characteristics of president in the philippines essay

Ramon Magsaysay: 6 Reasons Why He’s The Best President Ever

Honest and efficient presidents are like white lions–they are a breed of politicians so rare we sometimes think they don’t exist anymore.

And then came Ramon Magsaysay, the humble automobile mechanic-turned-president who became known as the “Champion of the Masses.” We remember him as the one who blazed a trail through his “servant leadership” in the 1950s–half a century before President Noynoy Aquino uttered the words  “Kayo ang BOSS ko!”  in his inauguration address.

Also Read: Unsolved Mystery – The Magsaysay Plane Crash

Magsaysay was not a perfect president; his administration faced several issues and controversies. But his greatness overshadowed the flaws of his administration, and had he not died in that plane crash, he would have achieved more than all his successors.

In author Jose Veloso Abueva’s words, despite its brevity, Magsaysay’s governance remains “the yardstick by which Filipino presidents should be judged.”

So, is Magsaysay the best president our country ever had? Read this article, and you be the judge.

Table of Contents

1. his brilliant counterinsurgency efforts were unprecedented.

In the early 1950s, the insurgency launched by a group of peasant farmers called Hukbalahap ( Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon or People’s Anti-Japanese Army) was at its peak. Both the previous and incumbent presidents struggled to stop the rebellion: Roxas banned the organization in 1948, while his successor, Quirino, was stained with corruption and cronyism, infuriating the Huks even more.

Desperate to stop the Hukbalahap threats from worsening, Quirino made a strategic move: He appointed Ramon Magsaysay–a celebrated WWII guerrilla leader–as the new Secretary of National Defense. As a new appointee, Magsaysay did what his predecessor failed to do: He identified the root cause of the problem and started from there.

Also Read:  10 Unforgettable Pinoy Politicians We Wish Were Still Alive

With the help of Lieutenant Colonel Edward G. Lansdale, an Air Force intelligence officer who served as his advisor, Magsaysay toured the whole country and saw firsthand the driving force behind the insurgency. At that point, he realized that most of the Huks were not Communists; they were simple peasants who thought that rebellion was the only answer to their suffering.

In the words of historian Teodoro Agoncillo, the Hukbalahap was the “culmination of centuries of peasant degradation, loss of self-respect, and abject poverty.”

Of course, for Magsaysay to execute his plans to end the rebellion, he needed the help of the Armed Forces. But here’s the catch: The country’s military arm was also suffering from several issues, the most serious of which were poor leadership, corruption, and a patronage system.

In other words, ending the insurgency wouldn’t be possible without first addressing the serious problems plaguing the Armed Forces. It was a challenging task, but this is when Ramon Magsaysay showcased his exemplary leadership skills and political prowess.

Magsaysay completely transformed the AFP. He fired the AFP Chief of Staff, the Chief of Constabulary, and other officers implicated in graft and corruption. He also changed how the AFP fought the insurgents, emphasizing that “the Huks are fighting an unorthodox war,” so they should also fight them “in unorthodox ways.” 

This warfighting innovation, also known as  “Find Em, Fight Em, Fool Em,”  combined intelligence, combat operations, and psychological warfare.

Eventually, the Huk rebels were tracked down, and their members surrendered one after another, culminating in Luis Taruc’s arrest on May 17, 1954. All of these were achieved through the newly revamped AFP and Magsaysay’s social reforms, namely the legal assistance program for the peasants and the Economic Development Corps (EDCOR), a rehabilitation program that gave surrendered Huks an opportunity to have their own houses and land.

Magsaysay’s military and social reforms were so effective that the Communist Party leader Jesus Lava himself admitted that many Huk soldiers left the insurgency group “because repression was ending.”

2. He Gave Land to the Landless

When Magsaysay ran for president, the barrio-to-barrio campaigns only opened his eyes even more to the issues of the rural folk neglected by previous presidents.

He realized that the Philippine government shouldn’t be a government of the elites but an entity fully dedicated to the welfare of all its people–especially the peasant farmers long considered to be the “backbone of the nation.”

Magsaysay believed that insurgency would continue to exist as long as the government stayed deaf to the calls of the rural folk.  “To  be really secure,” he once said, “a country must assure for its citizens the social and economic conditions that would enable them to live in decency, free from ignorance, disease, and want.” 

Also Read:  A Touching Story of How Filipinos Saved A Million Lives At The Most Unexpected Place

Magsaysay became the voice of the voiceless, and his impressive rural development programs only proved that he was sincere in uplifting the lives of the oppressed.

To turn his vision into a reality, Magsaysay implemented several projects–all for the benefit of the rural poor.

He improved the land tenure system through the Agricultural Tenancy Act in 1954, which gave tenants the “freedom to choose the system of tenancy under which they would want to work,”  and the Land Reform Act of 1955, passed to enhance landlord-tenant relations.

Also Read:  10 Famous Filipinos Who Almost Became President

Public lands were also distributed to qualified settlers: 28,000 land patents covering 241,000 hectares were issued during the first year of the Magsaysay administration alone. By 1955, an impressive 23,578 agricultural lots were distributed to landless applicants. In the same year, 8,800 families were also resettled by the  National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA) in 22 settlement projects.

Magsaysay also initiated intensive community development through the Presidential Assistant for Community Development (PACD). The said agency helped build roads and other facilities for the rural folk and improved the medical and educational services in the barrios.

3. Ramon Magsaysay Created a Government of the People, by the People, for the People

President Ramon Magsaysay was genuinely pro-Filipino. For instance, he wore the traditional  barong Tagalog  during his inauguration. He also used the Ilokano wine called  basi  to exchange toasts with foreign diplomats and took every chance to promote local products.

For the Filipino people, however, Magsaysay’s most memorable achievement was his effort to earn back people’s trust in the government. Known as the “The Champion of the Common Man,” Magsaysay would listen to the problems of the ordinary “tao”  at least two to three times a week. He established the Presidential Complaints and Action Committee (PCAC) to make sure that the complaints of the masses were taken care of.

Filipinos gained the courage to condemn corrupt public officials without fear of repression for the first time in many years. PCAC was so successful that in 1954 alone, they already received 59,144 complaints.

Also Read: Ramon Magsaysay’s Haunting Last Photo

Wanting to prove that his government was for the people, Magsaysay also opened the doors of the Malacañang Palace to all its citizens–and he meant it literally. Soon, the masses began swarming the official residence, transforming the lawns into picnic grounds. So many people flocked to Malacañang during the Magsaysay era that some began to describe it as a “miniature Divisoria,” a combination of market and cockpit.

4. He Is a Good Role Model for the Youth

Magsaysay’s upbringing explains why he became a man of principle. Born in Iba, Zambales, to a blacksmith and a schoolteacher, the young Ramon Magsaysay was trained to respect the elders and develop humility, honesty, frugality, and a love for hard work.

It is said that when he was only six years old, Magsaysay’s father, Exequiel, lost his job in a public school after refusing to pass the school superintendent’s son in his carpentry class. For this reason, the Magsaysays were forced to move to Castillejas, where Exequiel built a small blacksmith shop to support his family.

Although a minor hurdle, this experience instilled the importance of honesty and clean living in the young Monching.

As a young man, Monching loved to play with other boys of his age. He was a bit of a prankster, but he never forgot how to respect and shower his parents with love. Exequiel bought several blocks of ice one day because he expected to receive several guests the next day. He was planning to make ice cream but was surprised that the buried ice blocks were missing.

Also Read:  11 Reasons Why Jose P. Laurel Was A Total Badass

As it turned out, Monching and his friends took the ice blocks the night before, drove out of town, and enjoyed all the ice cream they made. In her biography, Perfecta (Monching’s mother) described how furious his husband was when he discovered no ice. He immediately rushed towards the rice field, where he found Monching with the other children.

Exequiel was so mad that he was ready to spank his son. However, his heart melted when Monching showed him the ice cream and said, ‘Father, I brought the ice in the field to make the ice cream myself so that you won’t get tired making it.’  In the end, he gave more ice cream to the boys, and what was left behind was given to the guests.

5. He Refused Special Treatment

The masses loved President Magsaysay because he didn’t think highly of himself. He earned people’s trust because of his humility and sincerity in addressing the needs of ordinary citizens.

Unlike other politicians, Magsaysay refused to name towns, bridges, avenues, and plazas after him . He lived in a simple home, wore simple clothes (usually an “aloha” shirt and slacks), drove his car, and spoke a language easily understood by the masses. Indeed, the late President Ramon Magsaysay was the epitome of simplicity.

He wanted to set an example, someone that other public officials would look up to. For example, when he was still a Defense Secretary, he refused special treatment and lived within his means–a government salary of about $500 a month.

Historian Xiao Chua also shared two anecdotes about the great president. It is said that while Magsaysay was on his way to Malacañang to meet then-President Elpidio Quirino, their car suddenly stopped. Because his driver, Kosme, was clueless about fixing it, Magsaysay–who once worked as a mechanic at the Try Transportation Bus Company in Manila–didn’t think twice about fixing it himself, even while wearing a  barong Tagalog . 

The same driver also once violated traffic rules. When the policeman saw the plate number and the passenger in the car, he allegedly said,  “My goodness! Pardon me, Mr. President. You can now proceed.” 

Also Read:  10 More Haunting Last Pictures Ever Taken in Philippine History

However, Magsaysay refused to accept the “privilege” and said this instead:  “Oh no, Sargeant. You said a while ago that the law is the law.  And in that principle, I do believe.  While I am the president, the law applies to everyone; there is equality. Please give us the necessary ticket.”

6. Ramon Magsaysay Banned Nepotism and Corruption

President Ramon Magsaysay had all the qualities an ideal politician should have: Unpretentious, selfless, and utterly uninterested in money.

While the rest of Philippine politics was plagued with nepotism and a “compadre system,” Magsaysay worked hard to break the stereotype. He wanted to set an example, so he put the needs of the Filipino people above all–even at the expense of his relatives.

He hated nepotism so much that when he learned that a community well was being dug on a property owned by a relative, he immediately sent a directive and had the well moved to the middle of the village square. On the other hand, an uncle failed to get a big government cement contract after Magsaysay personally canceled the order.

He also banned his brother, who was a lawyer, from accepting any case for anyone connected with the government or for anyone “who wants to get close to the government.”

