based on each independent variable. The p-values for all three variables are below the significance level of 0.05, indicating statistical significance. A significance level of 0.05 is chosen as a solid foundation for hypothesis testing because it represents a commonly accepted threshold for determining the statistical significance of research findings. When p-values fall below this level, it indicates strong evidence in support of the research conclusions. Therefore, age group, gender, and occupation are found to be significant predictors of the adoption rate of digital technology, therefore accepting H 2 . This suggests that these demographic factors play a role in influencing the likelihood of adopting digital technology among the population.

Table 7 presents the correlation coefficients between three variables: perceived usefulness, ease of use, and adoption/utilization of digital technology. The correlation coefficient ranges from -1 to + 1 and indicates the strength and direction of the relationship between variables.

Based on the table, perceived usefulness is strongly positively correlated with ease of use, with a correlation coefficient of 0.67. This suggests that individuals who perceive digital technology as useful are more likely to find it easy to use. Similarly, perceived usefulness has a moderate positive correlation with adoption/utilization, with a correlation coefficient of 0.48. This indicates that individuals who perceive digital technology as useful are more likely to adopt and utilize it. Ease of use also has a moderate positive correlation with adoption/utilization, with a correlation coefficient of 0.34. This suggests that individuals who find digital technology easy to use are more likely to adopt and utilize it.

Table 8 presents the results of a regression analysis conducted to examine the relationship between the dependent variable, adoption/utilization of digital technology, and two independent variables, perceived usefulness and ease of use.

The coefficient represents the estimated effect of each independent variable on the dependent variable. In this analysis, perceived usefulness has a coefficient of 0.79, indicating that for every one-unit increase in perceived usefulness, there is a predicted increase of 0.79 units in the adoption/utilization of digital technology. Similarly, ease of use has a coefficient of 0.42, suggesting that for every one-unit increase in ease of use, there is a predicted increase of 0.42 units in adoption/utilization.

The standard error measures the precision of the coefficient estimates. A smaller standard error indicates a more precise estimate. Both coefficients in this table have relatively small standard errors, indicating a reasonable level of precision.

The p-values determine the statistical significance of each coefficient. In this analysis, perceived usefulness and ease of use have p-values less than the chosen significance level (typically 0.05), indicating that the coefficients are statistically significant. This suggests that both perceived usefulness and ease of use are important predictors of the adoption/utilization of digital technology.

The odds ratio provides an alternative interpretation of the coefficients. For perceived usefulness, the odds ratio of 2.20 indicates that individuals who perceive digital technology as more useful are 2.20 times more likely to adopt/utilize it. Similarly, for ease of use, the odds ratio of 1.52 suggests that individuals who find digital technology easier to use are 1.52 times more likely to adopt/utilize it. Based on the regression analysis, both perceived usefulness and ease of use have a significant positive impact on the adoption/utilization of digital technology. Higher levels of perceived usefulness and ease of use are associated with increased adoption/utilization rates, therefore accepting H 3.

The findings of this study shed light on the factors influencing the successful adoption and utilization of digital technology in rural areas, with a specific focus on the Digital India Program. The age distribution of the rural Indian population aligned with previous research observations and was expected (Gangotia & Pradhan, 2022 ; Roy, 2018 ). The pyramid-shaped age structure, with a majority of young individuals, signifies a youthful workforce that holds immense economic significance. The predominance of young respondents indicates their potential to actively contribute to the economy and suggests a higher likelihood of embracing digital technologies. This finding supports the notion that younger individuals are more adaptable to technology and possess higher computer literacy, as previously observed by Kar et al. ( 2018 ) and Soja ( 2017 ). Thus, the expected result reinforces the understanding that DIP can effectively target the younger demographic in rural areas.

Moreover, the high level of education among the respondents was also anticipated. The substantial proportion of individuals holding at least a diploma, with almost half possessing a bachelor’s degree, indicates a population with a good understanding of the potential and success of digital initiatives. These education levels in rural areas surpass expectations and underscore the prevalence of education and knowledge in the rural Indian population. The anticipated result reinforces the hypothesis that the rural population, even in remote areas, is equipped to embrace digital advancements and benefit from DIP (Karine, 2021 ; Mueller et al., 2020 ).

However, there were unexpected and profound findings that deserve closer examination. Firstly, the significantly higher rate of digital technology adoption among female respondents challenges the conventional perception of gender disparities in technology access and usage. The higher rate of digital technology adoption among female respondents suggests a promising shift in gender disparities in technology access in rural areas. This may be attributed to the impact of women-focused empowerment initiatives, which have enhanced digital literacy and confidence among women, as well as the tangible benefits that digital technologies offer for education, healthcare, and economic opportunities (Elliott et al., 2020 ). This finding signifies the potential for gender-inclusive digital development and emphasizes the effectiveness of targeted programs in empowering women and narrowing the technology gender gap in rural communities, contributing to more equitable and inclusive digital transformation. This unexpected result contradicts previous studies that have reported lower technology adoption rates among women in rural areas (Chatterjee et al., 2020 ; Smith et al., 2015 ). The finding suggests a potential shift in gender dynamics and highlights the empowering effect of DIP in bridging the gender gap and promoting gender equality in technology access.

Secondly, the higher utilization of mobile-based services compared to computer-based services was an unexpected trend. Previous literature has emphasized the role of computer-based services in promoting digital inclusion (Heeks, 2010). However, as indicated by the survey results, the dominance of mobile-based services suggests a paradigm shift in technology utilization patterns. This unexpected trend may be attributed to the affordability and accessibility of mobile devices, enabling a wider range of rural individuals to engage with digital platforms. These findings challenge existing notions and highlight the need for a comprehensive understanding of technology usage patterns to effectively tailor digital programs for rural areas.

Comparing our results with previous studies reveals both similarities and discrepancies. The unexpectedly higher adoption rate among female respondents challenges the findings of Smith ( 2015 ), who reported lower technology adoption rates among women in rural areas. Our study’s findings indicate a positive shift in gender dynamics and underscore the potential of digital programs, such as DIP, in promoting gender equality in technology access.

Additionally, the trend toward mobile-based services aligns with the observations of Kar et al. ( 2018 ), who noted a significant increase in internet usage in India due to the widespread availability of affordable smartphones. Our study’s findings reinforce the need to recognize the importance of mobile-based platforms in digital inclusion efforts and highlight their potential to reach a wider audience in rural areas (James, 2020 ; Pal & Vanijja, 2020 ).

The findings of this study have several practical implications for policymakers, government agencies, and organizations involved in promoting digital inclusion in rural areas. Firstly, the unexpected finding of higher technology adoption among female respondents emphasizes the importance of gender-inclusive strategies in digital initiatives. Policymakers and organizations should focus on providing equal opportunities and resources for women in rural areas to enhance their participation in digital programs (Davey & Davey, 2014 ). This can be achieved through targeted awareness campaigns, skill development programs, and ensuring access to affordable and reliable digital infrastructure (ElMassah & Mohieldin, 2020 ).

Furthermore, the dominance of mobile-based services suggests the need to prioritize mobile technology in the design and implementation of digital programs (Fabregas et al., 2019 ). Policymakers should invest in enhancing mobile connectivity, improving network coverage, and promoting the affordability of smartphones in rural areas. Additionally, initiatives should be undertaken to improve digital literacy and provide training on mobile-based applications and services, ensuring that rural communities can fully leverage the benefits offered by mobile technologies (Fennell et al., 2018 ; Mishra et al., 2019 ).

To facilitate the effective implementation of digital initiatives, partnerships and collaborations between government agencies, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and private sector entities are essential. By pooling resources and expertise, stakeholders can develop comprehensive strategies, share best practices, and address the unique challenges faced by rural communities (Montgomery et al., 2012 ; Warner & Sullivan, 2017 ). Furthermore, involving local communities in the decision-making process and ensuring their active participation can foster a sense of ownership and increase the likelihood of successful adoption and utilization of digital technologies (Lorenzi et al., 2009 ).

The trend analysis of awareness and adoption rates for e-voting, e-commerce, and mobile banking over a four-year period revealed a consistent upward trend, indicating increasing acceptance and utilization of these digital services among rural populations in India. This suggests a growing awareness and adoption of digital technologies in rural areas over time.

Furthermore, the analysis of adoption rates among different demographic groups based on age, gender, and occupation demonstrated variations in adoption rates, with younger individuals and those involved in professional or entrepreneurial occupations having higher adoption rates compared to older individuals and those in retirement or farming occupations.

The analysis of variance and regression analysis further supported the influence of demographic factors on the adoption rate of digital technology. Age group, gender, and occupation were found to be significant predictors of the adoption rate, suggesting that these factors play a role in influencing the likelihood of adopting digital technology among the population.

The correlation analysis indicated positive relationships between perceived usefulness, ease of use, and adoption/utilization of digital technology. Individuals who perceive digital technology as useful and easy to use are more likely to adopt and utilize it.

The regression analysis confirmed the importance of perceived usefulness and ease of use as predictors of the adoption/utilization of digital technology. Higher levels of perceived usefulness and ease of use were associated with increased adoption/utilization rates.

Overall, these findings contribute to the existing body of knowledge and emphasize the significance of digital literacy, demographic factors, and perceived usefulness and ease of use in bridging the digital divide and fostering the adoption and utilization of digital technology in rural areas. The study highlights the importance of enhancing literacy rates, addressing demographic variations, and emphasizing user-centric design and usability in promoting the adoption and utilization of digital technology in rural communities.

Theoretical implications

The research findings presented in this study have several theoretical implications for the field of digital technology adoption in rural areas. Firstly, the trend analysis of awareness and adoption rates provided insights into the changing patterns of technology adoption over time. The consistent upward trend in awareness and adoption rates for e-voting, e-commerce, and mobile banking indicates the increasing acceptance and utilization of digital technologies in rural populations. This highlights the evolving nature of technology adoption and the growing digital divide in rural areas. Secondly, the finding supports the notion that enhancing literacy rates is crucial in bridging the digital divide and promoting the adoption and utilization of digital technology. It emphasizes the importance of digital literacy as a facilitator of technology adoption and highlights the need for targeted interventions to improve digital literacy in rural areas. Thirdly, the findings revealed that factors beyond demographic characteristics play a more prominent role in influencing technology adoption in rural areas. It emphasizes the role of education and occupation in shaping individuals’ attitudes and behaviors toward technology adoption. Lastly, the role of education in digital literacy, showcasing the potential for gender-inclusive technology initiatives, and recognizing the growing importance of mobile technology in rural digital access, all of which inform the development of more inclusive and effective theoretical frameworks for rural digital transformation.

Managerial implications

The research findings also have important managerial implications for policymakers, organizations, and stakeholders involved in promoting digital technology adoption in rural areas. Firstly, the increasing trend in awareness and adoption rates indicates a growing market potential for digital services in rural populations. Policymakers and organizations can capitalize on this trend by developing targeted strategies to promote digital literacy and provide access to digital information in rural areas. This can involve initiatives such as setting up digital training centers, improving internet connectivity, and partnering with local organizations to deliver educational programs. Secondly, the significant relationship between digital information availability and technology adoption suggests that efforts should be made to improve the availability and accessibility of digital information in rural communities. Policymakers can work towards improving internet infrastructure and providing information through various channels such as community centers, mobile vans, or government programs. Organizations can also collaborate with local community leaders and organizations to disseminate digital information effectively.

Thirdly, the finding that literacy and occupation are significant predictors of technology adoption highlights the importance of educational and vocational programs in rural areas. Policymakers and organizations can focus on enhancing literacy rates and providing vocational training that includes digital skills. Technology adoption can be facilitated by empowering individuals with the necessary knowledge and skills, leading to increased access to digital services and economic opportunities.

Practical implications

The findings of this study have practical implications for policymakers and stakeholders aiming to promote the adoption and utilization of digital technology in rural areas of India. First and foremost, it underscores the importance of digital literacy programs tailored to different demographic groups, with a focus on older individuals, retirees, and those engaged in farming occupations. Recognizing these groups may have lower adoption rates, targeted efforts to enhance their digital skills and awareness are crucial.

Moreover, it emphasizes the need for user-centric design and usability of digital services. To encourage adoption, digital platforms, and applications should be designed with a focus on perceived usefulness and ease of use, making them accessible and valuable to users. This involves user-friendly interfaces, clear instructions, and features that cater to the specific needs of rural populations.

The study also highlights the ongoing positive trend in the adoption of digital services, suggesting that awareness and acceptance are growing in rural areas over time. Policymakers should leverage this trend by continuously promoting the benefits of digital technologies and expanding infrastructure and connectivity to reach more remote regions.

Ideas for future research

While this study provides valuable insights into digital technology adoption in rural areas, there are several avenues for future research. Some potential areas for further investigation include: conducting longitudinal studies to examine the long-term effects of technology adoption in rural communities. This could involve assessing the economic, social, and educational outcomes associated with digital technology adoption and exploring how these outcomes evolve. Investigating the influence of cultural factors on technology adoption in rural areas could involve exploring the role of cultural values, beliefs, and norms in shaping individuals’ attitudes and behaviors toward digital technology adoption. Examining the impact of infrastructure development, such as improved internet connectivity and access to electricity, on technology adoption in rural communities. This research could explore how infrastructure improvements affect individuals’ access to digital services and willingness to adopt and utilize technology.

Data availability

Data will be made available on request.

Abbreviations

Digital India Program

Information and Communication Technology

Geospatial Information Systems

Unified Payments Interface

Pradhan Mantri Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan

Jandhan-Aadhaar-Mobile

Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems

Goods and Service Tax Network

Goods and Services Tax

Unified Mobile Application for New-Age Governance

Foreign Direct Investments

Right of Way

Bharat Bill Payment System

Bharat Interface for Money

Theory of Reasoned Action

Statistical Package for the Social Sciences

Analysis of variance

Sum of squares

Degrees of freedom

Mean square

Non-governmental organizations

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Sindakis, S., Showkat, G. The digital revolution in India: bridging the gap in rural technology adoption. J Innov Entrep 13 , 29 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s13731-024-00380-w

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Digital divide in india meaning, implications and initiative to end it.

The digital divide in India refers to an unequal distribution of access to, usage of, or influence of information and communication technology among any number of separate groups, which can be characterised using social, geographical, or geopolitical criteria, or in any other way. One of the reasons for the widening of already extreme levels of inequality and the drag on economic development is that many people still lack the resources and expertise necessary to use the internet. Although the gap does not just exist in India, it is particularly pronounced in a country where more than half of the 1.3 billion inhabitants are under the age of 25.

Origins of Digital Divide

In the mid-1990s, the phrase "digital divide" was coined to characterise the disparity in equality between those who have access to computers and the Internet and those who do not. The most prevalent cause of a digital gap is poverty and economic restrictions that limit resources and prohibit individuals from accessing and using newer technology.

Digital Divide in India today

Around 600 million people in India use the internet, which accounts for more than 12% of all users worldwide, according to Bloomberg. Yet just 20 per cent of Indians, according to official data, are proficient in using digital services, even though half the country's population lacks access to the internet. Only 43 per cent of people in India utilise the internet, according to the ITU's World Telecommunication/ICT Indicators Database. According to the IAMAI-Kantar Report ICUBE 2020, 58 per cent of men and 42 per cent of women in India use the internet. The rural-urban split is used as an additional basis for data segregation. Only 48.7 per cent of rural males and 24.6 per cent of rural females meet this requirement, compared to 72.5 per cent of urban males and 51.8 per cent of urban females who have ever used the internet. It's noteworthy to observe that urban men make up the majority of the population throughout all states, whilst rural women make up the minority.

Types of Digital Divide in India

Digital Divide in India can be divided into three stages namely – Economic Divide, Usability Divide and Empowerment Divide. 

Economic Divide: The term ‘digital gap’ was coined in the mid-1990s to describe the discrepancy in equality between those who have access to computers and the Internet and those who do not. Poverty and economic constraints that limit resources and prevent folks from obtaining or using modern technologies are the most common causes of a digital divide. According to predictions made by experts, computers will be out of reach for the typical citizen in developing nations for the next 20 years or more.

Usability Divide: Far worse than the economic disparity is the reality that technology is still so complex that many people would be unable to utilise a computer even if they were given one for free. Many others can use computers, but they do not reap the full benefits of the contemporary world since most of the available services are too complex for them to comprehend. Even though about 40 per cent of the population has low literacy abilities, few websites adhere to the rules for writing for low-literacy users.

Empowerment Divide: Participation inequality is a manifestation of the empowerment divide that has persisted throughout the years of Internet growth: in social networks and community systems, roughly 90 per cent of users do not contribute, nine per cent contribute infrequently, and a tiny minority of one per cent accounts for the majority of contributions.

Effects of Digital Divide 

The digital divide in India has several implications on political, governance, social, economic and educational prospects. Without internet access, political empowerment and mobilisation are challenging in the age of social media. Transparency and responsibility demand digital accordance. Internet penetration is linked to a country's socioeconomic advancement.

Thus, a country's socioeconomic growth is hampered by the digital divide. Because of the digital gap, rural India suffers from information poverty. It simply serves to exacerbate the tragic cycle of poverty, hardship, and backwardness. The digital gap creates economic disparities between people who can and cannot afford the technology. Finally, the digital gap influences children's ability to learn and develop. Students cannot develop the necessary technical abilities unless they have access to the Internet.

Effects of Digital Divide during Covid 19 Pandemic in India

The COVID-19 pandemic highlighted the digital divide in India and its role in limiting access to vaccinations. Families and communities were and still are frequently unable to schedule appointments to register for vaccines due to a lack of digital literacy and access. This adds to a slower rate of immunisations in India, emphasising the importance of bridging the digital gap in the country. According to a recent Oxfam research, up to 80% of Indian students were unable to access online learning during the lockdown, and many may not return to their classes after the epidemic is over. 

Services such as banking, education, and job searches migrated online after the lockdown was declared, and in some circumstances, they still are in certain cases today. Work from home is accepted as the new standard by many businesses. Most businesses today are prepared to switch to a hybrid business model, which makes it more challenging for those who have limited or no access to the internet and other forms of technology.

How does Digital Divide affect Rural Women?