Magsaysay also hated corruption and started to fight it as soon as he entered Philippine politics. For example, on his first day as Defense Secretary, he fired several high-ranking officials in the AFP–including the Chief of Staff and the Chief of the Constabulary–as part of his military reforms. His administration was synonymous with honesty and clean governance when he became president.

Also Read:  10 Things Filipino Politicians Must Stop Doing

Such was his effort to combat graft and corruption that public officials–from top to bottom–started to fear his presence.  “Every time I sit here and look at my stamp drawer,” recalled a local postmaster, “I start to think, well, I don’t have much money and my family needs food, maybe I ought to swipe some. Then I start thinking that that damn Magsaysay might suddenly show up … just as my hand is going into the petty cash drawer, and he’d throw me in jail.”

Agoncillo, T. (2012). History of the Filipino People . 8th ed. Quezon City: C & E Publishing, Inc., pp.474-488.

Chua, M. (2012). Ramon Magsaysay: Role Model for the Youth . [online] It’s XiaoTime!. [Accessed 9 Sep. 2014].

Francisco, R. (2013). Magsaysay and the AFP: A Historical Case Study of Military Reform and Transformation . [online] Presidential Museum and Library.[Accessed 6 Sep. 2014].

Gin, O. (2004). Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor, Volume 1 . 1st ed. ABC-CLIO, p.54.

Greenberg, L. (1986). THE HUKBALAHAP INSURRECTION, A Case Study of a Successful Anti-Insurgency Operation in the Philippines, 1946-1955 . [Case study] Library of Congress, Historical Analysis Series. Washington, D.C.

Halili, C. (2004). Philippine History . 1st ed. Rex Bookstore, Inc., pp.257-260.

Magat, M. (2013). Ramon Magsaysay’s continuing relevance . [online] INQUIRER.net. [Accessed 9 Sep. 2014].

Rivett, R. (1954). Magsaysay–The Racket ‘Killer’. The Argus , [online] p.4. Available [Accessed 6 Sep. 2014].

Written by Luisito Batongbakal Jr.

in Facts & Figures , History & Culture

Last Updated April 9, 2023 04:13 PM

Luisito Batongbakal Jr.

Luisito E. Batongbakal Jr. is the founder, editor, and chief content strategist of FilipiKnow, a leading online portal for free educational, Filipino-centric content. His curiosity and passion for learning have helped millions of Filipinos around the world get access to free insightful and practical information at the touch of their fingertips. With him at the helm, FilipiKnow has won numerous awards including the Top 10 Emerging Influential Blogs 2013, the 2015 Globe Tatt Awards, and the 2015 Philippine Bloggys Awards.

Browse all articles written by Luisito Batongbakal Jr.

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14 Qualities of an Effective President of a Country: #14 is the Greatest of Them All

July 17, 2014 By Victorino Q. Abrugar Leave a Comment

Under Article 7, Section 2 of the Philippine Constitution, in order to serve as President, one must be at least 40 years old, a registered voter, able to read and write, a natural-born Filipino citizen, and a resident of the Philippines for at least ten years immediately preceding election. But those are only basic qualifications. We, the voters, must also set our own qualifications in choosing the right President to make sure that our country will have continuous progress and our children will have a brighter future .

The following qualities of an effective leader of our nation may be too idealistic, but I believe that we can still find some (if not all) of these traits in a person who is or who will be worthy to become the leader of our government.

1. Accountability. A good president understands that he (she) is the head of the state. When the nation falls, he acknowledges his responsibility rather than blame his subordinates. He recognizes himself as the father of the entire nation. Hence, he treats the local government unit leaders as his children, and take responsibility in helping them whenever they face problems.

2. Respect . A good leader of a country respects the constitution, abides the laws, and honors the decision of the Supreme Court. He also listen and respect the views of the common people.

3. Cohesiveness . An effective head of the government promotes unity among his people rather than causing them to divide and have meaningless fights.

4. Humility . An effective president admits his mistakes and weaknesses. He also acknowledges that he’s not good at everything. That is why he leaves the other tasks to the other branches of the government, such as the legislative and judiciary bodies.

5. Honesty . An effective leader upholds truth and integrity. He preserves the trust and confidence given to him by the people. And of course, he doesn’t embezzle the funds of the nation.

6. Independence . A strong president is not a puppet. His actions are not a product of impartial decisions. He’s not manipulated by oligarchs or a few people who are thirsty of power and wealth of a nation.

7. Wisdom . A wise president knows how to discern right from wrong. He knows how to make the right decisions. He shows maturity of the mind. His words provide power and enlightenment to all.

8. Courage . A great leader of a nation has the courage to execute the decisions that he believes are right. He’s not afraid to stand and fight for righteousness for the sake of his countrymen.

9. Compassion . An effective president understands what his people are going through. He can feel the sufferings of the oppressed and poor people. He is not arrogant, rather he’s gentle and uplifting to people who are suffering from misery and pain.

10. Action . A great leader is a role model of hard work. He walks his talk and inspires his people through his actions. He makes sure that his promises are done and not broken.

11. Proactivity . An effective leader of a country is not insecure and reactive. Instead, he possesses intuit and initiative to create solutions for the present and future problems.

12. Passion . Great leaders do their job with enthusiasm. They serve the public, not because they are compensated with money and fame, but because that is their mission in life.

13. Commitment . An effective head of the government is determined to realize his great visions and dreams for the nation. Patience and persistence manifest in him.

14. Love . Finally, an effective president of a country has a selfless love for his (her) people and for all the next generations. All of the qualities above are difficult to practice, but because of his love, he does his best to practice them all.

Patience, diligence, truthfulness, courage, confidence, self-control and other qualities of a great leader, it is real love that can bind them all.

Are the qualities above impossible to have by a leader of our nation? I believe if the leaders of other countries can have humility, integrity and love for their people, then Filipino leaders can also have the same.

Our world still have many great leaders. They are the main reasons why countries attain economic, social and human development. Countries like Singapore, Denmark, New Zealand, Finland, Norway and Sweden are known to have the least corrupt politicians in the world . And the success of these countries are largely contributed to their great leadership. Although the citizens are vital in developing any country, the head of the government or state has the main responsibility to lead that progress. That’s why they are called leaders or heads in the first place.

This article is not meant to oust presidents that don’t pass our own qualifications. This post only aims to give us a guide in choosing the right president during elections. We have to respect the votes made by the majority of the people. Therefore, we have to wait for the next election, and become wiser citizens and voters of our nation.

However, that’s not also mean we have to keep quite when we see our leaders doing the opposite of what they have promised. If we truly love and support our leaders, we have to be honest to them. We have to criticize them truthfully and tell them that… hey, you’re doing it wrong! Change your actions and lead us the right way!

About Victorino Q. Abrugar

Vic promotes tourism-related businesses, brands and places. He's the marketing strategist of FAQ.PH. He believes that the key to success is to always do what to do next. Want to promote your business? Contact him at [email protected].

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“He was very adamant about solving the drug crisis in the Philippines, the problem which he believes needs the most attention from the government. He was quick to impose policies that apprehended drug dealers and users, keeping them away from the streets as fast as possible.”

Before Rodrigo Roa Duterte became the 16th president of the Philippines, he kept the public at the edge of their seats by going back and forth on whether he will vie for the highest position in the government or not.

However, eventually, he surprised both supporters and opposers by announcing his bid for the presidency, teaming up with former Speaker of the House of Representatives Alan Peter Cayetano, who ran for vice president.

Duterte received both praise and contempt from the Filipinos. Some argued that he was unfit to run a country despite his career as a Davao City mayor. On the other hand, those who saw progress in Davao believed that Duterte can develop the entire country to be as disciplined and advanced as Davao.

Months later, he won the presidency by a landslide, surpassing his competitors Mar Roxas, Grace Poe, Jejomar Binay, and the late Miriam Defensor-Santiago.

The man whom the public urged to run

Born in 1945, Duterte grew up in a family with close ties to local politics. His father was formerly a provincial governor, and the family had links with the powerful families in Cebu province, where the family patriarch was once mayor.

He trained as a lawyer and later became a state prosecutor before being elected as Davao City mayor in 1988. Duterte retained the position for 30 years, making him a favorite among his constituents.

While in office, Duterte tackled some of the Philippines’ pressing issues like crime, corruption, and militancy. All three dropped significantly during Duterte’s time, earning the confidence of his constituents.

Even as mayor, Duterte already exhibited his unapologetic behavior where he continually shows everyone who’s boss and how they shouldn’t mess with him. Many around the city know that they should abide by his rules because he closely monitors the city and visits government agencies unexpectedly to see if its employees are doing their jobs properly.

His efforts and initiatives made him well-loved among the residents of Davao. After decades of peace and prosperity, they wanted Duterte to step up his game and replicate his achievements on a national scale.

Despite Duterte’s disinterest in the presidency, people urged him to run regardless. Cayetano already started campaigning for Duterte even though the latter continuously denied the invitation. Yet the people’s call became too overwhelming for him to ignore. As a result, Duterte gave in and announced his bid for the position, much to the delight of his supporters.

During the campaign period for the 2016 presidential elections, a great part of the public championed Duterte as the president the country needs because he offers a new approach to governance characterized by a strong desire to put Filipinos in their place using strict laws and regulations as opposed to the lax yet ineffective environment they’ve gotten accustomed to for decades.

Assessing his leadership style

It didn’t take long before Duterte started his plans for the country when he assumed the role of president, beginning with the “War on Drugs” campaign, which he promised to eradicate in six months.

He was very adamant about solving the drug crisis in the Philippines, the problem which he believes needs the most attention from the government. He was quick to impose policies that apprehended drug dealers and users, keeping them away from the streets as fast as possible.

Under his decree and the promise to create a safer country, authorities quickly joined the mission by taking suspects into custody as fast as possible. His autocratic personality required police and military personnel to follow him without question. It also helped that most of his cabinet members and government officials supported him since the campaign period.

Time Magazine even recognized him as a strongman, putting him alongside the likes of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

Yet even though the campaign intended to lower the crime rate and drug use throughout the country, it soon encountered new problems such as overcrowding in jails and correction facilities and unlawful prosecutions.

Human rights experts and organizations were quick to condemn the ‘War on Drugs’ by deeming it as a tragic waste of human life. It can also be an interpretation of Duterte’s leadership style, where many commented to be ill-prepared, especially since the scope and limitations of running a nation are different from a city.

Years later, Duterte continued to demonstrate his leadership style governed by firm decisions and aggressiveness to assert his domination in crises and situations.

As many people know, the incumbent president doesn’t mince his words when asked about his opinion. He doesn’t shy away from cussing or challenging personalities like Pope Francis I and former USA president Barack Obama. Duterte also drops truth bombs on several government agencies and institutions in the country, which almost always surprises the public.

His communication skills, for some, resemble a strict father who expects change and order from his family. The Philippine president’s way of speaking became endearing to thousands of Filipinos, especially since they saw immediate results following his “sermons” or statements.

Unfortunately, most of his statements also come across as tactless and tasteless, earning him criticism from private individuals and organizations alike. Duterte was also frequently called out for making sexist jokes that no longer sit well with the public.

Most of the time, Duterte relied on spokespersons representatives from his team to clarify any misunderstandings, perform damage control, and get his point across.

But among all the challenges that arose during his term, it was the COVID-19 pandemic that tested Duterte’s capabilities as a leader the most. The continuous community quarantines were a temporary solution to what became a long-term problem.

Filipinos started clamoring for more from the government, asking for a medical solution instead of a military one, calling for financial aid to help them survive amidst a global health crisis, and more. Despite Duterte’s efforts to create a task force and update the public about the situation, it just wasn’t enough at first.

But the proof, as they say, is in the pudding. With ramped up vaccination efforts and many Filipinos putting to heart the health and safety protocols that the government set, the Philippines is nearing the light at the end of the tunnel in its fight against an invisible enemy as COVID-19 cases have gone down fast, with the country even at a better place than many of its Asian neighbors.

Like every other president of the Philippines before him, Duterte has both positive and negative traits in his leadership style.

And now that Duterte’s nearing the end of his term as president, his constituents are looking back at how he led the Philippines during his time. They now remain hopeful that in May, their fellow countrymen will elect a leader who can replicate Duterte’s successful projects and learn from his mistakes in the past to secure a more effective government.

• President of the Philippines
• Rodrigo Roa Duterte

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Philippine Presidents: Their Achievements and Contributions

• first (and only) president of the First Republic (Malolo Republic)
• signed the Pact of Biak-na-Bato, creating a truce between the Spanish and Philippine revolutionaries
• known as the President of the Revolutionary Government
• led the Philippines in the Spanish-Philippine War and the American-Philippine War
• youngest president, taking office at age 28
• longest-lived president, passing away at 94

• first Senate president elected as President of the Philippines
• first president elected through a national election
• first president under the Commonwealth
• created National Council of Education
• initiated women’s suffrage in the Philippines during the Commonwealth
• approved Tagalog/Filipino as the national language of the Philippines
• appears on the twenty-peso bill
• a province, a city, a bridge and a university in Manila are named after him
• his body lies within the special monument on Quezon Memorial Circle
• accepted some 1300 jewish refugees, thus saving their lives from the "holocaust"

• since the early 1960s, Laurel considered a legitimate president of the Philippines
• organized KALIBAPI (Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod sa Bagong Pilipinas, or Association for Service to the New Philippines), a provisional government during Japanese occupation
• declared Martial Law and war between the Philippines and the U.S./United Kingdom in 1944
• with his family, established the Lyceum of the Philippines

• became president at 65, making him the oldest person to hold office
• first Visayan to become president
• joined with U.S. Gen. Douglas McArthur in Leyte on October 20, 1944 to begin restoration of Philippine freedom after Japanese occupation
• Philippine National Bank was rehabilitated and the country joined the International Monetary Fund during his presidency
• Bell Trade Act was approved by the U.S. Congress during his presidency
• appears on the 50-peso bill

• inaugurated as the first president of the new Republic after World War II
• reconstruction from war damage and life without foreign rule began during his presidency
• under his term, the Philippine Rehabilitation Act and Philippine Trade Act laws were accepted by Congress
• appears on the 100-peso bill

• Hukbalahap guerrilla movement active during his presidency 
• created Social Security Commission
• created Integrity Board to monitor graft and corruption
• Quezon City became capital of the Philippines in 1948

• Hukbalahap movement quelled during his presidency
• chairman of the Committee on Guerilla Affairs
• first president sworn into office wearing Barong Tagalog during inauguration
• presidency referred to as the Philippines' "Golden Years" for its lack of corruption
• Philippines was ranked second in Asia’s clean and well-governed countries during his presidency
• established National Resettlement and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA) among other agrarian reforms

• known for “Filipino First Policy,” which favored Filipino businesses over foreign investors
• established the Austerity Program focusing on Filipino trade and commerce
• known as the “Prince of Visayan Poets” and the “Bard from Bohol”
• cultural arts was revived during his term
• was the first president to have his remains buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani

• established the first Land Reform Law, allowing for the purchase of private farmland to be distributed in inexpensive, small lots to the landless
• placed the Philippine peso on the currency exchange market
• declared June 12, 1898 to be Philippines’ Independence Day
• signed the Minimum Wage Law
• created the Philippine Veteran’s Bank
• currently on the 200-peso bill

• first president to win a second term
• before and during his first term, the Philippines was the second largest economy in Asia, behind only Japan
• declared Martial Law on Sept. 22, 1972
• increased the size of Philippine military and armed forces
• by 1980 the Philippine GNP was four times greater than 1972
• by 1986 the Philippines was one of the most indebted countries in Asia
• built more schools, roads, bridges, hospitals, and other infrastructure than all former presidents combined (note: he was the longest serving president)
• the only president whose remains are interred inside a refrigerated crypt

• first woman to be president of the Philippines or any Asian country
• restored democracy
• abolished the 1973 Marcos Constitution and ushered in the new Constitution of the Philippines
• reorganized the structure of the executive branch of government
• signed the Family Code of 1987, a major civil law reform, and 1191 Local Government Code, which reorganized the structure of the executive branch of government
• initiated charitable and social activities helping the poor and the needy
• named “Woman of the Year” in 1986 by Time magazine
• on the new 500-peso bill together with her husband Benigno Aquino
• Received honors and awards including: 100 Women Who Shaped World History, 20 Most Influential Asians of the 20th Century, 65 Great Asian Heroes, J. William Fulbright Prize for International Understanding

• oversaw Philippine economic growth
• presided over celebrations of Philippine Independence Centennial in 1998
• received British Knighthood from the United Kingdom by Queen Elizabeth II (Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George)
• hosted the fourth Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Leader's Summit in the Philippines in 1996
• Philippine Stock Exchange became an international favorite during his presidency
• death penalty reinstated while he was in office
• signed peace agreement with the rebel Moro National Liberation Front

• during his presidency Moro Islamic Liberation Front headquarters and camps were captured
• joined other leaders and politicians to try to amend the 1987 Constitution
• cited as one of the Three Outstanding Senators in 1989
• among the “Magnificent 12” who voted to terminate the agreement that allows for U.S. control of Clark Airbase and Subic Naval Base

• second female president of the country
• first and only female vice-president of the Philippines so far
• first president to take oath outside Luzon
• former Economics professor at the Ateneo de Manila University, where current president Benigno Aquino III was one of her students
• ex-classmate of former U.S. President Bill Clinton at Georgetown University’s Walsh School of Foreign Service, where she maintained Dean’s list status
• oversaw higher economic growth than the past three presidents before her
• peso became the best-performing currency of the year in Asia in 2007
• eVAT Law was implemented under her term

• initiated K-12 education in the Philippines
• in 2013, the Philippines wins its first investment-grade credit rating from Fitch Ratings, similar upgrades from other credit rating agencies Moody’s and Standard and Poor’s follow later that year
• changed the Philippines' reputation as "the sick man of Asia" to "brightest spot in Asia"
• oversaw higher economic growth than his predecessors 
• signed a landmark law mandating the state provide free contraceptives to poor couples and teach sex education in schools
• filed a suit at a UN-linked international arbitration tribunal in the Hague to invalidate China's claim of Philippine claimed territories in the West Philippine Sea
• initiated an unprecedented scale of military upgrade. He improved the Armed Forces’ operational conditions by introducing new and used assets at a rate that far outpaced previous presidents.

• The Permanent Court of Arbitration awarded a landmark victory to the Philippines, it has won on almost all of its arguments against China
• instigated the foreign policy shift, from being a pro - US ally, to a more independent stance (or a pro - China stance)
• Bloody war on drugs. He lived up to his promise of a “relentless” anti-drugs campaign
• instituted a tax reform law. A revenue-generating measure to fund the administration’s infrastructure program, health, education, and social services programs
• proposed Build, Build, Build! Infrastructure Plan which seeks to accelerate infrastructure spending and develop industries that will yield robust growth, create jobs and improve the lives of Filipinos.
• Environmental policies. Initiated a rehabilitation on Boracay, jump-started efforts to clean Manila Bay and Laguna Lake and got Canada to take back its illegal garbage stranded in the Philippines
• No notable achievements or legacies of his presidency, as he has only been in office for a short period of time.

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A DUTERTE READER: Critical Essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s Early Presidency | Edited by Nicole Curato

Ithaca, New York: SEAP Publications [an imprint of Cornell University Press], 2017. ix, 337 pp. (Tables, graphs.) US$23.95, paper. ISBN 978-1-5017-2473-2.

In June 2016, Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte was elected president of the Philippines. He was the first politician from Mindanao to claim the seat at Malacañang Palace. He vowed to “kill them all,” alluding to anyone involved in the trade and consumption of drugs. He promised that the fish in Manila Bay would fatten up from feeding off the bodies of drug addicts that would be dumped into the water. Within the first quarter of his rule, Duterte made derogatory comments about US President Barack Obama, the Pope, the European Union, and the United Nations, at the same time expressing his admiration for Adolf Hitler. To the horror of many observers around the world, Duterte committed himself to extinguishing drug addicts in the Philippines on the same scale as the Holocaust. In response to such grotesque and macabre promises, Duterte’s supporters in the Philippines and beyond cheered enthusiastically.