Women, individuals in poverty, and those who live in rural communities are far less likely to have sufficient access to technology and the internet. In India, only about 16% of women utilize mobile and internet services due to the gender digital divide. News and information take a while to reach many Indians living in rural areas without access to the internet. Men are about twice as likely as women to have used the internet, making the digital divide in rural India even more prominent (49 per cent vs 25 per cent).

Even though Covid-19 has made all of these activities—hybrid and distant employment, financial transactions, education, and video calls—more significant than ever before thanks to rising internet usage, persistent gender discrepancies prevent women from taking advantage of these opportunities. We continue to believe that the digital gap prevents women and girls from having access to financial inclusion, education and knowledge.

How is the Government trying to bridge the Digital Divide?

Governments have attempted to enhance internet connectivity in the nation during the last decade. The BharatNet project was initiated in 2011 to connect 0.25 million panchayats by optical fibre (100 MBPS) and connect India's communities. Its installation only began in 2014.

The government also established the National Digital Literacy Mission and the Digital Saksharta Abhiyan in 2014. It also announced many programmes in 2015 as part of its Digital India drive to link the whole country. This includes the PM Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan, which was established in 2017 to bring digital literacy to rural India by reaching 60 million homes.

How are organizations Addressing the Digital Divide in India?

Many organizations in India are doing remarkable work to bridge the digital divide in India. For instance, the Soochnapreneur Project fosters and enhances the information system in rural areas. In technological fields, they educate women from rural regions. The poor and underdeveloped communities may then benefit from and learn from these women. Another noteworthy organisation, ThinkZone, educates students in underserved neighbourhoods by utilising a free mobile app and readily available technology. To help kids learn the fundamentals of language and math, the app provides educational materials to teachers and parents in places with poor internet connectivity.

Steps needed to Counter Digital Divide

Digital literacy requires special attention in schools and colleges. The National Digital Literacy Mission should prioritise establishing digital literacy at the primary school level in all government schools for basic material and advanced content in higher classes and universities. The kids will subsequently be able to educate their family members.

When it comes to teaching the Indian audience, language is a major impediment. State governments should prioritise content production in Indian regional languages, especially those connected to government services. Regulators should lower entry barriers by revising licensing, taxes, and spectrum allocation policies. The government must create a comprehensive cybersecurity framework to ensure data protection, secure digital transactions, and complaint resolution.

In January 2019, the Standing Committee on Information Technology reported that the government's digital literacy initiatives are far from sufficient. Clearly, internet penetration is insufficient. On some level, we can all agree that the internet has become unavoidable. On another level, it continues to receive insufficient attention from decision-makers. The most pressing necessity of the hour is to maintain continuous internet service.

Path ahead 

The path ahead involves continued efforts to make digital resources accessible to all, especially the marginalized communities. Government policies, corporate initiatives, and public awareness campaigns play a pivotal role.

Digital Literacy Initiatives in India 

Numerous digital literacy initiatives in India are making strides in narrowing the digital divide. Programs like 'Pradhan Mantri Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan' aim to provide digital literacy training in rural areas. Understanding how these initiatives work and their impact is vital.

The Role of Mobile Technology 

The widespread adoption of mobile phones in India has been a game-changer in reducing the digital divide. With the increasing availability of affordable smartphones, many Indians are gaining access to the digital world. Explore how mobile technology is bridging the gap.

The Future of Digital Inclusion 

With the rapid advancement of technology, understanding the evolving nature of the digital divide is crucial. What will the future hold in terms of digital inclusion, and how can we adapt to these changes?

Global Perspectives on the Digital Divide 

The digital divide is not unique to India; it's a global issue. By exploring how other countries are addressing this challenge, we can draw inspiration and learn from their successful strategies.

Community Initiatives and Success Stories 

Highlighting success stories and community-driven initiatives can serve as powerful examples. These stories can inspire individuals and organizations to take action and contribute to bridging the digital divide.

Challenges and Roadblocks 

It's essential to acknowledge the challenges and roadblocks that still exist in addressing the digital divide. Whether it's infrastructure limitations, affordability, or cultural barriers, understanding these hurdles can guide future efforts.

User Stories and Testimonials 

Sharing personal stories and testimonials from individuals who have benefited from digital inclusion efforts can humanize the issue and show the real impact of bridging the digital divide.

How to reduce it: 

Reducing the digital divide, which refers to the gap in access to and use of digital technologies and the internet, is crucial for ensuring equitable opportunities and access to information in today's interconnected world. Here are some strategies to help reduce the digital divide:

1.Infrastructure Investment:

Expand broadband infrastructure to underserved and remote areas. Governments and private organizations should invest in building and maintaining the necessary digital infrastructure to ensure access in rural and low-income communities.

2.Affordable Internet Access:

Promote policies and initiatives that make internet access more affordable. This may involve subsidies, discounts, or incentives for low-income households to get online.

3.Access to Devices:

Provide low-cost or free devices such as smartphones, tablets, or computers to individuals and families who cannot afford them. Initiatives like "One Laptop Per Child" have shown promise in this regard.

4.Digital Literacy Training:

Offer digital literacy programs to help individuals, especially in underserved communities, become comfortable with using digital technologies. These programs can include basic computer skills, internet navigation, and online safety.

5.Community Technology Centers:

Establish community technology centers in underserved areas. These centers can serve as hubs for internet access, digital literacy training, and technical support.

6.Mobile Technology Initiatives:

In regions where traditional broadband infrastructure is challenging to deploy, focus on mobile technology access. Mobile networks and smartphones can provide affordable and accessible connectivity.

7.Public Wi-Fi Initiatives:

Increase the availability of public Wi-Fi in community spaces, libraries, schools, and public buildings. This provides access to those who may not have it at home.

8.Digital Inclusion Policies:

Enact policies that prioritize digital inclusion as a fundamental right. Governments can set targets for connectivity and digital literacy and take action to ensure they are met.

9.Collaboration and Partnerships:

Encourage partnerships between governments, nonprofits, and private sector organizations to collectively address the digital divide. Collaboration can bring together resources, expertise, and innovative solutions.

10.Content Localization:

Support the creation of local content in various languages and formats, making digital resources more relevant and accessible to diverse communities.

11.Inclusive Design:

Encourage the development of digital tools, websites, and applications with inclusive design principles. This ensures that people with disabilities can access and use digital resources.

12.Data Privacy and Security:

Promote awareness of data privacy and security issues to protect vulnerable populations as they go online. Education about online risks and safe practices is essential.

13.Research and Monitoring:

Continuously monitor and assess the digital divide to identify new challenges and opportunities for intervention. Research can help tailor strategies to specific contexts.

14.Global Efforts:

Encourage international cooperation to address the global digital divide. International organizations and governments can work together to extend connectivity to underprivileged regions.

15.Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs):

Align efforts to reduce the digital divide with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goal 9 (industry, innovation, and infrastructure) and Goal 4 (quality education).

Reducing the digital divide is an ongoing and multifaceted challenge that requires concerted efforts at the local, national, and international levels. By addressing the digital divide, we can promote greater equality in access to information, education, economic opportunities, and social inclusion.

Conclusion 

The digital divide is a multifaceted challenge that has far-reaching implications for our society, economy, and individual well-being. It encompasses disparities in access to digital resources, technology, and the ability to navigate the digital landscape. The origins of this divide are deeply rooted in socioeconomic disparities and historical infrastructure limitations, but it has evolved with technological advancements.

In the context of India, the digital divide is a pressing concern. Urban areas typically enjoy better connectivity and access to technology, while rural regions face challenges related to infrastructure, affordability, and digital literacy. These disparities can lead to unequal opportunities in education, healthcare, and employment, perpetuating existing inequalities.

The COVID-19 pandemic underscored the urgency of addressing the digital divide, as it became evident that online education and telemedicine are essential services. Unfortunately, many individuals and communities were left behind due to inadequate access to digital resources.

Efforts to bridge the digital divide are ongoing. Governments, including the Indian government, have launched various programs and initiatives to expand digital infrastructure and promote digital literacy. Private organizations and NGOs are also actively engaged in this mission.

To counter the digital divide, it is crucial to continue expanding digital infrastructure, providing affordable access, and promoting digital literacy among all segments of society. This collective effort will ensure that the benefits of the digital age are accessible to all, irrespective of their geographical location or socioeconomic background.

The path ahead involves persistent efforts to make digital resources accessible to marginalized communities, thereby contributing to a more equitable and inclusive digital future. Individuals, government, and organizations all have a role to play in addressing this pressing issue.

In this rapidly evolving digital landscape, it is imperative to stay informed about the digital divide, support initiatives that promote digital inclusion, and advocate for policies that ensure equal access to digital opportunities for everyone.

By working together, we can reduce the digital divide and create a more equitable and inclusive digital world for all.

1.What are the main factors contributing to the digital divide in India?

A-The digital divide in India is influenced by factors such as infrastructure disparities, socioeconomic differences, and limited digital literacy.

2.How has the digital divide affected online education in India?

A-The digital divide has hindered online education, as students in rural and underserved areas often lack access to necessary digital resources.

3.What role can individuals play in bridging the digital divide?

A-Individuals can contribute by supporting digital literacy programs, donating devices, and advocating for digital inclusion.

4.Are there specific government schemes to promote digital literacy in India?

A-Yes, the Digital India program is a major government initiative aimed at promoting digital literacy and bridging the digital divide.

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Digital india essay in english for students, digital india essay in english.

In today’s rapidly evolving world, technology has permeated every aspect of our lives. Recognizing this transformative potential, the Indian government launched the ambitious Digital India initiative in 2015. This flagship program aims to bridge the digital divide, empower citizens through access to technology, and transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy.

The Vision of Digital India :-

Digital India envisions a future where technology is seamlessly integrated into every facet of Indian life. It aims to achieve this vision by focusing on three key pillars:

• Digital Infrastructure:  Creating robust and ubiquitous digital infrastructure across the nation, including high-speed internet connectivity, affordable data plans, and a strong e-governance framework.
• Digital Literacy:  Equipping citizens with the digital skills and knowledge necessary to effectively utilize technology for their personal and professional development.
• Delivering Services Digitally:  Transforming the way government services are delivered to citizens, making them accessible, convenient, and transparent through online platforms and mobile applications.

100 Words Digital India Essay :-

Digital India represents a bold initiative by the Indian government to leverage the power of technology for social and economic transformation. It aims to connect the unconnected, empower the marginalized, and foster innovation across various sectors. By prioritizing digital infrastructure development, promoting digital literacy, and delivering services electronically, Digital India seeks to create a more inclusive, informed, and prosperous nation.

200 Words Digital India Essay :-

Digital India has embarked on a transformative journey towards a digitally empowered India. Key achievements include:

• Digital infrastructure expansion:  Over 1.3 billion Indians have access to mobile phones, and over 800 million have internet connectivity. The government has also launched ambitious projects like BharatNet to provide high-speed internet access to villages.
• Digital literacy initiatives:  Programs like the Pradhan Mantri Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan have empowered millions of rural citizens with basic digital skills, increasing their access to information and opportunities.
• E-governance platforms:  Initiatives like Aadhaar, DigiLocker, and the UMANG app have revolutionized the way citizens access government services, making them more efficient, transparent, and accessible.

Impact and Future of Digital India :-

Digital India has had a significant impact on various sectors, including:

• Education:  Online learning platforms and digital tools have enhanced access to quality education for students across the country.
• Healthcare:  Telemedicine and e-health initiatives have improved access to healthcare services, especially in remote areas.
• Financial inclusion:  Digital wallets and mobile banking platforms have facilitated financial inclusion,empowering individuals and businesses.
• Startups and innovation:  The digital ecosystem has fostered a vibrant startup ecosystem, leading to innovation and economic growth.

Looking ahead, Digital India has the potential to further empower citizens, bridge the digital divide, and propel India into a global leader in the digital age. However, challenges remain, including lack of digital literacy in certain sections of society, rural-urban disparities in access to technology, and cybersecurity concerns.

By addressing these challenges and continuously adapting to evolving technologies, Digital India can continue to transform India into a digitally empowered and inclusive nation, paving the way for a brighter future for all its citizens.

FAQs – Digital India Essay in English

1. what is the digital india initiative.

Ans – The Digital India initiative is a flagship program of the Indian government launched in 2015. It aims to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy by focusing on three key pillars:

• Digital infrastructure
• Digital literacy
• Delivering services digitally

2. What are the goals/ objectives of Digital India?

Ans – The key goals/ objectives of Digital India include:

• Connecting the unconnected: Bridging the digital divide and ensuring that all Indians have access to affordable and reliable internet connectivity.
• Empowering citizens: Equipping individuals with digital skills and knowledge to navigate the digital world and participate actively in the economy.
• Transforming governance: Making government services more efficient, transparent, and accountable through digital platforms.
• Fostering innovation: Creating a conducive environment for startups and innovation to flourish in the digital space.
• Driving inclusive growth: Utilizing technology to promote inclusive economic development and empower marginalized communities.

3. How has Digital India impacted various sectors in India?

Ans – Digital India has had a significant impact on various sectors, including:

• Education:  Digital learning platforms and online resources have enhanced access to quality education for students across the country.
• Healthcare:  Telemedicine initiatives like eSanjeevani have improved access to healthcare services,especially in remote areas.
• Economy:  Digital payments platforms and e-commerce have boosted economic growth and job creation.
• Governance:  E-governance initiatives have led to improved transparency, accountability, and efficiency in government services.
• Social inclusion:  Digital literacy programs and online platforms have empowered individuals and communities, promoting social inclusion.

4. What are the challenges faced by Digital India?

Ans – Some key challenges faced by Digital India include:

• Bridging the digital divide in rural areas and ensuring affordable internet access for all.
• Addressing data privacy and security concerns.
• Protecting critical infrastructure from cyberattacks.
• Ensuring equitable access to technology and digital literacy for all segments of society.

Civilsdaily

No. 1 UPSC IAS Platform for preparation

Digital India Initiatives

Digital divide in india.

From UPSC perspective, the following things are important :

Prelims level: Not Much

Mains level: Digital divide in India

The COVID-19 induced lockdown highlights India’s great digital divide.

Practice question for mains: Q.What are the various facets of Digital Divide in India? Discuss how the Digital India initiative has impacted ruling out India’s digital divide?

What is Digital divide?

A digital divide is any uneven distribution in the access to, use of, or impact of information and communications technologies between any number of distinct groups, which can be defined based on social, geographical, or geopolitical criteria, or otherwise

What are the implications of the digital divide?

In the age of social media, political empowerment and mobilization are difficult without digital connectivity.

Transparency and accountability are dependent on digital connectivity. The digital divide affects e-governance initiatives negatively.

Internet penetration is associated with greater social progress of a nation. Thus digital divide in a way hinders the social progress of a country.

Rural India is suffering from information poverty due to the digital divide. It only strengthens the vicious cycle of poverty, deprivation, and backwardness.

The digital divide causes economic inequality between those who can afford the technology and those who don’t.

Educational

The digital divide is also impacting the capacity of children to learn and develop. Without Internet access, students can not build the required tech skills.

Facets of the great Digital Divide in India

• Education is just one area that has highlighted the digital divide between India’s rural and urban areas during the lockdown.
• The trend is evident everywhere — telemedicine, banking, e-commerce, e-governance, all of which became accessible only via the internet during the lockdown.
• The divide exists despite the rise in the number of wireless subscribers in India over the past few years.

1) Telecom facility, not digital progression

• According to a report released by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) on June this year, the country had over 1,160 million wireless subscribers in February 2020, up from 1,010 million in February 2016.
• This is a rise of 150 million subscribers in five years or 30 million per year.
• The growth has been evenly distributed in urban and rural areas, with the number of urban subscribers increasing by 74 million (from 579 million to 643 million) and rural subscribers by 86 million (from 431 million to 517 million).
• But this growth only indicates the rise in basic telecommunication facility.

2) The Urban-Rural Divide

• Services such as online classrooms, financial transactions and e-governance require access to the internet as well as the ability to operate internet-enabled devices like phones, tablets and computers.
• Here the urban-rural distinction is quite stark.
• According to the NSSO conducted between July 2017 and June 2018, just 4.4 rural households have a computer, against 14.4 per cent in an urban area.
• It had just 14.9 per cent rural households having access to the internet against 42 per cent households in urban areas.
• Similarly, only 13 per cent people of over five years of age in rural areas have the ability to use the internet against 37 per cent in urban areas.

3) Regional Divide

• States too greatly differ in terms of people that have access to computers or in the know-how to use the internet.
• Himachal Pradesh leads the country in access to the internet in both, rural and urban areas.
• Uttarakhand has the most number of computers in urban areas, while Kerala has the most number of computers in rural areas.
• Overall, Kerala is the state where the difference between rural and urban areas is the least.

4) Digital Gender Divide

• India has among the world’s highest gender gap in access to technology.
• Only 21 per cent of women in India are mobile internet users, according to GSMA’s 2020 mobile gender gap report, while 42 per cent of men have access. The report says that while 79 per cent of men own a mobile phone in the country, the number for women is 63 per cent.
• While there do economic barriers to girls’ own a mobile phone or laptop, cultural and social norms also play a major part.
• The male-female gap in mobile use often exacerbates other inequalities for women, including access to information, economic opportunities, and networking.
• The earning member of the family has to carry the phone while going out to work.
• Access to phones and the internet is not just an economic factor but also social and cultural.
• If one family has just one phone, there is a good chance that the wife or the daughter will be the last one to use it.

Programmes for Addressing the Challenges in Bridging the Digital Divide:

India taking significant steps towards acquiring competence in information and technology, the country is increasingly getting divided between people who have access to technology and those who do not. 

• The Indian government has passed Information Technology Act, 2000 to make to e- commerce and e-governance a success story in India along with national e-governance plan. 
• Optical Fibre Network (NOF-N ), a project aimed to ensure broadband connectivity to over two lakh (200,000) gram panchayats of India by 2016.
• Digital Mobile Library: In order to bridge the digital divide in a larger way the government of India, in collaboration with the Centre for Advanced Computing (C–DAC) based in Pune.
• Unnati, is a project of Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL) which strives to bridge the digital divide in schools by giving the rural students with poor economic and social background access to computer education.
• E-pathshala : to avail study materials  for every rural and urban student. 
• Common Service Centres: which enabled the digital reach to unreachable areas. 