The 16 contributions in the collection A Duterte Reader: Critical Essays on Rodrigo Duterte’s Early Presidency step into the world of Duterte’s outrageous logic, which nonetheless offers its supporters what the book’s editor, sociologist Nicole Curato, calls a “compelling fantasy ” (17, emphasis in original). This first collected commentary on “Dutertismo” was published a little more than a year after Duterte’s victory. Unlike other edited collections, which are often organized into themes, the curated essays appear to have no clear trajectory, as they touch on a diverse range of topics: political commentary, social justice and human rights discourse, communication studies, cultural theory, etc.

Award-winning investigative journalist Sheila S. Coronel’s essay unravels the “No Man’s Land where policing and criminality become indistinguishable” (168). In this uncharted territory of “extortion, theft, abduction, and murder in which the police are both enforcers of the law and its worst offenders,” the police emerge as “entrepreneurs looking for maximum gain” (189). Political scientist and activist Nathan Gilbert Quimpo argues in his essay that this ensanguined war on drugs is only possible due to the return of the Marcosian “national boss rule” (160). Quimpo critiques Duterte’s vision of national development as hinged on a brand of security that interrupts law and order itself. Walden Bello supports Quimpo’s insights, adding that the ongoing war on drugs could only be executed by a “fascist original” such as Duterte. Bello points out that unlike other fascists, Duterte does not target the Left, but liberal democracy itself.

Cleve Kevin Robert V. Arguelles presents an illuminating discussion of Duterte’s “other war”—the one that seeks to strike down the democracy fought for in the EDSA revolt of 1986 by “promoting public amnesia over collective remembering” (265). While Arguelles raises the importance of memory in critically assessing Duterte’s regime, Jesse Angelo L. Altez and Kloyde A. Caday curiously offer a sympathetic tone, arguing that the solid support for Duterte in the South “emanates from a legitimate longing for inclusion among the diverse people of Mindanao” (111). Altez and Caday take the route of telling the other side of the story, dangerously crafting a romanticized version of indigenous Mindanao’s support for Duterte.

Ideological contestations based on different political persuasions occasionally simmer between the different essays. Patricio N. Abinales and Leloy Claudio point out the “fraught alliance” between Duterte and the Communist Party of the Philippines who, they write, “have been jubilant over their political windfall of having elected an anti-imperialist, supposedly left-wing president” (98). This alliance, they argue, cannot be sustained as the Communists will eventually return to their call for a national democratic revolution, while on the other hand, Duterte will show more prominently his allegiance to former dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos’ family, “the original sworn enemy of the CCP” (102). However, Abinales and Claudio do not seem to make a distinction between the “communist” and the critical “Left,” which in the context of the history of red-baiting in the Philippines could inflict harm by endangering the lives of those at the forefront of political critique. Nonetheless, Abinales and Claudio’s essay offers a captivating conversation with that of Emerson M. Sanchez, whose essay presents a “cursory inventory” of actions by militant leftist groups, arguing that “the left’s voice has not been muffled but has always been critical” and that they have not let their guard down as other commentators suggest (289–290). These two essays will be of interest to readers who are looking to balance competing discourses among commentators in Duterte’s time.

Editor Curato is correct to point out that today’s political machinery in the Philippines is no longer composed only of guns, goons, and gold, but now includes gigabytes as well (6). The rise of vitriolic political trolling in the Philippines is addressed in the contributions of Jason Vincent A. Cabanes and Jayeel S. Cornelio. They propose that it is no longer tenable to reclaim the spaces of communication now infiltrated by political trolls—professionals or everyday loyal supporters of Duterte. Anthropologist Anna Christina Pertierra discusses how the media, celebrity, and popular entertainment press upon the “melodramatic dimensions of Philippine politics” (227). She argues that the emotions generated and stirred by political drama, which are now more visible than ever before, are “serious business” and cannot be ignored as “these moments generate the emotional ties that push people to support politicians in times of tension and transition” (227). The above-mentioned essays will be of interest to media practitioners who are seeking to reimagine ways of mass mediation and engagement, amid the persistence of trolls and fake news.

The authors in the collection suggest in different ways that Duterte’s rise to power, the popular support he has gained, and his instrumentalization of drugs (and the fight against them) to attain his promised change, did not happen overnight. We see an attention to structure and consciousness in John Andrew G. Evangelista’s essay, in which he argues that Duterte’s homophobic and sexist tirades are all too familiar in the systemically hetero-patriarchal Philippines. Readers will also sense this attention to historical continuity leading to Dutertismo in the essays by Carmel Veloso Abao, Jayson Lamchek, Julio C. Teehankee, and Adele Webb. Overall, the collection provides needed critical commentary at a time of accelerated political crisis.

Duterte’s war has only become bloodier. Many accounts as of the time of writing (March 2019) indicate that the death toll has reached over 27,000. Future conversations could go beyond articulations based on Western social science frameworks. What do we make of the “drug war” and lifeworlds linked to it when viewed through the lenses that are contingent upon the experience of communities, whether in Manila or beyond? Many authors in the collection call for the need to reimagine people’s investments in political and critical action in the time of Duterte. What creativities exist in today’s expanding modes and spaces for protest and critique? These questions are not yet deeply addressed in the contributions but a second installment will hopefully address these in due course.

Purdue University, West Lafayette, USA                                                                     

Last Revised: November 28, 2019

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A consensus on what makes a good president

What does it mean to be successful? To a good friend in the corporate world, it means ordering anything you like in a fancy restaurant without looking at the price. To some, it’s about being able to live for something other than just a fat paycheck. This could be a dream or aspiration for one’s family, community, and country.

Caloocan Bishop Ambo David touched on this when he shared the words of his iconic philosophy teacher Fr. Roque J. Ferriols with the 2020 Ateneo graduating class: “Eh ano kung makapagtapos ka ng kolehiyo sa Ateneo? Eh ano kung sumikat ka, yumaman o maging makapangyarihan sa lipunan? Ano ba ang kinalaman ng lahat ng ito sa tanong na sino ako at ano ang layunin ko sa buhay? (So what if you finished college at Ateneo? So what if you became famous, got rich, or amassed power? What’s the connection of all these to the questions ‘who am I and what is my purpose in life?’)”

The answers to such questions would no doubt vary from one person to the next. It all depends on how one was raised and what values were taught.

Alas, we can never approach the question “who should we elect as the next leader of our country?” in the same manner. There is so much at stake to leave this up to individual existential decisions which are now vulnerable to algorithms, influencers, trolls, and fake news.

In February 1986, it was much easier to answer this question as we were only faced with two options against the backdrop of a raging political and economic crisis: continuity under Ferdinand Marcos or change under Cory Aquino.

Today, voters have to choose among no less than 10 candidates, five of whom now command varying percentages of voter preference, according to recent surveys.

When I went to the UP Teach Talk last Feb. 18, I assumed that if there was one group of Filipinos who would have a consensus on the guidelines needed to choose our next president, it would have to be the over 1,000 ethics teachers from state colleges in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. The group had gathered online to learn from two leading ethics teachers from UP Diliman. After all, we all base our modules on the same canonical texts such as Aristotle’s “Nicomachean Ethics” which underlines the practice of intellectual and moral virtues, and Immanuel Kant’s “Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals.”

To my dismay, when senior members of the UP Diliman faculty started sharing their voting guidelines in response to a participant’s question, out came divergent viewpoints from the Zoom chat box. “Marcos bias!” pointed out one teacher. Another complained that this webinar was about ethics, so politics should not be discussed. To which a triggered teacher replied: “If you think that ethics does not concern politics, you should not teach the subject.” A muted exchange of hashtags ensued next, with “Never again!” eliciting “Never again to dilawan!”

Sadly, the preceding is consistent with what we find on social media nowadays. Which is why I strongly believe we owe it both to Filipinos who fought for “truth, freedom, and justice” at Edsa and ourselves, to clarify as a country, “what facts-based qualities should we look for in a presidential candidate?” Let’s not settle for generic qualities that can be co-opted by anyone who has the means to hire the best social media strategists and image consultants.

Here’s an idea: What if the leading historians, political scientists, ethicists, and managers from all over the country were to scour our historical archives for the recurrent four to five virtues that our greatest Filipino leaders lived out? From Apolinario Mabini to Ramon Magsaysay, from Gabriela Silang to Josefa Llanes Escoda. Upon the completion of this national research project, what if these recurrent virtues and their corresponding facts-based behavioral indicators were adopted as a standard national guideline for voting?

On the day we all can easily answer the question “what does a good Filipino leader look like,” maybe we will no longer have to worry about the terrifying implications of voting for the wrong candidate, one described in that Rico Blanco song as “a snake that would kiss you and call you friend,” and in the next breath, “Pupulupot sa leeg mo’t sisipsip ng iyong dugo. Ipapako ka sa krus kapag ikaw ay natuyo (suck you dry and crucify you).”

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Von Katindoy went to Edsa with his classmates, teachers, and formators. He now teaches at two universities while pursuing graduate work.

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7 philippine presidents, different leadership styles.

In leadership, professionals can learn much from famous CEO’s.  There is, however, also much to learn from leaders in government.  Let’s take a look at the leadership qualities of seven of the most recent presidents of our Republic.

Ferdinand E. Marcos (1965-1986)

While historians have branded Ferdinand Marcos as a dictator, no one has disputed his intellectual brilliance.  Many agree that Marcos had a clear, long-term vision for the Philippines, as exemplified by the Bagong Lipunan (New Society) Movement, a movement aimed at promoting not just law and order, but also changing the culture of the country.

While Marcos was also known for his infrastructure projects, many do not know that he is responsible for building much of the government bureaucracy and filling it with good people, who have made many agencies very stable and effective.  Many government employees were able to take post-graduate studies, which were beneficial to the country.

Two lessons in Marcos’ leadership style: Vision + Building the infrastructure to support one’s leadership.

Corazon C. Aquino (1986-1992)

A housewife catapulted into the presidency by the first EDSA People Power Revolution, the first President Aquino had a nurturing leadership style combined with an effort to promote integrity in public service.

It is also argued that resilience is part of President Cory’s leadership qualities.  She survived seven coup attempts to overthrow her from power.  Not bad at all for an individual who was once labeled as an “ordinary housewife!”

The abolition of martial law also meant bringing back several freedoms that were not present during Martial Law – a leadership style that empowers versus controls.  President Cory was also responsible for empowering women.  Did you know that before 1987, a married woman needed her husband’s consent before she could open her own bank account?  With a stroke of a pen, Aquino drastically changed the civil code.  Hence, women were no longer second class citizens.

Many have observed that up to her death in 2009, she exemplified humility, reminiscent of what is now known as “Level 5” Leadership, which emphasizes humility as a vital ingredient for successful leadership.

Fidel V. Ramos (1992-1998)

Fidel Ramos received the lowest plurality for any elected president of the Philippines, winning less than 25% of the entire vote in 1992.  Despite this, he has produced many results that he set to undertake, much of which are related to economic reform and liberalization.  Despite the low plurality, FVR’s strength was his ability to collaborate across party lines and build a strong coalition of different political parties.

Ramos was also able to rally the nation under his vision of Philippines 2000, his goal of making the Philippines a newly-industrialized country by the end of the 20 th century.

Joseph E. Estrada (1998-2001)

Aside from Ramon Magsaysay, Joseph “Erap” Ejercito Estrada captivated the country by being known as a “man for the masses.”  Empathizing with the plight of the masses has been his gift. His ability to connect with people made him one of the most popular presidents of the republic, despite the many controversies that have been hurled against him.

His tag-line was “Erap para sa Mahihirap.”  His administration worked towards the creation of pro-poor programs.

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001-2010)

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was catapulted into power by the second EDSA People Power Revolution in 2001.  While the popularity and trust ratings had been an area for improvement for the daughter of another Philippine president, Diosdado Macapagal, PGMA was known to be a very hands-on leader.  The indicator: she was abreast even with small-town road and irrigation projects.  She traveled extensively across the country to either supervise their groundbreaking or lead the inauguration of such projects.

While her “famous temper” may have also made her notorious, in leadership, this is also an indicator of being a results-oriented leader.  She has been filmed to not mince words when deadlines and targets are not met.

Preparation is also key in leadership, and Macapagal-Arroyo did prepare to become president.  While many women of her time and status were expected to be housewives, she pursued her doctorate in economics.  Aside from English and Filipino, Mrs. Arroyo also fluently speaks Spanish, Bisaya, Ilocano, and of course, Kapampangan.

Benigno S. Aquino III (2010-2016)

The second Aquino to be President of the Philippines prided himself in his vision of “Daang Matuwid” (Straight Path).  Hence, President Noynoy prided in an administration that is free from corruption as much as possible.  He has also fought against the abuse of privileges of many leaders and public officials who would use their positions for personal gain, as exemplified by his no “wang-wang” principle or policy.

Servant leadership seemed to be the quality of Pnoy, who referred to the public as his “boss,” and this guided his stay in Malacanang.  During his presidency, different international bodies upgraded the investment ratings of the Philippines.

Many employees in the bureaucracy have said that his leadership style of integrity and being corruption-free has influenced the culture of government.

Rodrigo R. Duterte (2016 – present)

Rodrigo Roa Duterte won a landslide victory in 2016 and will be president until 2022.  Many observe that he is much different from his predecessors.  He has become popular and well-loved because of his frankness as a leader.  He is direct to the point, does not mince words, and takes a no-nonsense approach to governance.  He says it as it is to his fellow politicians and avoids the confusing, even contradictory communication styles of other officials.

President Duterte is observed to be action-oriented and is bent on keeping his promises.  The man people love to refer to as “President DU30” wants his presidency free from corruption, and has promised to fire people who are involved in corruption – a promise that he has fulfilled.

While the administration’s campaign against illegal drugs has been controversial, from a leadership point-of-view, his determination shows clarity and commitment to his purpose and vision.  He has promised, “Change is coming.”  This line has energized the government bureaucracy and is slowly changing the culture throughout different agencies.  Likewise, it has also energized the Filipino people, who have all been thirsty for change and meaningful reforms.

As of this writing, President Duterte still has more than five years into his presidency.  The nation will still see much more about his leadership qualities in the weeks and years to come.

Seven presidents, different leadership styles.  How about you — what are your leadership qualities?  Which qualities of these seven presidents are you applying at work or in your community?  These presidents have become leaders because of their own learning efforts and their actual experiences.  What leadership training programs and work experiences are you bringing into your work to make a difference?

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Tags: leadership , leadership styles , presidents

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I like how this article was written. Unbiased. Gave a ‘general’ description for each of the presidents. Focused on their positive deeds instead of pointing out too much negativity (seriously, no one wants that aside from fault-finders). Good job. Thank you for this article, would be a great help for the essay I am writing at the moment. Thank you very much!

How i love this article, it was written fairly. Thought it will be one of biased article again, nice one po! Keep it up and Godbless always!

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16 Presidents: Thoughts on politics and the presidency

(Elections stand as the chief reforming mechanism in a democracy. How well has the Philippines fared in the parade of Presidents elected from the time of Emilio Aguinaldo to Rodrigo Roa Duterte?

At 96, national artist for literature f. sionil jose ponders on this question as he writes for the philippines graphic a singular essay, with the authority and wisdom of one who has witnessed and lived through 16 presidents.—ed.).

This is a personal essay, my impressions on our politics and the presidency as I have observed both from my teenage years onwards. In this my twilight, I am now 96, with memory still keen, I try to locate our country in the wider context of Asia’s past.

My conclusions are not final. They may even be questionable. But there is one conclusion I hold on to: all our leaders are failures. Whereas other countries with comparable problems had modernized, we were left behind. I’ll attempt to explain why.

First and foremost, all of them were hobbled by their own egos, their personal agendas, ethnicity and their loyalty to friends, and family. It was only Magsaysay who was truly selfless, but alas, on the second year of his term, he was killed in that plane crash in Cebu. Marcos—the most brilliant of them all, started with so much promise but in the end, ego and greed destroyed him.

Old fashioned presidents like Osmeña and Quirino were too conservative, too mired in their own pasts to understand the need for radical solutions. Indeed, our leaders were ill equipped to face the massive changes after World War II—the problem of rehabilitation with a new power elite, the rapid population growth, and the scientific changes that affected industry, communications and globalization.

Those who were smart enough to have read the future and take advantage of the opportunities flourished—the Chinese magnates all of whom started banks—but being heirs to the imperial order, they became the domestic exploiters of the country.

In this presentation, in some instances, I have focused on the wives of our Presidents. They are after all, the first influencer of their husbands. Some—bless them, like Mrs. Ramon Magsaysay did that unobtrusively, keeping themselves almost anonymous. One, like Imelda Marcos, flaunted her status for which she was both adored and scorned. Mrs. Ming Ramos, too, kept herself in the background even while she did civic work.

EMILIO AGUINALDO (1899-1901)

In 1935 an election was held for President of the Commonwealth—the government set up by an agreement between the United States and the Philippines in preparation for the American grant of Independence after 10 years.

I was in Grade Five but I remember very well that Manuel Quezon, Emilio Aguinaldo and Gregorio Aglipay ran for President and Quezon won. I was to encounter in our Grade Six history class the Pact of Biak-na-Bato which marked the end of the first phase of the Revolution started by Andres Bonifacio in 1896. General Emilio Aguinaldo was the beneficiary of that agreement.

I met him finally in 1950 when as staff member of the Manila Times Sunday Magazine , I went to Kawit, Cavite to interview him. At the time, I was doing research for my novel, Po-on , the first in terms of chronology of my five-novel Rosales saga. The novel is set on the waning days of the Spanish regime and the onset of the American Occupation. It ends with the Battle of Tirad Pass. I had of course wanted to know more about Bonifacio’s death about which I had already read that Aguinaldo willed it. Aguinaldo was in his eighties, with white hair and watery eyes. He was very soft-spoken and emphasized carefully what he said, punctuating each pause with a polite “opo.” He must have anticipated my question which I didn’t ask directly, intimidated as I was by his very polite manner. He said, “In a revolution there must only be one leader.”

He recounted his flight across the Cordilleras and the Sierra Madre to the Pacific coastal town of Palanan where, betrayed by the Macabebes, the Americans captured him and effectively ended the Philippine-American war.

The rift in the Katipunan was already obvious before its founder was killed. Aguinaldo was a rich Cavite landlord. Bonifacio, though possessed with education, was a clerk from the masa . This social divide pervaded the Malolos government led by Aguinaldo. He allied himself with the rich Manila principalia—the Legardas, Aranetas, and Pedro Paterno as against Apolinario Mabini, the poor lawyer from Tanauan, Batangas. Aguinaldo asked to join the cabinet but later was eased out. The Americans had occupied Manila.

In the daytime, the wealthy ilustrados were in Malolos but at night, they were in Manila negotiating with the Americans, proposing an American state for the Philippines under their Federalista Party.

In the treaty of Paris signed by Spanish and American representatives in December 1898, Spain ceded the Philippines to the United States for $20 million. The American acquisition of the Philippines was opposed by many Americans. The American tycoon, Andrew Carnegie wanted to return the $20 million and writers like Mark Twain and the poet Robert Frost himself told me he opposed America’s annexation of the Philippines. It was inevitable for the Philippine-American war to break out. Aguinaldo’s ragtag army was no match for the large, well equipped invasion force. In an epic retreat, he fled to Palanan on the Pacific coast.

I visited this isolated coastal town in the 1950s. I went there on a Navy patrol ship. The town had no pier. It was really small, with the usual Catholic church and municipio. I wonder how the town looks now.

Aguinaldo’s capture in Palanan ended the Malolos Republic—the first in Asia. Aguinaldo was accused of masterminding the assassination of Antonio Luna, too, and of how he spent the money from the Pact of Biak-na-Bato. All these considered, Aguinaldo still stands out as an authentic hero. Faced with superior forces and betrayed by his own people, he fought and lost.

A major issue that has troubled the Filipino people from the Spanish regime onwards is independence, not so much as a political fact but as an economic condition. Poverty was not so evident in the early days of this nation. But this was simply because the population was still very small, not even 20 million when the First Republic was proclaimed. But as the years went on, the question of property and poverty became entwined.