Initiatives of State Government:

• Sourkaryan and E–Seva: Project of the government of Andhra Pradesh to provides the facility for a citizen to pay property taxes online.
• The Gyandoot Project: It is the first ever project in India for a rural information network in the Dhar district of Madhya Pradesh which has the highest percentage of tribes and dense forest. The project was designed to extend the benefits of information technology to people in rural areas by directly linking the government and villagers through information kiosks

Way forward

1.infrastructure.

The promotion of indigenous ICT development under Atmanirbhar Abhiyan can play a significant role. The promotion of budget mobile phones is the key.

The creation of market competition between service providers may make services cheaper.

Efficient spectrum allocation in large contiguous blocks should be explored.

We should also explore migration to new technologies like 5G. It would resolve some of the bandwidth challenges.

2.Digital literacy

Digital literacy needs special attention at the school / college level.

 The National Digital Literacy Mission should focus on introducing digital literacy at the primary school level in all government schools for basic content and in higher classes and colleges for advanced content.

When these students will educate their family members, it will create multiplier effects. Higher digital literacy will also increase the adoption of computer hardware across the country.

State governments should pay particular attention to content creation in the Indian regional languages, particularly those related to government services.

Natural language processing ( NLP) in Indian languages needs to be promoted.

4.Role of regulators

Regulators should minimize entry barriers by reforming licensing, taxation, spectrum allocation norms.

TRAI should consider putting in place a credible system. This system will track call drops, weak signals, and outages. It ensures the quality and reliability of telecom services.

5.Cybersecurity

MeitY will need to evolve a comprehensive cybersecurity framework for data security, safe digital transactions, and complaint redressal.

Telecom ombudsman

The government should also set up telecom ombudsman for the redress of grievances.

• The Standing Committee on Information Technology in January 2019 concluded that the digital literacy efforts of the government are far from satisfactory.
• Clearly, internet penetration is not deep enough. At one level, we all recognise that the internet has become indispensable.
• On another level, it still doesn’t have adequate attention of the decision-makers.
• The most crucial need of the hour is to ensure uninterrupted internet services.

Back2Basics: Digital India Initiatives

• Over the past decade, governments have been trying to improve internet access in the country.
• In 2011, the BharatNet project was launched to connect 0.25 million panchayats through an optical fibre (100 MBPS) and connect India’s villages. Its implementation began only in 2014.
• In 2014, the government launched the National Digital Literacy Mission and the Digital Saksharta Abhiyan.
• In 2015, the government launched several schemes under its Digital India campaign to connect the entire country.
• This includes the PM Gramin Digital Saksharta Abhiyan, launched in 2017, to usher in digital literacy in rural India by covering 60 million households.

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Make Your Note

Digital Divide in Education

• 11 Oct 2021
• GS Paper - 2
• Human Resource
• Issues Related to Children
• Government Policies & Interventions

Why in News

Recently, the Supreme Court (SC) warned that the Digital Divide caused by online classes will defeat the fundamental right of every poor child to study in mainstream schools.

• SC lamented how the Right to Education of little children now depends on who can afford “gadgets” for online classes and who cannot.
• During the course of the Covid-19 pandemic , as schools increasingly turned to online education the digital divide produced stark consequences.
• It is the gap that exists between individuals who have access to modern information and communication technology and those who lack access.
• Digital divides exist between developed and developing countries, urban and rural populations, young and educated versus older and less-educated individuals, and men and women.
• In India the urban-rural divide is the single biggest factor in the digital divide.
• Students from the urban area and rich families were learning the concepts of science with the help of modern technology and other e-learning platforms while schools in rural areas and poor families were lacking in basic infrastructure facilities like toilets, proper classrooms and drinking water.
• The condition of female children in rural India was even worse than the male child, it was seen that many girls were dropping out of schools as the menstruation cycle starts as schools do not have basic facilities like toilets, primary care in schools.
• In some areas, students had to walk for 10-12 Kms to avail basic education.
• In urban areas and rich families where students and teachers are acquainted with digital education and due to comparatively high income, families can easily afford digital devices for education as well as they can afford various e-learning platforms.
• The situation is the opposite in rural areas and poor families. In most cases, smartphones are owned by earning members, thus students are finding lots of difficulties in attending online lectures. Those who can afford smartphones are facing network issues.
• In some cases, teachers are unfamiliar with online education technology.
• Children belonging to the Economically Weaker Sections [EWS]/Disadvantaged Groups [DG] had to suffer the consequence of not having to fully pursue their education or worse still drop out because of the lack of access to Internet and computer.
• They even run the danger of being drawn into child labour or worse, child trafficking.
• The poor will remain void of crucial information presented online concerning academia, and thus they will always lag, and this may be summed up by poor performance.
• Hence superior students who can access the internet have an unfair competitive edge over their less privileged counterparts.
• The people in lower socio-economic classes are disadvantaged and have to undergo long hours of cumbersome studies in meeting the objectives of the course.
• While the rich can easily access schooling materials online and work on their programs in a flash.
• Most underdeveloped countries or the rural areas tend to produce half-baked graduates because of inadequate training due to limited research abilities as connectivity to the internet is limited besides having low cadre training equipment.
• Originally Part IV of Indian Constitution, Article 45 and Article 39 (f) of DPSP (Directive Principles of State Policy) , had a provision for state funded as well as equitable and accessible education.
• It inserted Article 21A which made Right to Education a fundamental right for children between 6-14 years.
• It provided for a follow-up legislation Right to Education Act 2009.
• National Education Policy, 2020.
• Digital Infrastructure for Knowledge Sharing (DIKSHA).
• PM eVidya .
• Swayam Prabha TV Channel
• SWAYAM portal

Way Forward

• Even though schools are now reopening gradually due to the receding curve of the pandemic, the “need to provide adequate computer-based equipment together with access to online facilities for children is of utmost importance”.
• Priority should be given to the less advantaged students who do not have access to e-learning.
• Genuine efforts must be invested to ensure every child gets good quality equitable education as a fundamental right.
• A solution has to be devised at all levels of the Government, State and Centre, to ensure that adequate facilities are made available to children across social strata so that access to education is not denied to those who lack resources.