The Americans surely recognized this, the inequitable distribution of land under the Spanish regime, for which reason, almost immediately at the start of the colonization, they established the Torrens system of ownership. In a vast cadastral survey of the country, the lands that were already titled were identified. By that time, many farmers had already cleared so many sections of the country that were forested but they had no titles or “mojon” markers.

Mostly illiterate, the boundaries of the lands they cleared were trees, creeks, mounds. The educated Filipinos took advantage of the cadastral system and obtained titles of many of the lands cleared by the settlers. Overnight the small independent farmers became tenants. Early enough, the agrarian problem was exacerbated by the harsh conditions imposed by landlords. Agrarian repression turned violent. Peasant revolts occurred sporadically during the Spanish regime, many of them the result of oppression imposed by the friar landlords. Here, the case of Rizal’s family who were dispossessed in Laguna by the friars is a notable example.  The Colorum revolt in Pangasinan in 1931, the Sakdal uprising in 1935 in Central Luzon, and the Hukbalahap uprising in 1949-1953 were all agrarian in origin.

The NPA rebellion that this government has yet to suppress is spawned primarily by poverty.

Taiwan and Japan had sweeping, successful agrarian change within the last two generations and is responsible for the economic development in these countries but much more significant is its enhancement of mobility for the very poor.

Gen. Douglas MacArthur, who initiated this sweeping agrarian reform in Japan, knew agrarian conditions were similar in the Philippines. Why didn’t he do it in the Philippines when it was possible for him to do so during the Liberation? Simple—many of the big landlords were his personal friends. Indeed, American colonialism was truly compadre colonialism. And so, to this very day, poverty and the agrarian problem persist but the old solutions are no longer valid. It is necessary now to maximize agricultural production for there is but little land that can be distributed under the sweeping redistribution that took place with the Marcoses land reform decree. Land grabbing is now the problem this government must resolve.

MANUEL L. QUEZON (1935-1944)

Manuel L. Quezon was our playboy President whose libido was heightened by tuberculosis. This was what was gossiped about in 1938 when I came to Manila. And why not? Quezon was handsome, dapper and a powerful orator.

I always attended the November 15 Commonwealth parade at the Luneta. It was dominated by Quezon delivering his usual fiery address.

His only son, Manolo, was a friend. I met him at the University of Santo Tomas where he was then a Dominican novice, and I was on the staff of the university paper. I also knew Serapio Canceran, Quezon’s private secretary from Cagayan.  From both, I was able to form a dear image of Quezon, the man.

He was born in August 19, 1878 in the Pacific coastal town of Baler, Tayabas. He was a veteran of the Philippine-American war, as aide de camp to General Emilio Aguinaldo. After Aguinaldo’s surrender to the Americans, he continued his law studies at Santo Tomas, passed the bar and joined the government service. He was elected governor of Tayabas province in 1906 and the following year, as representative of the National Assembly.

As Congressman, Quezon was very active in the independence movement. Elected to the Senate, he headed the first Independence Mission to the US Congress in 1919. In 1935 he won the Presidency as Nacionalista Party candidate. Incidentally, in these Independence Missions, he detoured to California. The late Carlos P. Romulo told me he dated Marlene Dietrich and Greer Garson.

By this time, Japan’s imperial intentions began to alarm the United States. Quezon, following American moves, decided to develop the country’s defense capability. He asked MacArthur to come to Manila to set up an Army.

Quezon attended to the agrarian problem that was seething. In 1935, the Sakdal peasant rebellion had erupted in Central Luzon. Congress passed a Tenancy Law that was flawed. He initiated the opening of Mindanao to settlers.

Quezon was very partial to his ethnic origins. He made Tagalog the National language. He was also partial to his friends. He created Quezon City as the national capital and gave choice portions of it to his mestizo friends.

As for Baler, his hometown, when I visited it in the 1950s, it seemed as if for the town, time had stopped. Quezon did nothing for it, ensconced as he was in Manila, playing poker and chasing pretty women. It was former Senator Edgardo Angara who made Baler the booming tourist destination it is today.

Quezon married his cousin, Aurora Aragon who was killed by the Huks in a mistaken ambush in Bongabon, Nueva Ecija in 1947 together with daughter Baby and her husband, Felipe Buencamino. Quezon was compassionate; he opened the country to a thousand Jewish refugees from Hitler’s Germany.

Quezon did not see the Philippines liberated by his friend General MacArthur. When the war with Japan started, he was evacuated to Corregidor then to Australia onwards to the United States where he formed a government in exile. His tuberculosis worsened and on Aug. 1, 1944, he died in Saranac Lake, New York. His body was brought back to Manila by former US High Commissioner Frank Murphy and is now at the Quezon Memorial Shrine in Quezon City. 

I saw only one of Quezon’s girlfriends, Amparo Karagdag. She was petite, beautiful, a movie star. They were shooting a scene before the Manila Hotel. Early enough, I had started gathering bits and bits about the affairs of our Presidents but I gave it up when I found it too messy. For all his extravagances and picadillos, Quezon towered over all the politicians in his time, and was adored by his countrymen. 

He left us some memorable quotes: “Better a government run like hell by Filipinos than a government run like heaven by Americans.” Quezon was also a prophet.

JOSE P. LAUREL (1943-1945)

During the Philippine Revolution of 1896, some thinking Filipinos already considered Japan a friend and champion. This was a good 45 years before Japan attacked the United States Naval base in Hawaii on Dec. 8, 1941.

Japan did send arms and even officers to train the Philippine revolutionary army. The ship carrying the arms capsized in bad weather and the officers-teachers returned to Japan due to the language problem. They could not communicate with the revolutionaries, though they were facile in Spanish.

When Japan invaded the Philippines just 10 hours before they attacked Pearl Harbor in Hawaii, President Quezon ordered Jose P. Laurel, Jorge B. Vargas and other Cabinet officials to stay.

The Laurels of Batangas are known for their ties with the Japanese. Born in Tanauan, Batangas on Mar. 9, 1891, Laurel had sent a son to study at the Imperial Military Academy in Tokyo.

Laurel restudied law at the University of the Philippines under George A. Malcolm whom he succeeded as Chief Justice. Like several prominent Filipino lawyers, he got his L.S. Degree from Yale. In February 1936, he was appointed Associate Justice of the Supreme Court and as such, penned several important decisions, among them, the definition of the limits of government.

Laurel was a rigid nationalist and advocate of social justice—all these were emphasized in his court decisions.

In 1943, the puppet National Assembly elected him President. He couldn’t have done much. That year, the country was plagued with shortages. Japanese brutality had angered Filipinos and all over the country guerrillas had proliferated. Laurel was able to resist the Japanese pressure for him to declare war on the United States. Meanwhile, right in Manila, the guerrilla movement grew. Laurel was shot while playing golf at Wack-Wack. Fortunately, he survived.

Towards the end of the war, Laurel fled to Baguio with the Japanese and before the city fell, he escaped to Aparri and from there, on a Japanese plane, he flew to Japan. When the Americans occupied Japan, he was put in prison. Returned to Manila, he was accused of treason but was never jailed because President Elpidio Quirino proclaimed amnesty to all those who collaborated with the Japanese.

Claro M. Recto, however, was jailed in Iwahig. This made him very bitter. In an interview, he told me that Manuel Roxas collaborated with the Japanese more than him. He did not appreciate that MacArthur and Roxas were good friends.

Laurel returned to the Senate in 1951, garnering the most number of votes. President Magsaysay appointed him the head of a mission to the United States to negotiate trade and other issues. The result is the Laurel-Langley Agreement.

In his retirement, his efforts were directed toward the development of the Lyceum of the Philippines, the university in Intramuros which the Laurel family owns. Laurel died of a heart attack in 1959.

To this very day, he and all those who collaborated with the Japanese are cocooned in doubt. Those of us who survived Japanese brutality will always consider the collaborators as traitors even if we may have forgiven them. Collaboration with the Japanese may have been politically resolved, but as a moral issue, it continues to fester.

SERGIO OSMEñA (1944-1946)

Sergio Osmeña Sr., like Manuel L. Quezon, was a veteran of the Philippine Revolution. He served as courier and journalist on the staff of General Aguinaldo. He was born illegitimate to a wealthy Cebu family on Sept. 9, 1878. His mother Juana Osmeña y Suico never married his father. Osmeña was Quezon’s Vice President, a founder of the Nacionalista Party and the first Visayan to be President.

The Osmeña family, Cebu’s most powerful, includes his son, former Senator Sergio Osmeña, Jr.; former Senators Sergio III, and John Henry Osmeña; former Cebu governor Lito Osmeña, and former Cebu City Mayor Tomas Osmeña.

Sergio Osmeña, Sr. went to San Juan de Letran College in Manila where his classmates were Manuel Quezon, Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto. He took up law at the University of Santo Tomas. He was elected Cebu governor in 1906 and representative to the First National Assembly in 1907, where he was elected Speaker. Osmeña was only 29 years old.

For a time, there was intense rivalry between him and Quezon but eventually, they joined hands to fortify the Nacionalista Party which was now confronted by the growing Democrat Party.

In that 1935 election that established the Commonwealth, Quezon was President and Osmeña was his Vice. When Quezon died in 1944, Osmeña was sworn in as President by Justice Robert Jackson in Washington. He returned to the country with General MacArthur in October 1944.

Upon the liberation of Manila in Feb. 27, 1945, in a ceremony at Malacañan, Osmeña thanked the United States for liberating the Philippines. MacArthur announced the restoration of the Commonwealth. There was a lot of work to be done, the organization of government, rehabilitation, rebuilding the Philippine National Bank.

Senator Manuel Roxas and Elpidio Quirino called for an election and President Osmeña agreed and that election was held in April 1946. In the 1946 election, President Osmeña refused to campaign, saying he stood by his record of service.

He was very honest as were many of the civil servants at the time, reared as they were in the finest traditions of the First Republic. But some of the Osmeñas who followed him are held in doubt.

Roxas won and Quirino was his Vice. No charges of corruption tainted Osmeña’s brief presidency. He retired to his home in Cebu. He died of pneumonia at 83 on Oct. 19, 1961. He was buried at the Manila North Cemetery.

America, America: From Roxas onwards

Another major issue that our Presidents had to face was our relationship with the United States, the American dominance over our economy and culture. With colonization and exploitation, the United States created the Filipino oligarchy as its ally. And the Filipinos gladly accepted this domination, enforced by gratitude for our liberation from Japan.