The Four Digital Divides Kenneth Keniston and Deepak Kumar, editors Introduction by Kenneth Keniston In Press at Sage Publishers Delhi 2003 Contents Preface and Acknowledgements Prof. Kenneth Keniston Andrew Mellon Professor of Human Development, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Introduction: The Four Digital Divides Dr. V. Balaji (with K.G. Rajamohan, R. Rajasekara Pandy, and S. Senthilkumaran) Head, Informatics Center, M S Swaminathan Research Foundation, Chennai Towards a Knowledge System for Sustainable Food Security: the Information Village Experiment in Pondicherry Dr. T.H. Chowdary Former: Chairman & Managing Director, Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd. Liberalization of Indian Telecoms: Regulation in the Era of Convergence for Information Infrastructure and Services Prof. Pat Hall Computing Department, The Open University, United Kingdom Information Technology to Support Diversity in a Global Economy Dr. Ashok Jhunjhunwala Professor & Head of Electrical Engineering Dept., Indian Institute of Technology, Madras Dr. Bhaskar Ramamurthi Professor, Indian Institute of Technology, Madras An Update on Current Telecom and Regulation Scenario in India Dr. P.D. Kaushik Fellow, Rajiv Gandhi Foundation, Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies An Agenda: Electronic Governance for Poor Mr. Harsh Kumar Sr. EDPM, Western Railways, Mumbai Science, Technology and Politics of Computers in Indian Languages Dr. Rajeev Sangal (with Akshar Bharati and Vineet Chaitanya) Language Technologies Research Centre, Indian Institute of Information Technology, Hyderabad Collaborative Creation of Digital Resources in Indian Languages Prof. Annalee Saxenian Department of City and Regional Planning, University of California at Berkeley The Bangalore Boom: Brain Drain / Brain Circulation? Miland Priolkar and Vijay Kumar Students, Indian Institute of Information Technology, Bangalore Summary of Working Group Proceedings for M. N. Srinivas mentor and model for us all Preface and Acknowledgements This book began with a Workshop on "Equity, Diversity, and Information Technology (EDIT)" held in Bangalore, Karnataka, India, in December of 1999. The goal of the workshop was to explore how, if at all, new technologies of information and communication could increase social equity and strengthen cultural diversity. Our primary focus was on India, but with many comparisons to the United States and other countries. The thirty invited participants were activists, academics, politicians, administrators and journalists. With three exceptions, all were from India. (Participants and auditors are listed in the Appendix.) The EDIT Working Group was organized by Ashok Jhunjhunwala, Professor and Chair of the Department of Electrical Engineering at the Indian Institute of Technology, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India, and Kenneth Keniston, Professor and Director of the MIT India Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts, United States of America. From the start of planning until his death just before the meeting, we were guided by the wisdom and insight of Professor M.N. Srinivas, Tata Professor at NIAS and the father of Indian anthropology. The meeting was held at the National Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS), Indian Institute of Science in Bangalore, in early December, 1999. To facilitate discussion and to develop a "common culture", several hundred pages of background readings were circulated to the invited members of the Working Group before the meeting. All the Working Group members prepared papers or outlines which were circulated by e-mail to the entire Working Group before the meeting. A set of questions for discussion was also circulated before the meeting. Papers were not formally read, and individual presentations were limited to about five minutes each. The result was a high degree of participation, discussion, and friendly controversy before, during and after the meeting. The Working Group was made possible by a grant from the Ford Foundation in New Delhi to Professor Keniston, who was Sir Ashutosh Mukerjee Visiting Professor at NIAS at the time of the meeting. Special thanks are due to the officers of the Ford Foundation in New Delhi, to Professor Roddam Narasimha, Director of NIAS, and to Major General Paul, Comptroller of NIAS, for hospitality, a superbly organized meeting, excellent accommodations, and legendary South Indian food. Deepak Kumar has subsequently brought to editing these papers his broad knowledge of information technology in India, his finely-honed skills as a writer, and his deep commitment to equity and diversity. My able assistant, Mahesh Kumar, D.P., did heroic service in single-handedly typing and sending the voluminous correspondence involved in organizing the meeting. Many papers were presented to the Working Group; those published here were chosen to illustrate the diversity of views at the meeting and a variety of issues relevant to thinking about the Digital Divide. Given the time between the meeting and publication, all of the essays by original authors were returned to the authors for updating. In addition, because of the importance assigned to the issue of regulation, two essays on regulatory issues were commissioned: those by Dr. Chowdary and Professor Jhunjhunwala. No attempt has been made to provide a comprehensive bibliography. At the end of the essays, however, a number of books and essays are listed which will provide an interested reader with additional insights into the issues raised here. The website www.bytesforall.org provides the best access to South Asian projects that use information and communication technologies for the common man: this site also provides access to its own archives. Finally, the interested reader with access to the Web browser, "Google", will find that entering the phrase "digital divide" into that browser will produce many hundred thousand "hits", almost all of which are relevant to the topic of this work. Kenneth Keniston Bangalore, Karnataka and Cambridge, Massachusetts, September 2002 Introduction: The Four Digital Divides Kenneth Keniston Massachusetts Institute of Technology In the last decades, the world has begun to undergo a new technologically-driven revolution, allegedly leading toward what is commonly called "the Information Age." Impelled by the phenomenal proliferation of computers and information devices, closely linked to an explosion of processing and access speeds, ever-lowering costs of memory and other critical components, convergence of images, sounds and writing in one digital medium, and propagated by a worldwide network of satellites and broadband fiber optic cables, this Information Age already is a reality to millions in all countries of the world. To be sure, this revolution is part of the long-term development of electronic communication technologies that includes: in the nineteenth century, the telegraph and telephone; in the mid-twentieth, broadcast media like radio and television; more recently, networks like Ernet in India or Ethernet in the U.S. But the last two decades have seen an explosive and unprecedented growth in these commonly called 'information and communication technologies (ICTs).' The revolution has been as dramatic, rapid, and far reaching as the agricultural revolution, the first industrial revolution (around factory production and the steam engine), and its sequel, based on the chemical and electrical industries. What is remarkable about the current 'information technology' revolution is the extraordinary rapidity of change it encapsulates. For example, it took at least a century before the printing press touched 50 million individuals. It took 38 years for radio to reach the same number, and thirteen years for television. But the World Wide Web, in only four years, exceeded the 50,000,000 mark. Never before has a communications revolution spread so rapidly. Like all technological revolutions, this one has inspired optimistic hopes and fantasies. It is said that the 'Digital Age' has brought (or will soon bring) transparency of government, rationality of markets, universal access to information, the riches of the world's many cultures for all, formation of new international communities, availability of life-and health-enhancing information to ordinary people throughout the world, and finally (it is implied), blessings of democracy and prosperity for all the world's six billion citizens. Our purpose of this volume is to ask how, if at all, modern ICTs can fulfil this promise, especially for the eighty percent of the world's people in developing nations. For despite all utopian dreams, the Information Age has so far touched only a tiny minority of the world's population. If we define household access to the World Wide Web as a criterion for joining the Information Age, less than 5% of the world's population of six billion had gained access by the year 2002 (doubtless, virtually every reader of this book belongs to that group). The question is how and whether the Information Age can improve the condition of life for the other 95%. That question suddenly began to be asked with increasing urgency as the "digital divide" became headline news, starting about 1999. Alongside the optimism and hype surrounding the Information Age, new voices noted that most people, in most countries of the world, remained completely untouched by this revolution. Surveys revealed massive differences between access to ICTs in economically developed countries like the United States and Australia -- differences between the rich and the poor, whites and non-whites, educated and the non-educated. Discrepancies in ICT access between the so-called "North" (industrialized and wealthy nations like the U.S., West Europe, and Japan) and the "South" (virtually all developing nations) are massive, overwhelming and apparently increasing. Our first task is therefore to try to understand the nature of this "digital divide" or as I will argue, the four digital divides that separate the information-rich and -poor -- that is, the divides between those included in and excluded from the Information Age. The Four Digital Divides The "digital divide" is widely regarded as a unitary phenomenon. And as a first approximation, it is indeed useful to distinguish, in a general way, between the rich and powerful who are part of the Information Age and the poor and powerless who are not. But viewed analytically, there is not one, there are three digital divides -- and emerging in many nations a fourth. The first divide is that which exists within every nation, industrialized or developing , between those who are rich, educated, and powerful, and those who are not. For example, income and education in the United States distinguish dramatically between those who own computers and those who do not, as between those who can access the Internet and those who cannot. In the United States, where household telephone penetration is about 95%, in 1999 households with incomes over $75,000 (roughly, the top 10%) were twenty times more likely to have Internet access than those in the lowest income brackets: 80% of the rich and 5% of the poor had access to the Internet. If we analyze home ownership of computers, rich households were nine times more likely to own one. If we compare Americans with four years or more of university with those who have six years or less education, computer ownership figures are 69% versus 8% and the Internet access percentages are 49% versus 3%. Similar results were found in a survey in Australia. As of mid 2002, no comparable studies have been conducted in India, where telephone connectivity is extremely low (about 3%) and the installed base of computers and Internet connections even lower. But the overall pattern is clearly similar to that in America. As of early 2002, there were approximately six million computers in India, of which perhaps two-thirds were in businesses, schools, government offices, etc. -- leaving, at a high estimate, two million computers in households. In mid- 2002, there were probably about a million Internet connections in India, again most of them in institutional settings rather than individual households. A figure of 1,000, 000 Indian Internet-connected households (out of about 200,000,000 households) in 2002 would be on the high side. Assuming three computer and Internet users per household, we arrive at a figure of six million Indians who have computer access at home and perhaps three million who have Internet access. (This compares with well over 70% household computer saturation and 60 % household Internet connection in the U.S. in 2002.) In India, then, in mid-2002, with a billion population, less than 1 % has home access to computers, and at most 0.5% of the population has home access to the Internet. Who are the 'connected' in India? Obviously, as a group, they are a small, rich, successful and English-speaking minority. For all of its ancient cultural wealth, despite the persistence of old elites and the emergence of new elites, India remains one of the world's poorest societies. Details are known to all Indians and are available in any almanac: hundreds of millions go to bed hungry; more than 40% of the population are illiterate; tens of millions of children are not in school; as many as 50% of all Indian newborns are born below ideal birth weight; preventable diseases cause millions of deaths; and in many regions, corruption is widespread and stands in the way of well intentioned programs reaching their intended beneficiaries. Telephone connectivity in India is about 3% and will not rise much above that level unless the cost of connections (the so called 'last mile' cost) can be lowered. The obstacles are economic, as Ashok Jhunjhunwala notes in this volume: not much more than 3% of the Indian population can afford to pay the real costs of a new telephone line. This group is, by definition, the most affluent group in India, concentrated in the major cities where connections are most widely available. Despite the success of PCO/STD/ISD booths (manned pay phones) in cities and villages, and despite repeated government promises to provide telephone connections to all of India's 700,000 villages, many Indian villages remain without any. As a result, most rural Indians have never made a telephone call. In short, there can be no doubt of a massive digital divide in India based on income, related to education and urban residence, and correlated with economic, political and cultural power. A second digital divide, less often noted, is linguistic and cultural. In many nations this divide separates those who speak English or another West European language from those who do not. But even in the United States, where well over 95% of all inhabitants speak fluent English, there are large differences in access to ICTs among different ethnic and cultural groups. For example, in 1998, Asian American households (largely of South Asian or South Pacific Asian extraction) had 55% computer ownership, white Americans had 52%, while Americans of Hispanic origin had 25% and blacks 23% respectively. An even larger gap separated Asian Americans and whites from blacks and Hispanics with regard to Internet access. It might be argued that these differences in the U.S. are the simple corollary of the income disparities between Americans of European or Asian origin and Americans of African or Hispanic origin. This inference is only correct in part. For example among American households with annual incomes below $35,000 (below the median), in 1998, Internet access among white and Asian American families was more than three times greater than among black or Hispanic families. Similarly, among college students, 80% of white students but only 40% of black students had Internet access. I know of no study that examines the 'culture' of American Web sites; but few sites in the U.S. specifically address the interests, concerns or assumptions of African Americans or Hispanic Americans, while most take for granted the prevailing outlook of the dominant, English-speaking 'Anglo-Saxon' culture. These cultural disparities, dramatic in the US, are far more notable in India, where they are compounded by linguistic issues. An estimated 60-80% of all Web sites in the world are in English while almost all the rest are in one of the major 'Northern' languages like Japanese, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, and increasingly Chinese. But in India, like the rest of South Asia, only an estimated 2-10% of the population speaks fluent English while the rest (more than 900 million Indians and about 1.2 billion South Asians) speak other languages. For Indians who speak no (or little) English, the barriers to the Information Age are almost insuperable. All widely-used operating systems require some knowledge of English or one of the 'Northern' languages. Thus, in practice, unless Indians know English, which most Indians do not, no matter how wealthy, brilliant, educated, prosperous or motivated they may be, computer use and Internet access are effectively out of the question. The result is a self-confirming prophecy: since there is so little software in any language other than English, virtually everyone in South Asia who uses computers knows English. Therefore, software manufacturers can argue - not incorrectly - that 'there is no market' for Indian language software. Of course the 50 or so million Indians who speak fluent English by no means constitute a representative sample of the Indian population: they again tend to be prosperous, urban, highly educated, concentrated in technical fields. They are, in a word, members of the Indian elite, where English is the lingua franca. For the great majority of Indians, however, computers are linguistically inaccessible and therefore useless. As Professor Vijay Chandru of the Indian Institute of Science commented, half seriously, at the 1998 conference BangaloreIT.com, 'The reason Indians don't have computers is because they are so smart. What can the average Indian do with a computer?' To linguistic inaccessibility in India is added the absence of culturally relevant content. The number of Web sites in 2000 in India is small in any case, but the number of sites in Indian languages is miniscule. To be sure, a few gifted programmers are attempting to change this, and sites are beginning to appear in languages with vast populations of mother tongue speakers like Hindi, Bengali or Tamil. But to all intents and purposes, the many, ancient, rich, and sophisticated cultures that make up India remain almost invisible on the Web. And absent good, low-cost Indian language software, the technical challenges of producing a Website in Telegu, Tamil or Hindi guarantee that these cultures will remain almost invisible. What is remarkable is that a handful of dedicated Indian programmers have actually begun to overcome these challenges. In short, related to the digital divide that springs from wealth and power is a second divide related to the dominance of the English language and of what is loosely called 'Anglo-Saxon culture.' Most Web sites in the world originate in the United States, in predominantly English-speaking nations like Great Britain, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, or in the English-speaking populations of nations and city-states like India, South Africa, Singapore, and Hong Kong. A few writers have spoken of "American cultural imperialism" on the Internet; a less tendentious phrase would be "Anglo-Saxon linguistic and cultural hegemony." The third digital divide follows inevitably from the first two -- it is the growing digital gap between the rich and the poor nations. The 1999 United Nations Report on Human Development devotes much of a chapter to the widening gap between the information-rich nations of the North and the information-poor nations of the South. At one extreme are the United States and the 'Nordic' countries like Sweden, Germany, Finland, and Iceland, where household telephone connectivity is well over 90%, computer saturation is over 50%, and home-based Internet connectivity averages over 50%. At the other extreme lies most of Africa, most of South America, South Asia, China, Indonesia, and so on -- the 80% of the world where telephone connectivity is 3% or less (less than 30 million/1 billion in India), home computer ownership is 1 - 2% and Internet connectivity less than half of that. The reason why the digital divide between nations is increasing seems clear. If widespread access to ICTs gives a nation an advantage, and lack of access leaves it at a disadvantage, then the maxim, "To those who have shall be given" applies with special force to the international digital divide. The international disparity in access to ICTs is of course an aspect of - indeed a reflection of - other disparities between rich and poor nations. But insofar as ICTs are themselves enabling, facilitating, and wealth-creating, the international divide in information technology widens the already great gulf between North and South. To these three digital divides we can add, in countries like India and America, yet a fourth: the emergence of a new elite group, which can be called the "digerati." By "digerati" I mean the beneficiaries of the enormous successful information technology industry and the other knowledge-based sectors of the economy such as biotechnology and pharmacology. Time and again in India, for example, brilliant graduates of Indian Institutes of Technology or major engineering colleges and universities who chose to concentrate in the natural sciences, mechanical engineering or chemical engineering comment that their equally gifted classmates who entered computer science or biotechnology are now earning many times their incomes and living in an altogether different way. Unlike older Indian elites, the privileges of the new digerati are based not on caste, inherited wealth, family connections or access to traditional rulers, but on a combination of education, brainpower, special entrepreneurial skills and ability to stay on the "cutting edge" of knowledge. The lifestyle of the digerati tends to be cosmopolitan: they provide the clientele for the boutiques, the coffeehouses, the travel agencies, the pubs, and the international airways that whisk them to vacations or assignments in Singapore, London, Zurich, Mauritius, San Jose or Kathmandhu. On the outskirts of Chennai, Poona, Bangalore, Mumbai, Delhi, and Hyderabad luxury apartments are rising to house this new group. Although initially concentrated in information technology, this new digerati are also found, to varying degrees, in the biotech, pharmaceutical and other high-tech areas. In India, their salaries are still relatively low by Western standards, but, with annual salary growth rates of over 20% for the last five or ten years, far above those of their otherwise equally educated classmates in India. In America a similar phenomenon is visible in areas like Silicon Valley, Austin TX, the Research Triangle of North Carolina, and a dozen other "high-tech" areas. Before the market correction of "Dot-com" stocks in 2000, it was said that in Silicon Valley, 64 people became millionaires every day. The world of high-level programmers, systems analysts, entrepreneurs, and venture capitalists has a culture, a life style, and a level of affluence that distinguishes itself from older American elites. Annalee Saxenian's paper in this volume suggests that a similar culture may be emerging with a distinctive Indian flavor in cities like Bangalore. The emerging digerati are to be found not only in nations like India and the U.S., but in Israel, Ireland, Taiwan, and other countries or city states with vibrant information industries. Of the prosperity of this elite there can be no doubt; similarly, there is little doubt that given worldwide labor shortages in the information technology industry, this prosperity will continue and increase. The critical question about the fourth digital divide, however, is whether the prosperity of this new digital elite spreads to the rest of society, especially to urban poor and to rural villagers, or whether it creates an increasingly separate, cosmopolitan, knowledge-based enclave. In India, in the immediate surround of the IT industry in cities like Bangalore, there are of course visible ancillary benefits to workers in supporting industries: to the builders of the new apartment buildings, the employees of the boutiques, coffee houses, and shops, the owners of the travel agencies the digerati patronize, and the drivers and servants whom they employ. But it is a long way from these IT-related enterprises to life in rural villages less than 100 km. away. Similarly, whether the newly-minted millionaires of Silicon Valley of the American IT industry will improve the conditions of life of the laborers who actually make the computer chips on which the millionaires' prosperity is partly based is a moot question. In neither country has a systematic effort been made to share the wealth generated by the digital revolution. The point is that "the digital divide" is really at least four divides, all closely related. The first is internal, between the digitally empowered rich and the poor. This gap exists in both the North as well as the South, although the baselines differ. The second linguistic-cultural gap is largely between English and other languages, or more generally, between "Anglo-Saxon culture" and other world cultures. The third is the gap exacerbated by disparities in access to information technology between rich and poor nations. Finally, there is the emergent intra-national phenomenon of the "digerati", an affluent elite characterized by skills appropriate to information-based industries and technologies, by growing affluence and influence unrelated to the traditional sources of elite status, and by obsessive focus, especially among young people, on cutting edge technologies, disregard for convention and authority, and indifference to the values of traditional hierarchies. Can ICTs Help Bridge the Digital Divide? Several years ago, when I mentioned to the great scholar of India, the late Myron Weiner, my interest in information technology in India, he asked whether I meant the use of computers in Indian schools. I allowed that this was indeed an interest. He burst out, "Are you insane? Don't you realize that there are 60 million Indian children who are not in school at all? For the cost of a computer, you can have a school." Weiner's response underlines the most important question for India, for America, and for the world about information and communication technologies and the digital divide. When hundreds of millions of people lack basic education, essential health care, adequate nutrition, or simple justice, how can investment in ICTs be justified? When resources are limited (as in fact they always are) should they not be allocated to meeting more "fundamental" needs like nutrition, health care, education, and the effort to provide a non-corrupt system of governance and law? This question is well stated in the introduction to the "Workshop on Information and Communication Technology for Rural Development in India," led by Professor Subhash Bhatnagar and held at the Indian Institute of Management-Ahmedabad in March 1999: The value of IT for rural development is accompanied by this dilemma for decision makers and multilateral funding agencies: should the very limited resources for rural development be applied to developing IT capacities, or are they best used for other high priorities such as schools, hospitals, and dispensaries? Truly, there is a grave concern about possible wasted, poorly utilized, or otherwise unspent resources in IT applications. In developed countries like the United States as in developing countries like India, there are huge reservoirs of unmet basic human needs. In America, tens of millions lack basic health insurance and almost 20% of all children live in officially defined "poverty"; in India, hundreds of millions go to bed hungry every night. In every nation, energy and resources committed to the deployment of ICTs among the poor and/or non-English speaking might alternately (and perhaps more constructively) be used for food, health, housing, literacy, and other more critical needs. Admittedly, in the first years of the twenty-first century, ICTs have become glamorous, interesting, and fashionable. The "digital divide" is the subject of almost daily reports and conferences by international agencies, national and local governments, NGO's, and private foundations. But since when have desperately poor people had an urgent 'need' for a computer or an Internet connection? How can we reconcile major commitments of energy and funds to ICTs when more basic human needs remain unfulfilled? The conventional, even formulaic, answer to the alleged conflict between investment in ICTs and investment in meeting basic human needs is, "We need to do both. There is no contradiction between ICTs and other critical human and social goals." But this formula, however frequently invoked, needs to be examined critically. A beginning is to rephrase the question. Many discussions appear to assume that extending ICTs to larger segments of the population is good in itself. They speak of "digital empowerment", of a "computer savvy" generation, or of a "Web-enabled" society. But further questioning almost always reveals that ICTs are invariably seen as instrumental in meeting other human needs: needs for food and a job, business needs, medical needs, needs for export earnings, needs for useful information, needs for transparency of government, and so on. A beginning of wisdom thus requires recognizing that ICTs are rarely goods in themselves but rather instruments in the pursuit of other goals. People have lived well, wisely, healthily, hopefully, happily, and generously for millennia without ICTs; they still do. If ICTs are useful at all, it is as a potential instrument in meeting other human, social, cultural, economic or political purposes. If the problem is thus re-defined, the question, 'How can ICTs being extended to larger segments of the population?' is transformed into, 'How, if at all, can ICTs be used to ensure the fulfillment of essential human needs and to further basic human rights?' In this formulation, the qualifier 'if at all' is essential. It allows the possibility, for example, that the answer to Professor Weiner's and Professor Bhatnagar's question may be that available resources should better be used to build schools and hire teachers rather than supply a limited number of urban or rural schools with computers and Internet connections. Or, to be more precise, it suggests that ICTs should be deployed in education if and only if they are the most effective way of extending quality education to larger segments of children and adults. Lessons from India The Workshop on "Equity, Diversity, and Information Technology", held at the National Institute of Advanced Studies at the Indian Institute of Science in Bangalore, was an effort to address the several digital divides. Bringing together thirty activists, professionals, and scholars, largely from India, the two-day meeting was preceded by the distribution of almost one thousand pages of materials on the digital divide and Indian ICT projects, and by papers or outlines by the participants. No attempt was made to reach an explicit consensus or to produce a manifesto: the papers collected in this volume reflect the range of perspectives and views represented at the meeting. But from the preparations for the Workshop, from two days of intensive presentations, debate, and discussion, and from correspondence following the Workshop, a number of lessons can be drawn. Taken together, they reflect what I take to be an unstated consensus among the participants as to the ways in which ICT's might be used to increase equity and promote diversity. (Obviously, others would state these points differently; while still others might disagree with them.) Information technologies should be introduced when (and only when) they constitute the most effective available way of meeting basic human needs and fulfilling fundamental human rights. ICT's can have a positive role in development. But ICT's are neither a panacea nor necessarily the first line of attack in combating poverty, misery, and injustice. The utility of ICT's must always be judged against the role they can play in meeting core human needs. Implicit in this principle is a critique of the frequent assumption -- whether by international agencies, national governments, or non-governmental organizations - that the most creative use of ICT's is to "put a computer in every village", "wire urban slums", or "introduce computer-based education." Commenting on the claim that the introduction of the Internet had enabled villagers who lived 30 miles from the port where their produce was traded to learn about the latest prices at that port and thus to bargain more effectively, one of the participants in the Workshop queried, "What was wrong with a bicycle?" In other words, introducing complex, expensive ICT equipment and infrastructure solely to achieve a result that could be obtained in a four-hour bicycle ride merely reflects the irrational bias that ICT's possess some magic not otherwise available. 2. The most creative uses of ICT's in development may not entail computers, e-mail, or Internet access, but rather the use of other computer-based technologies, including embedded chips, satellite based information, etc. in order better to meet local needs. Modern information technologies should not be simply equated with text manipulation, Web page construction, sending e-mail, e-commerce, or surfing the Net. Increasingly, ICTs have a variety of other uses and embodiments. Several examples illustrate the point. India is the world's largest producer of milk and dairy products. The cooperative movement of dairy producers in Gujurat is well organized and effective. Traditionally, individual milk producers brought their milk to a central collection point where payment was based on volume and butterfat content. Volume was easily ascertained, but assessing butterfat content was a complex process, opaque to the producer and requiring lengthy delays before payment. Complaints and charges of fraudulent assessment were frequent. The solution involved the use of partially automated equipment. Initially, expensive imported, totally automated butterfat assessment machinery was introduced into collection centers. The equipment, of European manufacture, functioned poorly in Indian conditions. A second round involved local design of computer-based assessing equipment less sophisticated, less expensive, partially automated and requiring some human intervention, which nonetheless produced accurate butterfat readings in a few minutes. This computer-based equipment produces a final output that automatically combines the volume of milk with butterfat content to yield a payment chit immediately cashable by the farmer. The new process was transparent; delays and complaints diminished; satisfaction increased. Another example of creative use of sophisticated ICTs involves fishermen on the Andhra Pradesh coast of the Bay of Bengal and the Kerala coast of the Arabian Sea. In both areas, scientists associated with the Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) download from satellites information on ocean temperatures. Ocean temperatures help predict where fish will be most likely found offshore. ISRO scientists translate the digital satellite information into maps of the offshore fishing areas, which are transmitted by telephone or fax to the coastal regions, in turn increasing the probability that fishing expeditions will produce profitable results. Here, sophisticated satellite technologies are placed in the service of local fishermen to improve their livelihood Other examples were discussed in the workshop: for example, the "Honeybee" project in Gujurat, with its original concept of 'knowledge rich, economically poor' rural people and its use of Internet to disseminate local knowledge and enable local communities to profit from this dissemination. Another prime example was the use of cell phones, both in Gujurat and in the much-publicized Grameen Bank cell phone work in Bangladesh. In all of these cases, ICT's were used to promote otheractivities -- to speed payment, provide information about fishing, disseminate local technologies and reward their inventors, connect rural villagers to the world and, in Bangladesh, improve the status of local women. Moreover, technologies were chosen not because of their sophistication or cutting edge quality, but because of their practical utility in meeting the needs of local people. 3. ICT projects must build on an assessment of local needs, as locally defined by local people. There is a frequent tendency of well-wishing government officials, officers of international aid agencies, and workers in NGOs to assume that they know what is needed at the grassroots. Given the widespread enthusiasm for computers, Internet, Web, e-commerce, etc., the promise is often made to place "a computer in every village", scatter "info kiosks" throughout the state or nation, or establish "universal computer-based education." Often, however, these projects are not based on any real assessment of local needs. Furthermore, they assume a uniformity of needs in distinct localities with different populations, economic bases, cultures, social organization, and levels of need. Finally, they take for granted that providing computers and/or Web connections will (without additional efforts) provide increased social justice, enable local peoples to sell their products in the world market, feed the hungry, meet unmet medical needs, and so on. The projects of the Swaminathan Foundation, reported in this volume, illustrate a commendable responsiveness to local needs. Before introducing new technologies of communication and information in Pondicherry, Dr. Balaji and his co-workers spent countless hours ascertaining whether there were in fact kinds of information the villagers needed. They found, for example that women wanted information about childcare, health, child rearing, education, and reproductive control; men were interested in information on crops, prices, and economic life. Armed with this knowledge, the Swaminathan group was able to craft Internet uses that were responsive to the questions asked by the villagers. Nor did they assume that sophisticated Web sites or even ICTs were invariably the best way to provide needed information. For example, information about reproductive control was better provided to women in small group discussions with nurses than by clicking on a Web site. Similarly, the transparency of government discussed by Dr. Chandrashekar in Andhra Pradesh, like the positive role envisioned for ICTs in governance in Uttar Pradesh by Dr. Kaushik, start from the wish of rural Indians to understand their basic rights, privileges, and opportunities. The massive scheme at one time proposed by World Tel, Reliance and the government of the state of Tamil Nadu planned constructing not only a state-wide infrastructure of fiber optic cable but -- more important --libraries of local content in the Tamil language that build on the work of the Swaminathan Foundation, addressing such issues as crops, pests, literacy, and health needs. Access to information is defined as an instrument to increase economic prosperity and to improve health. 4. Local language and local content are essential. The interventions discussed above underline another point often neglected in schemes that propose "wiring the masses" -- namely, the critical importance of local language and local content. When Dr. Chandru commented that Indians are too smart to waste money on computers, he was referring in part to the lack of local language software and local culture content. Absent the kind of content that could be created in Telugu, Hindi, Marathi or Tamil, even villagers wired with broadband connections to the Internet will find virtually the entire content of the Internet incomprehensible or (if comprehensible) irrelevant. Patrick Hall sees India as a major potential contributor to worldwide needs for software localization. The dream that people in the bottom economic half of any society today could eventually learn from the web and communicate with friends, family, and intimates using e-mail is illusory unless they are literate, unless accessible software is available in the languages they speak, or unless a means is devised for the illiterate to use e-mail in their own languages. The papers by Harsh Kumar and Dr. Sanyal in this volume describe ongoing efforts to provide precisely the kind of affordable local language software essential if computers and computer-based communication is to be effective. Elsewhere, I have written about some of the factors that stand in the way of developing accessible local language software for the almost 25% of the world's population that lives in South Asia. The year 2000 survey of the market for local language software, jointly sponsored by the Manufacturer's Association of Information Technology and the Indian Institute of Information Technology-Bangalore, highlights both the potentials of local language software and the many obstacles that stand in the way of its widespread development and use. Even less often discussed than local language software is the fact that if ICT's are to be effective instruments in development, local language software is only a means to the end of creating local content. To be sure, a gifted Indian elite speaks impeccable English and provides the highly skilled professionals on which the thriving Indian information technology industry depends. But the remaining 95% of the population of South Asia, if they are ever to benefit from, let us say, e-commerce and the Internet, require not only content in their own languages, but content premised on the assumptions and achievements of their cultures, at best deepening and broadening exposure to their cultures' present and past wealth. As Mohan Tambe and his group in Bangalore showed in developing local content for cable-TV-based Internet, it is imminently possible for India's engineers, writers, musicians, artisans, and designers to create lively sites in local languages, reflecting local culture. Such work needs to be multiplied in every state and nation of South Asia, and in all other cultures where the prevailing "Anglo-Saxon" cast of the Web may be alien, incomprehensible, or even perceived as threatening. 5. Projects must be (or soon become) economically self-sustaining. Another conclusion emerges from projects like the milk producer's project in Gujurat or the cell phone project in that same state and Bangladesh. Too many projects -- in both the United States and India -- have failed because they lack a self-sustaining economic base. Such projects often succeed brilliantly as long as government or private funding is available to finance outlays on an experimental basis. But if they lack economic roots in their user communities, once initial enthusiasm and funding disappears, the project disappears as well -- often without a trace. Illustrative here is a project funded several years ago by Apple Computers in Rajastan involving the computerization of record keeping by local health care workers. A year's devoted effort on the part of three computer experts went into adapting the (now defunct) Newton hand-held computer to the record-keeping requirements of Rajastani health survey takers. A thoughtful report describes the obstacles and successes of the project, after which the three computer experts left. After its initial year of funding the project disappeared, to be taken up again only in 2002, by CMC in Andhra Pradesh. Many American projects appear to have suffered, or to be bound to suffer, a similar fate. For example, several years ago a front-page report appeared in The New York Times about the 'success' of a project using computers to assist the education of children of migrant crop harvesters in the United States. It was illustrated with a photograph of a happy young woman, apparently of Latin American origin, seated smiling at her computer. Only at the end of this positive account was it noted that critics questioned the per capita cost of the project, which was USD $7,000 per pupil. Unstated was the fact that for about the same per pupil cost, one full-time teacher could be provided for every seven students. Once the initial support for this project disappears, its survival seems in doubt. A similar fate may have befallen efforts reported informally by a high official in the Department of Education in Delhi. In the late 1980's, he said, his department experimented actively with the use of computers in Indian schools. Asked what had happened to this intriguing work, he said that the results had been turned over to NGOs. Asked whether there were any internal reports, he said probably there were, but they were official documents and not publicly available. Asked which NGOs had continued the work, he did not know. Several experiments, however, suggest that some grassroots projects can indeed sustain themselves financially. The Grameen Bank work with cell phones in Bangladesh, like the parallel work reported by Rekha Jain in Gujurat, indicates that cell phones may be an economically viable form of communication for some users in rural areas. As Jain points out, prosperous Indian villagers are willing to pay additional modest sums for the convenience of communication access through cell phones. Initial reports of the Grameen Bank cell phone works in Bangladesh reach a similar conclusion, although researchers have suggested that the financial sustainability of the Bangladeshi project is dependent on the particular telecom regulatory structure of that nation, and thus not be universally generalizable. None of the participants in the workshop objected to projects with high initial costs, to experimental projects, or to projects with a subsidized developmental phase. No one insisted that ICT projects must break even or be profitable at the very beginning. On the contrary, especially when so little is known about how to use ICT's effectively, start-up funds, subsidies, and experimentation paid for by governments, NGOs, or private foundations are probably essential. The real lesson is different: a critical part of all ICT projects must be planning for long-range economic sustainability (or long range financial support) - once the experimental phase of the project is over. 6.Beware of inflated rhetoric and grandiose plans: look for results. Another lesson emerged from these papers and from the discussion that surrounded them. With regard to ICTs and development, the ratio of rhetoric to achievement is still, in the year 2002, dangerously high. As the "digital divide" became fashionable as an object of concern, dozens of agencies rushed to fill the gap by proposing programs of intervention. Meetings and conferences on the topic abounded; persons as distinguished as Kofi Annan and the President of France deplored the digital divide and urged steps to bridge it; groups as different as the World Bank and Oxfam, foreign aid agencies in the developed countries and agencies for development within the developing countries, state governments throughout India - all announced projects to bring ICTs to the impoverished sectors of the world's population. These proposals are obviously to the good. But the experience of the last decade suggests that only a few of the projects elegantly outlined, carefully conceptualized, and disseminated in glossy booklets have so far made much difference on the ground. Like promises to achieve "total literacy within five years" or to "wire every village" -- promises repeated with each Five-Year Plan -- many projects by international agencies, government agencies, and international or national NGOs so far have more reality in the realm of bureaucratic documentation than in the lives of their intended beneficiaries. The Clinton Administration, for example, boasts that tax credits and direct benefits of USD $2.6 billion have been aimed at closing the "digital divide". New efforts to 'computerize every school' or to close the 'ethnic gap' (e.g., between blacks and whites) are constantly publicized. These projects have benefits, many in the intended direction. But despite rhetoric and funding, the digital gap in the United States between rich and poor, black and white, remains. The obvious danger, then, is the creation of a national, international and/or private bureaucracy of high-minded "digital divide" planners, most of whose energies and funds go to attending international conferences or designing projects. The critical observer must learn to distinguish between promises on the one hand and on-the-ground achievements on the other. Unfortunately, the former threaten to be more numerous than the latter. 7.Do not simply assume that a flourishing IT sector will trickle down to the rest of the people. The connection between a flourishing IT industry and bridging the digital divide is complex and problematic. As Annalee Saxenian notes, the successful software business in India, centered in cities like Bangalore, Chennai, Hyderabad, and Mumbai has brought prosperity to some of the residents of those cities, added to India's export earnings and increased the traffic of gifted Indians between India and the U.S. A McKinsey report on the potential of software in India suggested that the total size of the industry could reach 20 billion USD per year in the year 2008 if certain preconditions were met. As India's most rapidly growing industry, with annual growth rates of over 50% sustained over almost ten years, the IT industry is clearly a boon to India's balance of payments and to the many talented engineers, entrepreneurs, and ancillary professionals employed by that industry. The rise of the "digerati" is one result. So is the growing prosperity of those who immediately serve this group.< But the boom in Bangalore is related only in very complex and indirect ways, if at all, to the conditions of life of the average Indian. For example, a recent economic survey of the state of Karnataka, whose capital is Bangalore, found Karnataka as a whole still among the poorer of Indian states, with an annual growth rate apparently untouched so far by the success of the Bangalore IT industry. Similarly, the flourishing of Silicon Valley (and a dozen other sites of concentrated electronic development) does little, at least in a direct way, to diminish income inequalities in the United States or to provide medical care for those currently uncovered by insurance. Yet in popular discussions, concern over the "digital divide" often turns quickly toward proposals for increasing the growth of the IT business, or toward providing new opportunities for education in programming for young Indians and Americans. The unstated assumption is that the software export earnings of India translate into improved conditions for the average Indian; that successful IPOs in Austin Texas improve the lot of the poor in the United States; that there is a transfer of prosperity from the buzz of Bangalore to the itinerate laborer in Bihari; that the wealth of the entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley benefits the migrant workers who harvest lettuce a few miles away. In fact, however, the opposite could be true. The experience of developing nations like Brazil suggests that without active steps to prevent a widening gap between the rich and poor, rapid development of technology sectors may increase that gap. Training software engineers and programmers is of course desirable, and is done well in India by the IITs, by many engineering colleges, and on a massive scale by firms like NIIT and Aptech. But it bears no necessary relationship to bridging the digital divide within India. The only certain fact is that such steps increase the numbers of individuals on the top of the divide, growing the ranks of the digerati but without necessarily affecting the mass of the population. In general, the relation of increasing prosperity for the affluent sectors of society to the economic conditions of the less privileged sectors is complex, over-determined, and varies from nation to nation. In the United States, more than twenty years of national economic policies based on the "trickle down theory" ("the rising tide raises all ships") were accompanied, until very recently, by stagnant or declining real wages for those in the bottom economic quarter of the population and by rapidly rising incomes for those in the top: the income gap widened for almost a quarter of a decade. Perhaps a more plausible theory than "trickle down" might be "pour down": namely, that rising prosperity for privileged groups can benefit the disadvantaged if -- and only if -- public and private policy effectively redistributes at least some of the growing wealth of the already wealthy. Here, the efforts of Timothy Gonsalves in Ooty provide an Indian example of a successful effort to move the prosperity associated with the software capitals of India to a small town in a more remote region. 8.Be sure that ICT programs actually really reach and benefit their intended beneficiaries. A central problem for many projects is actually reaching their intended beneficiaries. Like all the others, this problem is transnational. Senator Daniel Moynihan, for a time a cabinet member in the administration of U.S. President Richard Nixon, once described the American "War on Poverty" of the 1960's as a "welfare scheme for the professional classes". His point was that the poor benefited relatively little but their "helpers" -- middle-class professionals, academics, professional members of NGOs, social workers, and so on -- benefited greatly. Dr. Kauskik's observations in this volume of the failure of efforts to democratize the panchayats in northern India points to a parallel process in a very different context. The work of P. Sainath and others documents how often well intentioned efforts to help the needy in India are appropriated by those who already possess the most power, privilege and influence: e.g., funds appropriated to build new roads for the poorest members of society end up being used to improve the roads that serve the upper castes. The failures of well-intentioned programs are at times, of course, the result of deliberate and criminal diversions of funds and projects away from their intended beneficiaries. But at other times, as in the case of the American "War on Poverty", the ground plan of the project itself ends up allocating maximum resources to intermediaries and few to the most needy. A similar case in India is irrigation projects involving water that can be accessed only by large land owners with extensive holding in flat lands, but that offer no benefits to poorer farmers occupying less fertile ground on higher terrains. The cited MAIT report on the market for Indian local language software notes dust-covered computers sitting unused in district offices, even though equipped with local language software. The reason for their disuse is not criminal corruption, but the fact that possession of a computer is in many district offices seen not as a utility but as a mark of prestige. And in any event, typing one's own mail on a computer is commonly taken as a token of low status. Such projects obviously failed to provide local district officers with the technical education necessary to enable and persuade them to use computers to decrease their work-load and improve the quality of their work. In short, it is not enough simply to ensure that a village has electricity and telephone connections, or a computer for the use of the poor. Equally important are efforts to empower the poor so they can in fact utilize the computer to improve their lives. The effectiveness of projects involving ICTs to bridge the digital divide is inseparable from parallel efforts to increase justice, legality, transparency, and equity. 9.ICT for development efforts need to share experiences within and between nations, especially about actual successes and failures at the grass roots level. The Working Group found little communication between ICT projects, both within India and in other nations, which have similar goals. With a few notable exceptions (like Noronha et al's "Bytesforall" newsletter and Web site), ICT projects in South Asia involving efforts to reach larger numbers of disempowered citizens are uncoordinated and, in many cases, unknown to each other. Parallel projects in other regions, e.g., East Africa, Latin America, and South Pacific Asia, go mostly unnoted. In the absence of a central clearing house, wisdom gained by successful projects passes unnoticed, lessons learned from unsuccessful projects are not disseminated, and projects that could be coordinated remain isolated. Moreover, evaluations of ongoing projects (when they exist) remain hidden away in inaccessible journals or Web sites where they are of no use to others. As a result, the wheel must be constantly reinvented. Admittedly, setting up a clearinghouse or network of inter-communicating projects is less dramatic than going to the field and using electronic technologies to help people meet vital human needs. But given the prevailing absence of successful models, and given the great difficulty in devising projects in which ICTs demonstrably enhance the quality of life for ordinary people, establishing networks of communication and evaluation among ICT projects with parallel goals should be among the highest priorities. 