Former Pres. Ferdinand E. Marcos was right in initially distancing himself from the United States, but was wrong in initiating the emasculation and then the removal of the American bases. They were not obstructions to our development. Look at Japan—the Japanese pay for the United States bases there.

Cory Aquino realizing this tried very hard to see to it that the bases remained but 12 hyper nationalists in the Senate voted them out. I wonder if China would bully us if the bases were still here.

President Duterte is correct in opening up this country to closer relations with China and Russia. But he over did himself with China and the developing China which needs raw materials and breathing space. I do not know how far China will go insofar as dominating our region.

Our Presidents in the past had never really been concerned with China. It was Marcos who began that relationship and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, and finally, Duterte, who strengthened it.

It was Noynoy, however, who stood his ground and brought our Chinese problem—China’s occupation of our Scarborough shoal— to the International Court of Justice. And with former Justice Antonio Carpio’s staunch defense, we won.

MANUEL A. ROXAS (1946-1948)

Born on January 1, 1892, Manuel Acuña Roxas became the first President of the Third Republic after the United States granted full independence to its only colony. He was the youngest governor of Capiz from 1919 to 1922.

In 1921, he married Bulacan beauty queen, Trinidad de Leon. His son, Gerry, later became a Senator.

Elected to the House of Representatives in 1922, Roxas was House Speaker for 12 years, then Secretary of Finance. He was Brigadier General in the Army organized by General MacArthur and a guerrilla during the Japanese Occupation.

When Quezon left for the United States, Roxas went to Mindanao where the Japanese captured him. He returned to Manila to be adviser to President Laurel.

In 1945, when Congress was convened after Liberation, Roxas was elected President of the Senate. He left the Nacionalista Party and formed the Liberal Party. Roxas had MacArthur’s backing. He was the last President of the Commonwealth.

Roxas became President of the Third Republic from 1946 to 1948. A massive audience witnessed his inauguration at the Luneta. The stars and stripes flag was lowered and the national flag was raised to a 21-gun salute and the pealing of church bells all over the country.

Roxas had a love affair with Jovita Fuentes, the opera singer who sang Madam Butterfly in theaters all over the world. To commemorate her love for President Roxas, she composed that love song, “Ay Kalisud.” Roxas was not open with his extra marital relationships. Mrs. Roxas made him miserable.

My wife remembers that when she was at the Holy Ghost College in 1946, Mrs Roxas went there looking for her husband’s illegitimate daughters. One of them was the mother of former Miss Universe, Margie Moran.

When Roxas was sworn in as President, his task was herculean: to rebuild a nation ravaged by war. Fortunately, the United States helped in the rehabilitation with financial assistance and the presence of several Federal agencies in the country. The sugar industry was revived.

The United States, however, maintained its hold on the country through the military bases and the Parity Rights amendment to the Philippine Constitution, among others.

Next to the bases, the Parity Rights amendment was most controversial because it continued the exploitation of Philippine resources by America. This exchange for continuing economic and military assistance—and the sweetest of them all, the annual sugar quota that perpetuated the political dominance of the sugar bloc on Philippine politics.

Then, too, widespread graft surfaced, together with the rumblings of agrarian discontent. Roxas escaped an assassination attempt by Julio Guillen, a Tondo barber who threw a grenade while Roxas was addressing a Plaza Miranda rally.

Roxas did not finish his term. After speaking before the US 13th Air at Clark airbase in Pampanga, he suffered a heart attack and died.

ELPIDIO QUIRINO (1948-1953)

I knew Elpidio Rivera Quirino quite well. In the manner of Ilokanos honoring their elders or men of high position. I always addressed him as “Apo.” When I was courting my wife, who was living in Tala, where her father was director of the Leprosarium, I would drop by the Novaliches house where Pres. Quirino had retired almost every time, after I visited her at Tala.

He reminisced not just about his presidency and the characters with whom he dealt, but the past. He and Osmeña were the last of the first generation of Filipino leaders that witnessed the birthing of our political institutions from the demise of Imperial Spain and the burgeoning of the American empire.

Quirino was scrupulously clean; all those stories about his lavish lifestyle were concoctions to belittle him in the political campaign that elected President Magsaysay. He was Ilokano after all, frugal, hardworking, happy with simple Ilokano dinengdeng (vegetable stew).

He was born in Vigan, Ilocus Sur, the third child of Mariano Quirino from Caoayan, Ilocos Sur and Gregoria Mendoza of Agoo, La Union. He graduated from the Manila High School then went to the University of the Philippines College of Law and passed the Bar in 1915. He practiced his profession until his election to Congress in 1925, then the Senate in 1931.

In Quezon’s Commonwealth government, he was a member of the Cabinet. During the battle to liberate Manila, on Feb. 9, 1945, Quirino’s family—his wife, Alicia Syquia, his children, Amando, Norma, and Fe Angeles—were killed by the Japanese.

He was elected Vice President in 1946 and became President when Roxas died in 1948. It was at this time that the Huk rebellion erupted, making it his sternest challenge.

In 1949 he won as President. Quirino had a splendid program for the country’s economic development that included agrarian reform, electrification and regionalism.

He also re-structured the Armed Forces, formed the Batallion Combat teams, the Rangers. He created the Social Security Commission. In foreign affairs, he strengthened our ties with the United States with several treaties.

For all those initiatives, Quirino was considered a weak leader and when he ran for re-election, he lost and the man he appointed Defense Secretary won. Quirino bore no ill will towards Magsaysay; for one, both were Ilokanos.

RAMON MAGSAYSAY (1953-1957)

He was flawed, impulsive and because he was intellectually insecure, he listened eagerly to people. Whatever his faults, I consider Ramon Magsaysay as our best President.

He was a game changer, an innovator and he proved we are capable of building an incorruptible government. Maybe it helped that our population then was a mere 30 million; it is now 110 million.

Through the example of one selfless leader determined to walk the talk, he provided us meaningful insights on leadership and how to convince people. I once suggested that if there was a Filipino leader who should have declared Martial law, it was him.

Conrado Estrella, former Pangasinan governor and astute politician said it wasn’t necessary—the people obeyed RM whatever he asked of them. I knew RM personally. He was taller than most Filipinos. His manner was direct, his language simple and down to earth.

He was born in that section of Zambales that is Ilokano. We always talked in Ilokano. He was in Zambales with a bus company when the war broke out for which reason, he was called a mechanic. During the war, he was with the guerrillas and it was during this period that he obtained firsthand experience with the peasantry. I suspect he had had contact with the Huks; he sympathized with them. He was a member of Congress during the Quirino administration when President Quirino appointed him Secretary of National Defense.

The Hukbalahap—short for Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon , was perhaps the best organized guerrilla group in World War II, its leadership mostly communist. During the Occupation, they took over the haciendas that the landlords couldn’t administer. After liberation, however, the landlords, with their civilian guards and aided by the Constabulary returned. In the late forties, the Huks were very powerful. Checkpoints were all over Luzon. Cars, buses going through Central Luzon were in convoys accompanied by armored cars.

In the late 1940s, the Huks were rumored to have ringed Manila. During this period, Huk Supremo Luis Taruc came to Manila with some of his men and I interviewed him. I was then on the staff of the Catholic Weekly, The Commonweal .

President Quirino gave RM a free hand and he initiated a policy of accommodating the Huks. He opened Mindanao and other areas for settlement—the special EDCOR farms. He also focused on community development as the core social program that will bring the government to the people, the same program which Duterte is pursuing today.

Magsaysay got assistance from the United States not only in the Huk campaign but when he ran for President. That assistance was superfluous for Magsaysay was overwhelmingly popular. As President he relied on the best available minds in the country. He was impulsive but if he made a wrong decision, he rectified it immediately.

When he died at the plane crash in Cebu in 1958, many suspected it was sabotage; certainly, because of his many reforms, there are those he had hurt. RM was survived by his wife Luz Banzon and daughters Mila and Teresita and Ramon Jr. who was elected Senator.

Former Senator Ramon Magsaysay, Jr. would later tell me how frugal and correct his father was, that he had to pay for the food served to friends. The Malacañan safe was opened when he died—it was almost empty. The family had no Manila house to go to; Paco Ortigas donated a lot in Mandaluyong for the family and the stevedores at the pier donated the tiles for the roof.

In his honor, the Rockefeller Brothers donated a foundation that honors Magsaysay with a memorial award for outstanding Asians.

CARLOS P. GARCIA (1957-1961)

Carlos Polistico Garcia was born November 4, 1896 in Talibon, Bohol. He was a teacher, poet, lawyer, a guerrilla during the Occupation, military leader and the 8th President of the Republic.

As a student of our history, what bothered me all these years, is why he was unable to continue Magsaysay’s legacy of clean government. The Lopezes had lured him; he gave them the giant power company Meralco, for nothing.

I invited him to address a National Writers Congress in Baguio sponsored by the Philippine PEN in 1958. He was like Recto who also addressed that conference as an avowed nationalist. He espoused a “Filipino First” policy, favoring Filipinos investing in the country over foreigners. As a poet, his plea for Filipinos to care for “temples and altars” was portrayed, but alas, wasn’t effective enough to make Filipinos build a moral and just society.

In the face of mounting economic difficulties, he started an “austerity” program to prevent abuses in the export licensing and restrict government imports, and most important of all, increase food production.

It was during his term that the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) supported by American foundations was set-up in Los Banos. The Institute is instrumental in the increase in rice production in the region as well as the creation of pest-free varieties.

In the 1961 election, he ran for re-election but was defeated by Diosdado Macapagal. He retired to Tagbilaran, Bohol and later, in Quezon City. He died of a heart attack in June 14, 1971.

President Garcia was married to Leonila Dimataga. They had one daughter, Linda Garcia Campos. As with most Filipino leaders who professed nationalism, that profession was not a sustained effort to abolish poverty.

DIOSDADO MACAPAGAL (1961-1965)

Diosdado Macapagal—Cong Dadong, the “poor boy from Lubao,” was hobbled among other things by a shrewish wife.

I was in Malacanang one early morning and I came upon Mrs. Macapagal berating the janitors.