10.The voices and interests of the disadvantaged need to be represented in bodies that make ICT policy concerning regulation and infrastructure. Another key conclusion was the almost complete absence of the voices of the digitally unempowered in the councils of state defining IT infrastructure regulatory and policy. In the United States, for example, Mitch Kapoor resigned in protest from an American government advisory committee that was nominally intended to increase access to ICTs through community centers, on the grounds that the covert agenda of this group was protecting the copyright privileges of Hollywood. In India, too, the voice of the poor, of the non-English-speaking, of tribals, backward and scheduled castes is almost completely absent from the task forces and advisory groups convened by the Government of India and by the governments of the Indian states. Major software producers, assemblers, designers, manufacturers, and producers of content, together with government officials and civil servants, are the loudest voices heard in circles where policy is defined. Yet, as Ashok Jhunjhunwala has pointed out, infrastructural decisions -- be they about legal requirements, rates, standardization of codes, organization and financing of media, or the creation and location of basic hardware backbones -- importantly determine whether or not the less advantaged sectors of the population are served. To cite one example, decision makers in national capitals may decide to mandate the use of proprietary codes imported from overseas for wireless communication. If these codes are closely held or very expensive, the promise of local wireless communication engineered by indigenous engineers will remain unfulfilled. Either the mandated code is unavailable or, if it is available, using it requires paying exorbitant licensing fees. Another example mentioned in the Working Group is making available for communication purposes existing unused copper cables, which link thousands of villages and are owned by Indian Railways, for purposes of telephone and Internet connection. Doing so could extend the availability of ICTs to millions of Indians at low cost. But the decision to allow access to these copper lines is a political and economic decision which can only be made at the Centre, not by local communities. A third example of the importance of regulatory decisions in determining access to modern ICT's was discussed at the Workshop by Ashok Jhunjhunwala. He noted that at that time the policy of the Indian Government was to license Internet Service Providers if they agreed to provide services to an entire state. But recalling the success of local satellite television cable providers who serve limited areas, usually within walking distance of their satellite dishes, Jhunjhunwala imagined locally-based ISP providers funded by local capital, serving small numbers (100 - 500) of users and providing personal services and bill collection. This model, however, would be made impossible by government regulations that require the massive capital investments necessary to cover an entire state. Changing these regulations could open the ISP market to tens of thousands of energetic young entrepreneurs in Indian small towns and cities. The close connection between regulatory decisions and increasing access to low-income users is rarely noticed by policy makers. Eager to promote the IT industry, influenced by the major trade associations of software, hardware, and content providers, often dependent on large government bureaucracies, policy making committees (like parliamentary committees and government ministries) rarely consider how regulatory decisions will affect the poor, the disempowered, and minority groups. Giving voice to the digitally disempowered in the high councils of state that make ICT policy is no easy task, partly because of the power of the groups currently involved in decision making and because of the understandable governmental interest in promoting the IT industry. Required is technical and regulatory expertise along with understanding of how regulatory and infrastructural decisions affect the poor, together with a commitment to the interests of the currently unserved. The difficulty is further compounded because the recommendations of such groups (like the policies that result) are typically presented as "technical" matters which only lawyers, economists, government officials, electrical engineers, and/or computer scientists are competent to discuss. Challenging that view, recognizing the social, human, cultural and political implications of apparently "technical" decisions, and devising means whereby the interests of the currently unheard can be represented in the high councils of 'technological' decision making is a critical task -- perhaps the most critical task -- if the digital divide is to be bridged. Without this, the IT industry may flourish, but the gap between its beneficiaries and the rest of the people will remain. Conclusion Despite the cautions identified by the members of the Workshop, the tenor of the meeting was optimistic. Despite failures, overblown rhetoric and projects that succeeded only to vanish, many reports from South Asia were reports of success and commitment to the needs of the underserved. Despite evidence of the widening of digital divides, projects in India give promise that ICT's can be used to help close these fissures. As Jairam Ramesh pointed out, ICT's in India have revolutionized two major sectors of Indian life, the railway reservation system and the public banking system. That experience provides hope for other applications of ICTs in Indian life. Despite doubts about the impact of the immensely successful Indian information technology industry on average Indians, experiences like those of Dr. Gonsalves in Ooty show that, with a will, its successes can benefit not only the metropolitan digerati but the inhabitants of a remote hill station. And in the end, despite the many differences between the United States and India, most of the problems in South Asia were revealed to be American problems as well, while the experiments and solutions of South Asia provide lessons for America and the rest of the world. The central consensus of the Working Group should by now be so obvious that it need not be repeated at length. With the new and fashionable attention to the "digital divide", the embeddedness of digital inequities in other inequities, of digital injustice in other injustices, of information deprivation in other deprivations constantly needs to be recalled. "Information poverty" is rarely the cause of human suffering. Rather it is the consequence of other forms of poverty, social inequalities, inadequacy of resources, illiteracy, corruption, injustice, poor health, and lack of basic public services. Information technologies have a potential for assisting people of whatever rank and place in society, in whatever society of the world, in meeting their basic human needs. It is illusory, however, to believe that information technologies, properly applied, could somehow eliminate all the many injustices with which the world abounds. Information and communication technologies, then, are to be understood as potential instruments for addressing the unmet needs of the six billion men, women, and children of the world. At present, the digital divide exacerbates existing inequities. But as the distinguished computer scientist, the late Michael Dertouzos once noted, after describing the failure of an overly optimistic effort to improve the lives of Nepalis by using digital technologies, ICTs can be of use in reducing the digital divide if only we commit to that goal the same intelligence and imagination that has gone into creating the technologies themselves. Participants Dr. V. Balaji Dr. A.K. Chakravarti Mr. R. Chandrasekhar Dr. Adite Chatterjee Prof. U.B. Desai Mr. Timothy A. Gonsalves Prof. Pat Hall Mr. Venkatesh Hariharan Prof. Rekha S. Jain Dr. Ashok Jhunjhunwala Dr. P.D. Kaushik Prof. Kenneth Keniston Mr. Deepak Kumar Mr. Harsh Kumar Prof. Roddam Narasimha Prof. Narasimhan Mr. Sharada Ramanathan R. Ramanujam Mr. Jairam Ramesh Dr. N. Ravi Prof. S. Sadogopan Dr. Rajeev Sangal Prof. AnnaLee Saxenian Auditors & Recorders Prof. Anupam Basu Dr. Sumantra Chattarji Ms. Celia W. Dugger Mr. Vijay Kumar Dr. Deepa Krishnan Mr. Madhavan Nambiar Mr. Milind Pirolkar Mr. R. Sivakumar Dr. Smita Swarup Mr. Kaushik Sundarrajam Dr. Francis B. Ward For inclusion at the end of the volume Bibliography Barber, Benjamin R. 1995. Jihad Vs. McWorld. New York: Times Books. Bedi, Kirna, Parminder Jeet Singh and Sandeep Srivastava. 2001. Government@net : New Governance Opportunities for India . Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Bhatnagar, Subash and Robert Schware. Eds. 2000. 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New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer. To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to  upgrade your browser . Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. We're Hiring! Help Center Digital Divide in India: Measurement, Determinants and Policy for Addressing the Challenges in Bridging the Digital Divide Central Asia Related Papers MUSTAFA MAJID Abstract Present era is the era of globalization due to which the distances between the people has been reduced by turning the whole world into the global village. In the present globalised world technology is one the major force and most potent instrument of social change and social progress. Technology plays an important role in producing new ideas and removing barriers between the people. In the recent decade, the notion of ‘digital divide’ has been comprehensively and widely researched and has attracted large spectrum of public speculation for its economic, social and political consequences. Studies have revealed that the gap existing between those who have access to ICTs and those who do not have access creates exclusion, threatening social integration and hamper economic growth. This article discusses initiatives taken by government of India towards the access to digital information and the critical role played by numerous nationwide programs in bridging the digital divide. The article also focuses on some of the key impediments and barriers to digitization and the need for strong determination, good policy–making and political support in bridging the digital divide in the country. RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary Krishna Prasad Rao "Digital empowerment" perhaps a phrase which is highly used in the national agenda since the declaration of digital India movement, because the internet is the best change management tool and facilitates transparency, accountability, responsibility, equality, and many more. It will produce a world where the low-powered and also the powerful relish equal opportunities to be online and equal possibilities to access information. Deficiency in "digital empowerment" is known as the digital divide. It is natural those who have ingress with the internet or digital sources are superior to those don"t have. The Republic of India is one in all the countries where the digital divide is incredibly evident. The researcher conducted analysis studies on the premise of secondary sources of information by keeping in sight of the provisions of objectives and practicability. This paper is an attempt to study the concept, measurement, dimensions, and determinants of digital divide, and this paper also analyzed the current cachets of digital divide in India thoroughly through the prism of Teledensity divide, mobile divide and, internet divide. In a nutshell, the disparity of haves and haves-not"s of digital technology intimidate to provoke the cracks between the wealthy and poor, urban and rural. Though India has created encouraging efforts to bridge the gap by initiating a variety of projects and programs for rural and remote locations, loads a lot of needs to be done to bring the people into the knowledge society. All that's needed is robust determination among individuals, smart policymakers and political support to bridge the digital divide. TAPASHI DASGUPTA Change is the only constant and so with changes in time, world changes. What was latest yesterday becomes outdated today and in today"s world technology is changing at such a fast pace that if one is not well equipped and informed then the possibilities of missing many important opportunities in life is inevitable. Though change is inevitable and one must learn new technologies to adapt to this ever changing world, equipping oneself is not taking place at the same pace in every corner of the world. Developed countries are better equipped and learn faster whereas developing and under developed countries fail to implement changes due to lack of infrastructural access and learning skills. This difference is leading to a division among countries, societies, race and people in harnessing technology fruitfully and is termed as digital divide. An attempt is made by the researcher through this paper to explore the digital divide that exists in India and bring to the front the penetration of internet and its usage by the people in India; also the initiatives under the ambitious Digital India Program is highlighted in the paper to find out India"s progress in transforming itself into a digital society. Abdul Tharayil Mohammad Swalehin The digital divide or digital split is a social issue referring to the differing amount of information between those who have access to internet and those who do not have access to the internet. The term assumes that such an access variance leads to social discrepancies owing to the alterations in the benefit conferred upon those who use this technology and those who do not use it. Digital divide is not merely a concern for developing countries even it&#39;s a reality for developed countries of the world as well. This occurrence has been gaining attention worldwide for digitally enabled social policies and planning. The Indian government ambitious project, ‘digital India&#39;, would be a reality only if it includes the neglected section of the society. The objectives of the paper are: a) to delineate digital divide in India and its concern & b) to ascertain the digital inclusive policies in India.Key Words: Digital divide, Digital opportunity initiatives, digital empowerment etc. ... IJSRP Journal The phase Digital Divide has been applied to the gap that exists in most Countries between those with ready access to the tools of information and communication technology and the knowledge that they provide access to and those without such access skills. A further gap between the developed and under developed world in the uptake of technology is evident with in the global community and may be of even greater significant. The relevance of these strategies to developing countries and strategies for reducing the international digital divide are also explored. Libraries have long been essential agents in fostering peace and human values. Libraries are now operating digitally, and their digital services open up a new channel to the universe of knowledge and information connecting cultures across geographical and social boundaries. The phenomenon of digital discrimination prevailing among various social, political and working groups has led to the emergence of digital information rich and digital information poor groups within societies and perhaps in the global environment. This paper discusses how the digital divide can influence to the Indian scenario also to the global world. Vigneswara Ilavarasan Aswini Achoos Navneet Kumar Sharma Modernisation of present day society largely depends on the numbers of individuals using internet as a part of their daily life. India is going through the important phase of modernisation with the help of revolution in Information and Communication Technology and " Digital India " scheme launched by Indian government. Since around 60% of the total population lives in rural or suburban regions, so it seems to be very challenging to project the idea of digital India to such populations. Here the term " Digital Divide " comes into the picture which states about the disparity between information-rich and information-poor people. Government schemes like 'Digital India' project are an approach towards diminishing the digital divide. Libraries as a social service institution has to play a major role in minifying the gap of digital divide. They can impart crucial role in making India a global digital power. Librarians and information professionals have to develop certain user-oriented skills and redefine their service menu. This paper aims to outline the different areas in which librarians can work together to minimize the gap of digital divide in rural as well urban regions. It also discusses the possible causes for the digital divide in India. Keeping all the important factors of above mentioned topics, this paper highlights the basic concept of digital divide and role of librarians in uplifting the socioeconomic status of the common people. ___________________________________________________________________________ Satish Sood — India, a union of states, is the second most populous nation in the Asian region behind China. The country has achieved impressive progress in the field of science and technology and is emerging as one of the strongest economies in the developing world. Information and communication technologies have brought significant changes in development of the Indian society through information dissemination. Technology today is what industrial machines were to the industrial revolution. In today's world they are engines of growth, power and wealth and very crucial for economic and social development. No other technology is as profound as information technology (IT) in human history. IT has had a great influence on the economy and lives of people across the world. In India the benefits of IT are beginning to be seen and the impacts of these benefits are creating great change. It is also true that the use of digital technologies in the world has not only improved people's day–to–day life but it has also divided the world into information rich and information poor, i.e. the information haves and have–nots. The unequal access to information and communication technologies has led to a massive divide digitally. Although India has been one of the emerging super powers in IT, the benefits have been remarkably slow, particularly in rural and remote areas. Besides socio–economic factors, geographic, educational and attitudinal factors have been some of the challenges for the government when introducing IT–oriented programs. In this paper we discusses several ongoing projects and programmes initiated by the government, non–government organizations and private business houses, and describes some of the challenges faced by the country in overcoming these barriers. The scope of this paper is to highlight the reflections rather than to sharply draw any conclusions. Loading Preview Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above. 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Has it been able to bridge the digital divide and foster a digitally empowered society in India? Evaluate. Topic: Indian Economy/Digital Economy Q5. Digital India programme is essential for ensuring comprehensive digital inclusion in the country. Has it been able to bridge the digital divide and foster a digitally empowered society in India? Evaluate. (250 Words) Difficulty level: Moderate Reference: PM India Why the question? Digital India initiative (DII) completes 9 years Key Demand of the question: Evaluate the effectiveness of the Digital India programme in bridging the digital divide and fostering a digitally empowered society. Structure of the Answer: Introduction: The Digital India programme was launched to ensure digital access, inclusion, and empowerment across the country, aiming to bridge the digital divide and create a knowledge-based economy. Body: Bridging the Digital Divide: Rural-Urban Divide: Initiatives like BharatNet have expanded internet connectivity to rural areas. Financial Inclusion: Aadhaar-linked payment systems and DBT schemes facilitate cashless transactions and direct benefit transfers. Fostering a Digitally Empowered Society: Accessible Digital Services: Digital locker, eSign frameworks, and online platforms simplify access to government services. Digital Literacy: Programs like Digital Saksharta Abhiyan aim to make at least one person in every household e-literate. Limitations: Persistent Digital Divide: Significant portions of the population, especially in rural areas, still lack internet access. Affordability: High costs of devices and data plans limit access for economically weaker segments. Infrastructure Gaps: Inadequate electricity and broadband connectivity in rural areas hinder adoption. Conclusion: While Digital India has made substantial progress in bridging the digital divide and fostering a digitally empowered society, challenges remain. Continued investment in infrastructure, targeted digital literacy programs, and affordable access are essential to achieving comprehensive digital inclusion. Our Mission, Vision & Values Director’s Desk Commerce & Accountancy Previous Years’ Question Papers-Prelims Previous Years’ Question Papers-Mains Environment & Ecology Science & Technology An official website of the United States government The .gov means it’s official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you’re on a federal government site. The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely. Publications Account settings Preview improvements coming to the PMC website in October 2024. Learn More or Try it out now . Advanced Search Journal List Front Sociol PMC10130454 Examining the emergence of digital society and the digital divide in India: A comparative evaluation between urban and rural areas Associated data. The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/supplementary material, further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author. Contemporary digital society has become a critical agent for transformation in various spheres of life and a new methodological framework for interdisciplinary research. It has emerged as a parallel entity alongside conventional society, where an individual's membership is not only limited to the physical world but also extends to the digital realm. In fact, a person's membership in the physical world is incomplete without their connection to the digital society. Digital technology is instrumental in driving social transformations in areas such as the economy, politics, culture, and religion. The striking feature of digital society is digital data production in the form of big data. Unlike in a conventional society, people's every move and behavior in a digital society are calculated and recorded as data. In this global context of a digital society, India has created opportunities for digitalization for its people since 2000, with significant strides made between 2015 and 2016. Reliance Jio, a telecom company, helped to accelerate this process by offering free unlimited Internet packages on a mass scale. This led to a tremendous surge in service industries and the emergence of new sectors, as well as a digital revolution in the conventional systems of the economy, politics, culture, education, religion, and law. However, this transformation has also exposed a significant challenge—the digital divide or digital inequalities, which cannot be overlooked or undermined in sociological research. It would be wrong to reduce digital inequality to a mere technological divide; it is a complex issue shaped by prevailing socioeconomic conditions, digital inequalities, and capability inequality. The study revealed that India's prevailing socioeconomic divide is the source of its wide digital divide. This digital divide exists across both rural and urban areas, affecting access to digital education and economic opportunities. The digital divide is also found between under-resourced urban areas and affluent residential areas. This study's theoretical framework draws on the studies of Castell on the information society and Dijk's concept of the network society. Introduction The growing global socioeconomic divide and the digital divide are currently the most pressing issues that sociology is grappling with. The world is undergoing a digital transformation. As a result, digital society, digital space, digital capital, digital relations, digital access, and so on have become increasingly relevant to sociology, like any other societal aspect and social relations. The digitalized world is described using various terms, such as information society (Dijk, 2006 ) and network society (Dijk, 2006 ; Castells, 2010 ). These terms are used to denote the society that has emerged from the impact of information and communication technology. The most commonly used term is information society. Castells ( 2010 ) and Dijk ( 2006 ) have used the terms “information society” and “network society” to describe this type of society. In the 1970s, the information and communication technological paradigm in the United States initiated a technological development that resulted in the digital revolution. This new paradigm shifted European and Western societies' political and economic conditions. The new technological paradigm surpassed the early rise of the electronics industry in the 1940s−1960s, as it fostered a culture of freedom, individual innovation, and entrepreneurialism (Castells, 2010 , p. 4). An important question to consider is whether technology has developed uniformly on a global scale. Did technology determine different levels of development? Did society determine different levels of technological advancement? The digital divide question makes us consider societal or state intervention in technological advancement and vice versa. Castells ( 2010 , p. 5) believes that technology does not determine society but society does determine the course of technological change because many factors, such as individual inventiveness and entrepreneurialism, are involved in the process of scientific discovery, technological innovation, and social applications. However, the results depend on the complex interaction pattern between technology and society. He further argues that technological determinism is a false problem because technology is society, and society cannot be understood or represented without its technological tools. Society and technology are inevitably linked, and society determines technology and its advancement. Digital society can be viewed as a parallel to physical society, in which individuals voluntarily become members. However, its membership is as important as the membership of the physical society. Physical society refers to the material existence of social institutions and the physical appearance of social relations. We accept that abstract entities, such as norms, values, and customs, are essential societal elements. In the physical society, human actions and relationships are regulated socially, culturally, and legally, while in the digital society, online behavior is governed by simple legal guidelines. However, these guidelines cannot be equated with social control mechanisms present in physical society. A question then arises: Does society determine the digital divide? The answer to this question is yes, because the prevailing socioeconomic divide is the root cause of the digital divide in any society. In this context, it can be argued that the digital divide cannot be understood in isolation but rather in relation to the global socioeconomic divide. India has been part of the digital society since the beginning of the 21st century with the introduction of the Internet and information and communication technology. However, it was not until a significant shift occurred in 2016 with the launch of Reliance Jio Infocomm Ltd. by Reliance Communication Ltd. that a true digital revolution took hold. This revolution marked the beginning of a new age of digitalization in India, leading to a subsequent smartphone revolution. Materials and methods The study is based on qualitative methods such as unstructured interviews, case studies, and participant observation. The present study conducted a review and interpretation of published studies and also included an empirical study. The study selected Guwahati, the capital city of Assam, and Buribail village (District Cachar) in Assam as its locations. The respondents were students, working youths, professionals, and rural dwellers. In the unstructured group interview, 80 interviews were conducted in both villages and cities. Case studies were conducted in under-resourced areas in Guwahati city where the living conditions of some houses and dwellers were analyzed. Additionally, participant observation methods were used among students and youths in urban residential areas, such as apartments. The study, which focused on a city and a village, can serve as a hypothesis for further research on the issue of the digital divide. Moreover, this study mainly focused on interpreting the inevitable link between socioeconomic disparity and the digital divide in India. The theoretical framework of this study highlights the interconnectedness of digital society and physical society, emphasizing that the digital divide cannot be reduced to a mere technological problem but must be understood as a complex techno-social problem. The results of the study revealed that digital society is a new techno-social phase that has emerged globally, and India has become a part of it. However, India has not been able to address the issue of socioeconomic inequality. India's prevailing socioeconomic divide is the source of a wide digital divide. The digital divide was found to exist primarily in the educational and economic aspects of both rural and urban areas. There is a wide digital divide between rural and urban areas, as well as between affluent cities and under-resourced urban areas. The digital divide mainly includes poor digital infrastructure in villages and under-resourced urban areas, limited access to digital facilities, and poor socioeconomic conditions. However, cities and affluent parts of cities are technologically advanced and have access to digital facilities. A detailed discussion is made in the sections below. Digital society: A new techno-social phase The first question that arises is as follows: Do we differentiate digital society from network society or information society? Our approach was not to consider the digital society as a distinct entity but rather as an extension of the network society or information society. An important issue that has been highlighted is how digital society encompasses societal dimensions and turns into a parallel society. Instead of focusing on defining the digital society as a separate physical entity, it may be more useful to revisit Castell's ( 2010 ) concept of the network society. He elaborated on how the emergence of a new technology or technological paradigm, based on the development of information and communication technology, has transformed the world since 1970 and diffused unevenly across various regions of the world. Technology does not determine society; rather, it is a society that determines technology. This indicates that technology is regulated by the values, norms, and needs of people within society, as stated by Castells ( 2010 ). Castells ( 2010 ) coined the term “network society” and referred to the emerging society as a network society. He preferred this term over information society or knowledge society because microelectronics-based networking technologies brought new capabilities to an old form of social organization in the knowledge society or the information society. He claimed that digital communication networks are the backbone of the network society (Castells, 2005 , p. 4). The network society is based on communication networks that transcend boundaries, making the network society global. The network society is based on global networks of capital, goods, services, labor, communication, information, science, and technology. Due to their programming, networks are selective, and as a result, while the contemporary network society has diffused throughout the world, it still does not include everyone. Although global networks have an impact on all human beings, they have excluded large sections of the population in the early 21st century (Castells, 2005 , p. 5). Dijk's ( 2006 ) concept of information society and network society signifies the contemporary development of modern society, characterized by widespread information exchange and the use of information and communication technology in every sphere of life. His classification of society as an information and network society also corresponds with concepts such as capitalist society and post-modern society. Information is a fundamental aspect of an information society that permeates all aspects of society. In an information society, the societal organization is based on science, rationality, and reflexivity; the economy (agrarian and industrial) increasingly leads toward information production, and the labor market is based on information processing skills that require knowledge and education. Culture in the information society is determined by media and information products through various symbolic entities and meanings (Dijk, 2006 , p. 19). The network society is defined as a social structure that relies on social and media networks as its infrastructure, with organizational networks existing at the individual, group, or organizational and societal levels. The network function serves as a means of linking all units, including individuals, groups, and organizations. Individuals are the fundamental unit of a network society in the West, whereas families, communities, and workgroups may be the network units in Eastern societies (Dijk, 2006 , p. 20). A network is defined as a collection of links between unit elements, where nodes represent the elements and the unit systems. A single link between two elements is called a relation(ship). Networks are a mode of organization for complex systems in nature and society (Dijk, 2006 , p. 24), with the individual as the basic unit of a network society. Traditional collectivities such as joint families, communities, and tribes have become fragmented. Different kinds of communities have emerged that are connected through larger-scale networks, even though they continue to live in their traditional families, neighborhoods, and organizations. This development has made the work environment more extensive and connected due to the networks (Dijk, 2006 , pp. 35–36). Tim Berners-Lee's leading innovation, the World Wide Web, came along in 1989 and played a critical role in the digitalization of the world, which transformed Internet technology from a small network of computers into global communication systems. Until then, the Internet was used only for military and research purposes, but the World Wide Web broadened its network. With this technological transformation, the material foundation for a new society was laid: a digital society (Redshaw, 2020 ). Information flow is the key feature or basis of a digital society. Digital society and the information age have a definite pattern of social relations and communication (fundamental structural elements of society) derived from a complex system of relations in the physical society. On the one hand, the term “physical society” refers to a society where people live in systems of physical contact and have face-to-face relationships. On the other hand, digital society is a virtual system of social relations that allows individuals to gain membership and citizenship through the use of the World Wide Web and the Internet. The establishment and operation of a physical society require physical infrastructure and an environment. Similarly, the establishment and operation of a digital society require digital infrastructure such as computers, mobile phones, the World Wide Web, the Internet, and applications. The digital society is characterized by a flow of information through global networks at unprecedented speeds. The “superconnected” life through the “Internet of things” is the most striking feature of digital society, where big data and data mining play a crucial role (Redshaw, 2020 ). The digital society became a global transformation due to the fourth industrial revolution, known as Industry 4.0. This techno-social transformation is closely linked with consumerism, and it aligns with the current advanced industrial age for greater market benefits and industrial benefits. Late capitalism or advanced capitalism extensively regulates society, political economy, and everyday life to the extent that all human activities are digitalized and become objects of profit for industries. The digitalization of life has undoubtedly upgraded the standard of living, but, at the same time, it has raised many questions regarding digital use and consumption, digital trends or commercial trends, power games, and so on. The consumption trend, particularly in popular culture and social media in India, has been growing fast, raising questions about digital space, the capitalization of digital space, digital activism, and the digital divide. The culture industry or popular culture (Horkheimer and Adorno, 1944 ; Marcuse, 1964 ) is legitimately utilized or rationalized with the notion of “entertainment” in an advanced industrial society. In contemporary society, social media is not just a medium of communication but rather an industry that generates its audience and produces content. Social media has recently become a new reality and a digital phenomenon. Industry 4.0 marked the beginning of a new digital society where people's access to technological infrastructure and the Internet is inevitable. Industry 4.0 refers to a digital, data-driven, interconnected industry that transforms production, marketing, labor, healthcare, and human relations, among others (Banholzer, 2022 ). Those who cannot access technological infrastructure and the Internet are cut off from mainstream society and the global village. From the point of access and capability of people, digital inequality and the digital divide appear as major global phenomena. The European Commission ( 2021 ) planned a highly innovative and ambitious industrial strategy for Europe. The main focus was on creating an economic transformation in Europe to augment the change. Industry 4.0 was coined in Germany in 2011 as a future project of the country and an integral element of its high-tech industrial strategy. It mainly focused on the stability of employees in production systems and ecological dimensions in the form of “green production” for a carbon-neutral and energy-efficient industry (European Commission, 2021 , p. 8). The network society is instrumental in developing the digital society. The evolution from a network society to a digital society is referenced in Dijk's ( 2006 ) analysis of the development of information and communication technology. The most striking foundation of a network society is microelectronic technology, which enables telecommunications, data communications, and mass communications to be carried out. This technology is the basis for the improvement of communication capacities in the new media, including speed, storage capacity, accuracy, stimulus richness, and complexity of operations. The second fundamental structure of network society is the use of a uniform language in microelectronics for exchanging signals. This uniformity is the language of digital signals. Digitalization is the binding structure for all new telecommunication, data, and mass media networks (Dijk, 2006 , p. 43). Digitalization refers to the process of converting analog signals, such as sounds and images, into digital signals made up of ones and zeroes (bits). This allows for the fast and uninterrupted transmission and connection of these signals with the help of microelectronics. Digital signals can be easily processed and manipulated to improve the quality of data, texts, sounds, and images (Dijk, 2006 , p. 44). The digitalization of the network society is a new technological development in the world's communication system. Questions that arise are as follows: Is it only about communication or more than this? To take a critical theory, or the Frankfurt School's stance of “techno-rationality” and “democratic unfreedom,” we can claim that, although the technology of communication and networking is created by the subjective state of human beings, it has been determined by the objective social structural mechanisms of society. Objective social structural elements may be industry, statism, economic policy, the political power system, and so on. Therefore, communication in a network society or information society is not simply a mechanism of human relations and exchanges but rather a source of a new mode of control. Techno-rationality legitimizes democratic freedom by creating the mechanisms (digital nods) of a lack of freedom in an industrial system. Humans use digital technology that is already programmed in such a way that its result will meet the desired goal of the industry. The digital society and physical society cannot function separately because elements such as social relationships, societal structure, social institutions, norms, values, culture, and social control are redefined as complex techno-social systems in the new digital world. This technocratic social structure of the digital society has significantly altered the traditional activities of the physical society. The digital society represents a blend of techno-social and economic progress. This advancement is what neo-Marxists like Adorno and Horkheimer ( 1944 ), Marcuse ( 1964 ), and Ralf ( 1957 ) called an advanced industrial society. Membership in a digital society is not mandatory, and individuals having the option to choose is just as crucial as being a member of a physical society. However, its membership is as important as the membership of the physical society. This is because the vast influence and widespread integration of digital technologies into human life make it impossible for any individual worldwide to remain isolated from the digital society. In short, the term “physical society” refers to the tangible presence of social institutions and the observable connections within social relationships. However, it is important to recognize that abstract entities such as norms, values, customs, and so on are also inevitable elements of society that have no physical existence but appear in the social activities of human beings. Conceptualizing the digital divide in the Indian context Just as the globalization of technology and digital society reshaped the world, the digital divide added a new dimension to the persisting global socioeconomic divide. Addressing the digital divide has become a global concern due to the significant role that technological progress and techno-consumption play in the global political economy ( Figure 1 ). An empirical framework for examining the digital divide. Source: Kraemer et al. ( 2005 ), p. 414. Bridging the digital divide is beneficial for businesses because the marketplace is online, and, in this case, having more online customers is profitable (Riggins and Dewan, 2005 ). There are three levels of analysis of the policy and managerial implications of the digital divide (Riggins and Dewan, 2005 , p. 300). Individual level: At the individual level, the “digital divide” refers to a lack of access to IT due to technological, sociological, and economic disadvantages. The gap exists between individuals who have access to IT as an integral part of their lives and those who do not. Access to technology also varies across geographical areas. For instance, rural areas have poor access to the Internet (Riggins and Dewan, 2005 , p. 300). Organizational level: At the organizational level, the “digital divide” refers to the disparity in digital management among industry organizations. Global level: At the global level, the “digital divide” refers to the inequality in investment and policies for both corporate and individual adoption of ICT among different countries (Riggins and Dewan, 2005 , p. 300). The analysis of the digital divide at these three levels considers two types of effects: first-order effects, which relate to inequalities in access to ICT, and second-order effects, which relate to inequalities in the ability to effectively utilize ICT, among those who already have access (Riggins and Dewan, 2005 , p. 300). The digital divide refers to the gap between individuals, households, businesses, and geographic areas at different socioeconomic levels regarding opportunities to access information and communication technologies (ICTs) and their use of the Internet for a wide variety of activities. However, access to telecommunications is a precondition for the access and use of the Internet (OECD India, 2021 , p. 5). The pattern of the digital divide in India is found at three levels: Social group or class (lower caste and lower class): The digital divide between higher and lower castes is a socio-technical issue that highlights how higher castes tend to be more affluent and digitally advanced than lower castes. The class or socioeconomic gap is vast in Indian society; therefore, the digital divide is a kind of extension of the prevailing divide (Understanding the Digital Divide, 2001 ). Individual : The digital divide is determined by an individual's ability to access digital resources, their level of digital literacy, their reasons for using digital platforms, and their consumption habits. Institutions (education, governance, and local economy): At the institutional level, the digital divide can be observed in three areas: public and private schools, colleges, and universities. The digital divide in governance refers to the divide between local self-governance (Panchayati Raj Institution) and people's access to digital governance. The digital divide is also visibly prevalent in the local economy. The interface of the socioeconomic and digital divide in India The digital divide in India cannot be analyzed as a single issue. Considering that pre-existing socioeconomic divides is also important, India is characterized by various socioeconomic divides, such as caste stratification, the rural-urban divide, capability inequality, and class disparity. Dalits are considered to be the lowest stratum of caste groups in India, whose social and economic position is much worse than that of any other population in India. India's rural areas are still highly under-resourced and poorly managed compared to its urban areas, which are much more developed and technologically advanced ( Figure 2 ). The interface of the socioeconomic and digital divides in India. Source: A field study in village and city in Assam, India. Capability inequality is another serious issue to consider (Sen, 1993 , 2009 ). India exhibits various patterns of living standards based on capability. The class gap and social stratification in India are concerning, as there is a clear divide between the affluent and poorer sections of society, both in rural and urban areas. Fields of the digital divide in India Economic: The economic situations of individuals and social groups are based on their occupations. In any society, people maintain two kinds of economic bases: job/work and skills. India has a serious issue with work opportunities due to a lack of skills or poor technical skills. In contemporary society, static skills are no longer relevant; individuals need to continuously upskill themselves to survive in the competitive market. Unfortunately, the low attainment of education is a problem, resulting in a limited number of technically skilled laborers. Therefore, digitalization may not be able to bring about significant changes in the working conditions and overall economy of manual workers (India Skills Report, 2021 ). India's employment trend is largely informal, with a large percentage of the workforce engaged in informal jobs. This informal workforce in India encompasses individuals working in private enterprises, daily wage laborers, domestic helpers, and manual laborers in the formal sector who work without any socioeconomic security or benefits. The total population employed in India is 461.52 million, of which 415.23 million have informal jobs. Of the total number of people employed, 90% of men and 92% of women are informally employed. The education of workers in the informal sector is low. Educational attainment is also low among domestic laborers, street vendors, sweepers, and manual construction workers. Of these workers, over 60% of women and 35% of men had dropped out of primary school (World Bank Report). Education: The digital divide is also evident in certain aspects of education. Institutional Difference: This is the difference between public and private educational institutions in digitalized learning. Unequal access to digital infrastructure: Affluent sections have the necessary digital equipment to pursue education, but poorer sections are unable to take advantage of these resources. Unequal access to e-learning: E-learning platforms, such as BYJUS, Unacademy, and WhiteHat JN., have become very popular in India. However, due to unequal access to digital infrastructure, not all sections of the population have equal opportunities to benefit from these platforms. The social environment for digitalized education: The social environment in under-resourced villages and under-resourced urban areas is not conducive enough for education even if mobile phones are available; the quality of education remains poor ( Figure 3 ). Economic dimension of the digital divide in India. Source: Census India ( 2011 ) & field study conducted in village and city in Assam. Digitalization and the trend of popular culture consumption in India In 2007, Reliance Jio sparked a revolution in India by providing unlimited 3G and 4G Internet access at an affordable price. This Indian telecommunications company, also known as Jio, launched its commercial 4G services in 2016 with free data and voice services, a strategy that was later adopted by other telecom companies such as Airtel, BSNL, and more. Moreover, the partner policy of mobile phone companies that began offering 4G smartphones at much lower prices also played a significant role in contributing to the growth of Jio, Airtel, BSNL, etc. The availability of smartphones from Chinese mobile companies in the Indian market changed the entire consumption pattern. Compared to Nokia and Samsung, Chinese companies (Oppo, Vivo, Huawei, Karbonn, etc.) offered smartphones at a significantly lower price, which was easily affordable for most people in India. Later, Nokia and Samsung also followed the same policy to create a greater customer network. These Chinese smartphone companies ensured the purchasing capacity of mobile phones for workers such as rickshaw pullers, daily wage laborers, and factory workers. Thus, Reliance Jio's data plans and a new policy among smartphone companies, particularly Chinese companies, contributed to the advancement of consumer networks that eventually helped popular culture and social networking to grow exponentially. The social network transformed after the advent of Web 2.0 in the early 21st century, evolving into comprehensive platforms for data collection, analysis, and content creation. The integration of social networks with popular culture has been instrumental in the massive growth of the digital population, ultimately positioning India as a leading consumer trendsetter in the world. Upon examining the widespread use of social media, it becomes apparent that it functions as both a component of the culture industry and a commercial media industry. O'Reilly and Battelle ( 2009 ) concept of Web 2.0 has shed light on the evolution from “network as service” to “network as platform.” “Network as platform” refers to harnessing the power of networks to create applications, which is key to attracting and engaging users. The industry encompasses huge organizations that facilitate software provision and a community of users connected by social networking platforms such as Facebook, YouTube, etc. Mandiberg's ( 2012 ) concepts of “amateur media” and “user-generated content” showed us how social media had enabled user participation in media in two ways: as both producers and consumers. Media consumption has changed from a unidirectional to a multidirectional system. Mandiberg ( 2012 ) noted the massive growth of social media use because of the affordability of computers, software, and the Internet in the early 21st century. Data scientists have claimed that “media analytics” (Manovich, 2018 ) is the basis for the consistent growth of the culture industry. Social media has changed the prevailing media system from a unidirectional media-audience relationship to a multidirectional communication process. People are presently not merely passive audiences but active participants; technological advancement has enabled the majority of people to use social media to produce and distribute content. Until the end of the 20th century, media was a professional organization, and people were simply audience members. However, this relationship has become less distinct because of the multidirectional broadcasting started by new media forms such as blogs and social networking sites, which focus on active audience participation instead of unidirectional broadcasting. This happened mainly because of the affordability of computers, software, and the Internet; the majority of people were able to purchase these for personal use (Mandiberg, 2012 , p. 1). Significant technological innovations in social media have led to the development of participatory systems such as messaging applications, like and dislike buttons, sharing options for various types of content (photos, videos, blogs, and other contents), and comment features. Mandiberg called these types of social media content “user-generated content” (Mandiberg, 2012 , p. 2). It is interesting to note that technological intelligence creates a huge community of users of applications and produces user-generated data in real time, which is useful for social networks, culture industries, and business platforms such as Amazon, Google, and so on. Seeing the massive change in network applications (software), Tim O'Reilly ( 2012 ) conceptualized Web 2.0 to describe the network as a platform for user-generated and industrial use of real-time user-generated data. Web 2.0 harnesses collective intelligence and can be considered a mature stage of the web (formally known as the World Wide Web) (O'Reilly and Battelle, 2009 ). Network applications are systems for harnessing collective intelligence that depends on managing, understanding, and responding to massive amounts of user-generated data in real time, which include data subsystems such as location and identity (of people, products, and places). The smartphone revolution further widened the web as it moved from desktops to people's pockets. The most remarkable addition to Web 2.0 is the use of sensors in web searches instead of manual human searches; motion and location sensors extensively record human activity and store it as data. In this day and age, people's every activity, including their choices of food, clothing, and places; their engagement with popular culture items; their time spent using social media; the nature of the content they follow; and their current locations or previously visited locations, are recorded as data (big data) in the era of advanced Web 2.0. The culture industry, social media, and other service industries collect, present, and use this data in real time (O'Reilly and Battelle, 2009 , p. 1). Real-time media analytics represents a major technological breakthrough in service industries. Companies sell cultural goods and services through websites and apps (such as Amazon, Apple, Spotify, and Netflix) that organize searchable information for their users. This is made possible through platforms such as Google, Baidu, and Yandex. To increase sales and attract more consumers, these companies utilize social communication and information-sharing tools such as Facebook, QQ, WeChat, WhatsApp, and Twitter. Additionally, they use media-sharing platforms such as Instagram, Pinterest, YouTube, and iQiyi. These companies rely on the computational analysis of massive media data sets and data streams. The practice of analyzing large amounts of content and interaction data across the culture industry began in 1995 and matured in 2010 when Facebook reached 500 million users. These data include information on users' online behavior, physical activity, media content created by companies, and media content created by users of social networks. People's online behavior is monitored through browsing pages, link tracking, post sharing, post linking, content viewing, content playing or reading, and ad clicking. Physical activity data pertain to social network and online platform usage, including the time and location of use. Media content created by companies are, for example, songs, movies, videos, and books; and media content created by users of social networks includes posts, conversations, images, and videos (Manovich, 2018 ). Companies have used two kinds of data: “data sets” (static or historical data) and “data streams” (data in real-time). However, currently, industries are increasingly using real-time data analysis. Sociology, digital humanities, and computational social sciences analyze data sets or historical data. When widespread poverty, hunger, unemployment, and poor living conditions are prevalent, the apparent poor status of social wellbeing in India becomes the topic of discussion. As such, the consumption of popular culture and social media in India may not be entirely justifiable, as leisure and entertainment are often reserved for industrial workers or employees in the United States and other advanced industrial societies (started by Fordism), who have the means and material wellbeing to consume popular culture for relaxation. Therefore, the consumption of popular culture and the notions of “entertainment” and “free time” are linked (Horkheimer and Adorno, 2002 ), which is the basis of labor management for mass production (Fordism) in an advanced industrial society. In India, a large number of people are unemployed and struggle to maintain a basic standard of living and access to education and healthcare. The Oxfam International ( 2021 ) revealed that the top 10% of the Indian population holds 77% of the total national wealth, indicating a vast class gap and extreme inequality. Therefore, mere consumption growth does not necessarily validate progress in a nation like India. Despite these challenges, India had a digital population of 468 million in 2020, which has been continuously growing due to the country's large population. The culture industry has benefited from this growth, as popular culture production and consumption are widespread. The entertainment business in India has thus been growing rapidly, albeit against a backdrop of inequality and socioeconomic challenges. According to the FICCI and EY ( 2020 , 2021 ) report on Media and Entertainment in India, Indians spent 4.5 h a day on their phones in 2020, a significant increase from 3.5 h in 2019 and a 25% increase from 2017. With 4.5 h per day, India held the 3rd position in the world for the most time spent on phones in 2020, surpassing China, Mexico, Argentina, and South Korea. Additionally, consumers in India spent 1,669 billion minutes online in 2020, a 32% increase compared to 1,261 billion minutes in 2019. The digital divide in terms of geographical areas in India Rural–urban digital divide. The digital inclusion policy aims to expand the reach of the digital network to cover more areas. Given that the rural population constitutes nearly 70% of India's total population, including rural areas in the digital network would benefit the telecom and service industries. However, there is currently a lack of initiatives to enable rural people to adopt digital facilities. What can we teach a rural person with low literacy skills about technology? Will he/she be able to use Google or any app? In the survey, it was found that rural areas have inadequate digital infrastructure, limited access to the digital world, and insufficient capability to make use of digital facilities. Although Internet connections are available in villages and smartphones are available to almost everyone, they are mostly used for making phone calls and consuming entertainment content. A total of 50 urban respondents and 30 rural respondents participated in the study. Of the 50 urban respondents, 30 were from under-resourced urban areas. A set of questions related to education and the economy were used in the study, with a focus on unstructured group interviews and observation to obtain a better understanding of the issue. The data were presented in a qualitative form, as the study did not use statistical analysis. The digital divide between rural and urban areas was found to exist mainly in two aspects: education and digital economy. Education: Rural youths were found to be fascinated by the world of new media and popular culture. However, their usage patterns were more for entertainment than for productive, learning-oriented, or skill-oriented purposes. The schools in the surveyed village were found to be functioning with minimum facilities and without any digital infrastructure. The teachers were not well-versed in technology related to teaching and learning. The absence of colleges and vocational and training institutions in villages is another major issue that hinders the participation of villages in global digitalization. In contrast, urban schools and colleges have better access to digital technology, and teachers are well acquainted with the use of technology. An interesting fact is that urban children use facilities such as e-learning and other digital learning platforms such as BYJU's, Unacademy, WhiteHat Jr., and so on, while rural children are unable to access such facilities mainly due to a lack of proficiency in using technology, poor digital infrastructure, and a lack of resources. Digital economy: The poor condition of digital agriculture and the lack of access of rural dwellers to digital agriculture are the main causes of the divide between rural and urban areas. The economy in urban areas is relatively more developed at the micro level. In contemporary society, small businesses are regulated on digital platforms, and digitalized service industries have transformed people's economic situations. Almost the entire rural economy in India is dependent on agriculture; therefore, its digitalization is inevitable, but it has been found that villagers are still unaware of digital agriculture. There is no evidence of digitalized agriculture, so rural dwellers' access to it is still a distant dream. Villagers hardly keep track of the market price of their products; they sell them to middlemen or traders in the local market at very low prices. Villagers have no knowledge of local branding of their products, marketing on digital platforms, or online business; they conduct payment through Google Pay/Phone Pay. The irony of the situation is that rural dwellers sell their agricultural products to traders who take them to nearby towns and cities. The same products are purchased by villagers working in towns at a price much higher than the price his/her fellow village dwellers levied. Under-resourced urban areas and urban areas Social stratification and the digital divide in the urban areas of India are evident. There is a wide distinction between city dwellers (the sophisticated urban population) and dwellers of under-resourced urban areas. The population in under-resourced urban areas has been increasing in India, with poor quality of life, limited digital access, and inadequate digital life facilities. As of 2022, the number of people living in under-resourced urban areas reached ~100 million, which is greater than the entire population of Australia (India Housing Report, 2022 ). Under-resourced areas in Indian cities are widespread and attract a large population working in the unorganized sector, including those who are unemployed, homeless migrants, daily wage laborers, baggers, and vendors. We found a wide gap between the affluent residential areas of the city and under-resourced urban areas in terms of facilities, living conditions, and standards of living. People living in under-resourced urban areas are very poor. Although digitalization has penetrated under-resourced urban areas, it has not brought significant changes because people are already vulnerable in many social and economic aspects. People who live in under-resourced urban areas do not have access to digitalized education, e-health care, the digital economy, or technology-based skills. They own smartphones, but the study revealed that they mostly use them to consume popular culture and social media. Even school-going children are often found loitering and using mobile phones for various non-social and unethical activities. Their counterparts in the affluent residential areas of the city are enrolled in prestigious schools such as international schools, convent schools, and residential schools, among others. These schools are equipped with advanced digital technology, and students have no issues accessing digital facilities. However, children living in under-resourced urban areas face difficulties accessing digital facilities. The schools in which children from under-resourced urban areas are enrolled have inadequate physical infrastructure and digital infrastructure, and the academic environment is so poor that children often come only for midday meals (a government scheme for providing lunch to children). Most people who live in under-resourced urban areas have low literacy skills and lack any basic knowledge of the digital economy or technical skills. Their living conditions are so impoverished that socioeconomic development should be prioritized over digitalization. They prioritize access to drinking water, personal toilets, a hygienic house, and sanitation. We found that almost all households in under-resourced urban areas have access to television and smartphones, but this does not equate to digitalization. Under-resourced urban areas have been included in the digital market as consumers, but digitalization has not acted as an agent of socioeconomic transformation. Manual laborers with education up to at least secondary and senior secondary are switching to technical fields and undertaking training programs to upgrade their skills. However, in under-resourced urban areas, the highest level of education attained is often only up to the 12th grade. Most residents have either no literacy skills or have a limited education that barely allows them to write their own names. This significant digital divide between affluent city dwellers and those who live in under-resourced urban areas has made the challenge of creating a smart city even more difficult and uneven. Although a city may be considered smart, because digitalization has not been able to transform the entire urban society, it could be argued that a smart city lacks a smart society. India's digital divide is not just a technological challenge but a reflection of the country's longstanding socioeconomic disparities. Digital inclusion efforts must focus on developing the capabilities of all sections of society rather than simply expanding digital infrastructure. This requires a concentrated effort to improve educational attainment, socioeconomic status, and digital literacy. Without these efforts, the benefits of digitalization will not be fully realized. It is important to recognize that a smart city cannot exist in isolation from broader society, and efforts must be made to address the realities of under-resourced urban areas and other marginalized communities. Ultimately, the goal should be to create a smart society in line with the concept of Society 5.0, where technology is used to enhance the wellbeing of all members of society. Data availability statement Ethics statement. Ethical approval was not required for the study on human participants in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements, as confirmed by the Sociology Department Research Committee of the University of Science and Technology, Meghalaya. The participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this study. Author contributions The author confirms being the sole contributor of this work and has approved it for publication. Conflict of interest The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. Publisher's note All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher. Adorno T. W., Horkheimer M. (1944). Dialectic of Enlightenment: Philosophical Fragments . New York, NY: Social Studies Association, Inc. [ Google Scholar ] Banholzer V. M. (2022). From Industry 4.0 to Society 5.0 and Industry 5.0: Value- and Mission-Oriented Policies: Technological and Social Innovations-Aspects of Systemic Transformation. IKOM WP Vol. 3, No. 2/2022 . Nurnberg: Technische Hochschule Nurnberg Georg Simon Ohm. 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This China-backed resolution follows the US-backed March 2024 resolution that called for “safe, secure and trustworthy” artificial intelligence systems globally. According to the UN, AI has the potential to contribute to the achievement of its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Thus, it called for “international cooperation and multi-stakeholder collaboration” and “voluntary and transparent cooperation frameworks or initiatives.” It stated that equitable participation and representation for all member states is necessary in discussions about the governance of artificial intelligence systems. AI and the digital divide The resolution noted the widening digital divide between countries, acknowledging that often developing countries face unique challenges in keeping pace with the rapid acceleration of artificial intelligence. It noted that this is often caused by the lack of digital infrastructure, connectivity, and skills, including education, expertise, and human capacity. The UN believes that artificial intelligence has the potential to “bring new opportunities for socioeconomic development” of countries. Further, it added that all member states should enjoy equal opportunities in the field of AI. Bridging the divide Thus, in order to address this digital divide and narrow the disparities, the UN called for coordination and cooperation between countries, including through North-South, South-South, and triangular cooperation. This cooperation would include increasing investment through both public and private financing in AI capacity-building dictated by the “needs, priorities and conditions” of developing countries. It also urged relevant stakeholders such as international financial institutions, private sector players, civil society, the media, academia and research institutions, technical communities, and other international, regional and subregional organizations to be involved in the process. Stakeholders were encouraged to set up specialized agencies, funds, programmes, and other entities to assist with the AI goals of a developing country. It suggested practical implementation of assistance through knowledge-sharing activities and technology transfer based on mutually agreed terms between countries. Developed countries could also collaborate with developing countries to provide technical assistance, lifelong learning, personnel training, workforce skilling, international research cooperation, and build voluntary joint international research laboratories and artificial intelligence capacity-building centres. Best practices While the UN encouraged the development of AI, it also set out practices that ensure the positive use of AI. Notably, the UN does not encourage any of these cooperation practices for the development or use of AI in the military. It advised including the promotion and protection of human rights in nations’ development plans and developing and using AI in a way that is consistent with international law and the Charter of the United Nations. It also promoted creating a fair, open, inclusive, non-discriminatory, and competitive business environment that respects intellectual property rights and promotes innovation. Further, the UN also called to consider the potential risks of AI and the benefits of open-source software, open models, and open data, among other methods and business models. Promoting Diversity The resolution also invoked principles of diversity by envisioning a “people-centred, inclusive and development-oriented information society.” It called to “promote, protect and preserve linguistic and cultural diversity by taking into account multilingualism in their training data” Similarly, it urged stakeholders to take  “proactive measures to counteract racism, discrimination and other forms of algorithmic bias” Further, it called to “eliminate barriers faced by all people, women and girls, persons with disabilities, Indigenous Peoples, local communities, children and youth, those living in poverty and in rural and remote areas, and those in vulnerable situations, through investment, education, training, technological innovation, use, and application” The UN stated that this resolution was also created in line with 3 2023 resolutions  “Impact of rapid technological change on the Achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals and Targets” , “Information and communications technologies for sustainable development” and “Promotion and Protection of human rights in the context of digital technologies.” A final report by the High-level Advisory Body on Artificial Intelligence, along with a report from the Secretary-General about the existing resources, challenges faced, and recommendations for AI capacity-building in developing countries, is expected in the coming sessions of the UN. UN General Assembly Adopts Resolution on ‘Safe’ Artificial Intelligence Usage European Parliament Passes Landmark Artificial Intelligence Act For Transparency And Copyright Regulations India plans to adopt a digital public infrastructure approach to AI: IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw said during Global IndiaAI summit Need for immediate distribution of compute power and the necessity of planning ahead: Key points from the discussion on India’s AI infrastructure readiness at the Global India AI summit STAY ON TOP OF TECH NEWS:  Our daily newsletter with the top story of the day from MediaNama, delivered to your inbox before 9 AM. Click  here  to sign up today! Apply to attend our roundtable discussion on Governing the AI Ecosystem on July 11, 2024 Register Now 474 IMAGES Essay on Digital India for all Class in 100 to 500 Words in English The digital divide in Indian education 1 (DOC) Bridging the Digital Divide in India Some Challenges and Essay on Digital India For Competitive Exams (PDF) Digital Divide in India: Measurement, Determinants and Policy for Essay on Digital India in english VIDEO Essay on Digital India for New India / Paragraph on Digital India for New India/ Essay Digital India "The Digital Divide: Insights from Tech Drivers" Why they always try to divide India? And now they have guts to insult Indians, then ask for votes Digital India😜 #makingindia #digitalindia #funny #newviral #ytshorts #shorts😜😜 Essay on Digital India Bridging the Digital Divide COMMENTS The digital divide in India: From bad to worse? The India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide by Oxfam sheds some light on the impact of the digital divide on inequality in India during the pandemic. It explores the lack of access to ICTs as one of the major characteristics of the divide, and points to the fact that approximately 70 percent of the population has poor or no connectivity to digital services. Digital Divide In India Gender Digital inequalities - India has among the world's highest gender gaps in access to digital technology. Only 21% of women in India in comparison to 42% of men are mobile internet users, according to GSMA's 2020 mobile gender gap report. The report says, while 79% of men own a mobile phone in India where the number for women is 63%. Bridging the Digital Divide: Empowering Youth The Digital India Mission, a flagship initiative of the Indian government, seeks to transform the nation into a digitally empowered society and knowledge-driven economy. India's dedication to bridging the digital divide and enhancing digital literacy is evident through a series of impactful endeavours. Recognizing the vulnerability of rural ... India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide. The digital divide in the access and usage of ICTs and the internet has also led to an exclusionary consequence in three sectors of utmost significance: education, health and finance. In a country plagued by high socioeconomic inequality, the digitalisation process cannot be posited as the panacea ... The Digital Divide in India The epidemic rapid shift to e-learning has reemerged the long-standing issues of inequality and the digital divide in India that must be addressed as a matter of priority by future economic, education, and digitalization policies. A country as diverse as India has a vast social gap based on different factors. How COVID-19 deepens the digital education divide in India According to the Key Indicators of Household Social Consumption on Education in India report, based on the 2017-18 NSSO, fewer than 15% of rural Indian households have internet access (as opposed to 42% urban Indian households). A mere 13% of people surveyed (aged above five) in rural areas — just 8.5% of females — could use the internet. Spanning the digital divide in India: Barriers to ICT adoption and Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology-Delhi, Hauz Khas, India. Correspondence. Chavi Asrani, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology-Delhi, Hauz Khas, New Delhi, India. Email: [email protected] Search for more papers by this author Digital divide and access to online education: new evidence ... The pandemic and the long closure of educational institutions have changed the learning and teaching practices across the globe. A massive and unplanned shift towards online education with unequal access to digital infrastructure deepens the existing digital divide and socio-economic inequalities. Tamil Nadu Covid Pulse Survey shows the state's commitment to strengthening evidence-based ... Navigating the Digital Divide in India: A Comprehensive Guide Mammen et al. (2022) examined the impact of the digital divide between the Global North and the Global South through a comparative study of the USA and India. Specifically, in the context of India, they found that the digital divide exacerbates existing social and economic inequalities in rural and marginalized communities. India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide Recently, the NGO Oxfam India released 'India Inequality Report 2022: Digital Divide'. The report analyses the primary data from Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy's (CMIE) household survey held from Jan 2018 to Dec 2021. Indian women are 15 percent less likely to own a mobile phone and 33 percent less likely to use mobile internet ... The digital revolution in India: bridging the gap in rural technology The digital divide remains a significant barrier to the effective implementation of DIP. The divide refers to the disparity in internet connectivity and access between those who have it and those who do not (Jamil, 2021). In India, the digital divide is particularly pronounced between the rural and urban populations (Warf, 2019). Digital Divide In India: Meaning, Implications & Initiative To End It The digital divide in India has several implications on political, governance, social, economic and educational prospects. Without internet access, political empowerment and mobilisation are challenging in the age of social media. Transparency and responsibility demand digital accordance. Internet penetration is linked to a country's ... Insights into Editorial: Bridging the digital divide in education First, it will be important to ensure that NDEAR's implementation improves and not worsens access to education in the context of India's digital divide. As per 2019-20 UDISE+ data, only 38.5% of schools across the country had computers and 22.3% of schools had an internet connection. Digital Divide in India: Measurement, Determinants and Policy for The paper reveals that obstacles such as illiteracy, lack of skills, infrastructures, and investment in rural areas must be tackled if India is to diminish the gap of digital divide. Digital India Essay in English for Students Digital India Essay in English. In today's rapidly evolving world, technology has permeated every aspect of our lives. Recognizing this transformative potential, the Indian government launched the ambitious Digital India initiative in 2015. This flagship program aims to bridge the digital divide, empower citizens through access to technology, and transform India into a digitally empowered ... Digital divide in India 4) Digital Gender Divide. India has among the world's highest gender gap in access to technology. Only 21 per cent of women in India are mobile internet users, according to GSMA's 2020 mobile gender gap report, while 42 per cent of men have access. The report says that while 79 per cent of men own a mobile phone in the country, the number ... Digital Divide in Education In India the urban-rural divide is the single biggest factor in the digital divide. Pre-Pandemic Divide: Students from the urban area and rich families were learning the concepts of science with the help of modern technology and other e-learning platforms while schools in rural areas and poor families were lacking in basic infrastructure ... Bridging the Digital Divide Lessons from India Many papers were presented to the Working Group; those published here were chosen to illustrate the diversity of views at the meeting and a variety of issues relevant to thinking about the Digital Divide. Given the time between the meeting and publication, all of the essays by original authors were returned to the authors for updating. Digital Divide Digital Divide. Digital divide is any uneven distribution in the access to, use of, or impact of information and communications technologies between any number of distinct groups, which can be defined based on social, geographical, or geopolitical criteria, or otherwise. In the Lokniti-CSDS National Election Study 2019, only 1 in every 3 were ... Digital Divide in India: Measurement, Determinants and Policy for The present paper has been divided into five sections. Section 1 deals with the concept of digital divide. Section 2 discusses the present status of digital divide in India. In section 3, an attempt has been made to study the causes of digital divide in India. Section 4 tries to address the problem of digital divide by suggesting some policy ... (PDF) Digital Divide in India A conscientious digital divide in. 2018 admitted over400 million cyberspace user. within 1.35 billion of total demography. Where. expectations inclu de delivering modern gizmos to. every handyet ... Digital India programme is essential for ensuring ... Introduction: The Digital India programme was launched to ensure digital access, inclusion, and empowerment across the country, aiming to bridge the digital divide and create a knowledge-based economy. Body: Bridging the Digital Divide: Rural-Urban Divide: Initiatives like BharatNet have expanded internet connectivity to rural areas. Examining the emergence of digital society and the digital divide in The digital divide in India cannot be analyzed as a single issue. Considering that pre-existing socioeconomic divides is also important, India is characterized by various socioeconomic divides, such as caste stratification, the rural-urban divide, capability inequality, and class disparity. Dalits are considered to be the lowest stratum of ... (PDF) India's Digital Divide reducing as can be seen that internet users are more in age. groups of 15-24 and 25-34 years age groups in 2014 in. comparison to internet users in age groups of 35-44 and. above. The divide is ... UN Adopts Draft Resolution to Bridge AI Digital Divide Bridging the divide. Thus, in order to address this digital divide and narrow the disparities, the UN called for coordination and cooperation between countries, including through North-South ... assignment essay homework paper phd report resume review speech thesis