Macapagal was President from 1961 to 1965. He graduated from the University of Santo Tomas and the University of the Philippines and was elected Congressman in 1949. In 1957 he became Vice President to President Garcia whom he defeated in 1961.

Born on Sept. 28, 1910, in Lubao, Pampanga to very poor parents, his lineage, however, includes Don Juan Macapagal, a Tondo prince and the great grandson of the last reigning Lakan ng Tondo.

Cong Dadong was also known as a poet in both Capampangan and Spanish. After high school, he enrolled at the Philippine law school on a scholarship, supporting himself as an accountant. Running out of money, he returned home and joined his boyhood friend, the movie star, Rogelio dela Rosa producing zarzuelas—Tagalog operettas.

He married his friend’s sister, Purita dela Rosa in 1938 with whom he had two children. Purita died in 1943. Three years later, he married Dr. Angelina Macaraeg on May 5, 1946. The marriage bore two children, Diosdado, Jr. and Gloria.

With the backing of the philanthropist, Honorio Ventura, he went back to law school. He passed the bar in 1936 and also earned a doctorate in economics.

Macapagal was Quezon’s legal assistant and during the Occupation continued working as such for President Laurel. After the war, President Roxas appointed him head of the Department of Foreign Affairs Legal Division.

In 1948, President Quirino appointed him chief negotiator in the transfer of the Turtle Islands in the Sulu Sea to the Philippines. The following year, Macapagal was appointed as second Secretary in the Philippine Embassy in Washington and counsellor on Legal Affairs and Treaties.

On the urging of Pampanga’s political leaders, Macapagal was returned home to run for Congress. He won and also was re-elected for another term.

As a lawmaker, Macapagal authored several laws benefitting the poor, among them the Minimum Wage Law and so many others.

In the election of 1957, he won as Vice President, and was now the opposition leader. As Vice President, he went around the country gaining followers and in the 1961 election, he defeated re-electionist Carlos P. Garcia.

As President, Macapagal presented an economic program based on free enterprise. Exchange controls were lifted. He improved the agrarian reform program, provided funds for the purchase of agricultural lands for distribution to the landless.

Macapagal pledged to rid the nation of corruption that ballooned under President Garcia. He also antagonized the powerful Lopezes. It was also at this time that GI-turned-entrepreneur Harry Stonehill was building his empire based on collusion with government officials.

During his term, Sabah was claimed by Malaysia. One notable move made by Macapagal was to transfer Independence Day from July 4 to June 12, at the urging of his Education Secretary, Alejandro Roces.

In spite of his poor beginnings, Macapagal failed to win the masa . His manner was correct but he didn’t pander to them. His graft ridden regime diminished him and in 1965, he lost the election. Beribboned “war hero” and garbed in “shining armor,” Ferdinand Marcos won an overwhelming victory.

The “poor boy” from Lubao had moved to Forbes Park. During the Martial Law years, he often dropped by the bookshop to reminisce. He told me he didn’t realize it was so easy to be a dictator. He did some writing. In April 1997, he died of heart failure and pneumonia and his remains are at the National Cemetery.

FERDINAND E. MARCOS (1965-1986)

Contrary to gossip, Ferdinand Marcos was not henpecked by his wife. He was perhaps the most intellectually prepared President we ever had.

There was no reason for him to have failed. He surrounded himself with the brightest Filipinos in his time, some of them, my personal friends. It would have been easy for me to ingratiate myself with him—my being Ilokano most of all.

But I kept away from him. When I was at the University of Santo Tomas in 1946 one of my classmates was Jose Nalundasan, the youngest son of Julio Nalundasan who was widely believed to have been shot by Marcos.

Peping Nalundasan was absolutely sure it was Marcos who did it. Marcos defended himself ably in the Supreme Court presided by Chief Justice Jose Laurel. I followed Marcos’s career. I know for instance, that when he was a congressman, he was already wealthy, and more so when he became Senator. His marriage to the beautiful Imelda Marcos further glamorized him.

Marcos knew in his bones he needed the Army as partner in declaring Martial Law. He “Ilokanized” it. Officers on the right side of the Agno River—the solid Ilokano North, were given preference in status.

Fidel Ramos, his cousin who later became President—however, believed Imelda changed Marcos. His marriage to Imelda for all its glitz and glamor was tumultuous. Discovering Marcos’s affair with Dovie Beams, Imelda used this to clobber Marcos and get concessions. Once at a dinner, Hans Menzi told us of the troubled relationship, saying, he had to leave to go to Malacañan as peacemaker.

Marcos stayed in power for almost a generation, denying the ascendance of the next generation of leaders. He and his wife touched many lives and created a massive and loyal following.

Marcos’ first Martial Law decree abolished the tenancy system; replacing it with a leasehold scheme. This decree was what the peasantry had been longing for. Even Magsaysay with his vast popularity couldn’t get Congress, dominated by landlords to pass it.

Marcos also embarked on a massive infrastructure program while his wife built the Cultural Center of the Philippines and those medical centers. Marcos established relations with China and Russia and abrogated our defense treaty of 99 years with the United States. If he did not, the US bases would have become permanent like Guantanamo in Cuba.

Marcos knew he had to win military allegiance, so he Ilokanized the Army. Officers got promoted on the basis of their geographical origin—the right side of the Agno River which marks the southern boundary of the “solid” Ilokano region.

Marcos was elected to a second term and in 1972, he proclaimed Martial Law, claiming to prevent Communism from taking over the country.

The first months of Martial law were accepted by the people; sure, there was a sense of security. The oligarchy, too, was dismantled, but soon enough, Marcos created his own oligarchs with him on top.

But Marcos was correct in abolishing the two houses of Congress and replacing it with one Assembly. We can see how much money is wasted supporting both houses. If there will be Constitutional change, I hope the unicameral assembly will be restored.

The Marcosses are back; as Singapore’s former Prime Minister said, only in the Philippines…Bongbong Marcos, Marcos only son, already served as Senator. Malacañan is within his grasp. President Duterte is a self-proclaimed champion. Of cleaning government, he allowed what has been long perceived to be as the most corrupt Filipino President to be buried in the National Cemetery.

That perceptive English writer, James Hamilton Paterson, who wrote the Marcos biography, “America’s Boy,” said Marcos got everything, power, wealth, women  said he was bored.

CORAZON COJUANGCO AQUINO (1986-1992)

As President, Corazon Aquino was a disaster. She used to come to the bookshop and I’d select the books for her husband who was then in jail. She would return them within the week. I hardly had any conversation with her. In those times that I visited Ninoy in their Quezon City house, she never participated in our talks. She left after she had served us merienda and snacks. It was obvious why Ninoy married her. I had a feeling she resented her husband, for when she became President, she distanced herself from the people who she knew were close to Ninoy and much of what she did benefitted her relatives.

The assassination of her husband on August 21, 1983 is a major milestone in our history. His massive funeral, the likes of which has never been seen in the final denouement of the Marcos dictatorship, but it took a couple of years before the EDSA Revolution erupted.

Those of us who were there, who witnessed it, exalted in a manner so joyous, thinking about it now, so many years after the event, still lifts the heart.

In the snap election the Americans suggested and which Marcos approved, Cory Aquino was reluctant presidential candidate.

Marcos cheated but courageous election officials denied him. At this time the very people who helped him declare Martial Law—Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel V. Ramos, had formed a cabal to overthrow him.

Cory Aquino was a saint, regarded as redeemer but she turned that EDSA revolution into a restoration. She returned the sequestered properties of the Lopezes and reversed some of the few good things Marcos did.

We were warned; on her first day in power, she announced she will “not accept unsolicited advice,” that she will make the presidency “an 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. job.”

I knew her husband very well. I was his first editor when he joined the Manila Times in 1950. I had hoped he had influenced her, but as it turned out, he didn’t.

She resented the men with whom Ninoy worked closely. More than this, a high palace official also told me she was “mata pobre.” She went to the United States and delivered a beautifully crafted speech before the American Congress. She was the darling of the press. Maybe we expected too much from the housewife which she said she was.

FIDEL VALDEZ RAMOS (1992-1998)

One memorable achievement of President Ramos was he destroyed the telephone monopoly. I recall how difficult it was then to obtain a telephone. To aggravate the condition, the service was also very bad.

General Fidel V. Ramos, anointed by Cory Aquino to succeed her, was elected President in 1992. He comes from Asingan, Pangasinan. His father, Narciso was Congressman, then Secretary of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador to Taiwan.

Ramos commanded a contingent in Korea during the Korean War, and also in Vietnam. He is a graduate of the US Military Academy in West Point and is also an engineer. He is one of the truly qualified leaders to run this country but his regime was lackluster.

For one, he faced tremendous problems left by an incompetent Cory government—the severe power outages among them. Emergency power generators had to be built.

Fort Bonifacio—that huge military base in Taguig was sold—the proceeds to be used in the modernization of the Armed Forces. This did not happen. This is his major failing. As a military man with excellent contacts in Washington, he could have done this.

Ramos decriminalized the Communist Party which continues to wage a “protracted war” against the State.

I am tempted to conclude this was a big mistake but I also realize we need the Communist Party and its contrary goal like we need a good vaccine to grow anti-bodies—the ultimate defense—in our system. No re-bel movement can sunder the Republic now.

It is important to mention President Ramos’ younger sister, Leticia who married an Indian academic. A Sorbonne graduate, she was also an outstanding senator and diplomat.

JOSEPH EJERCITO ESTRADA (1998-2001)

Joseph Estrada, otherwise known as Erap, is our lover boy President. Only he knows the number of his women; his illegitimate children. But he took care of them.

His legitimate wife, Dr. Luisa Pimentel, bore him three children—Jinggoy, Jackie and Jude.

Dr. Pimentel is my wife’s childhood friend. Early on, she told me she was going to leave Erap, I told her, don’t, so she stayed on and became a Senator.

Estrada won the presidency in the 1998 elections on the basis of his popularity as a movie actor, portraying a macho defender of the poor in about a hundred films.

He was born to a wealthy Tondo family which moved to San Juan. Erap did some good as an individual. He founded Mowelfund which assists movie industry workers in great need. It also granted scholarships and trained scores of workers in the entertainment industry.

In 1977, the government signed a peace agreement with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) but soon after, the MILF engaged in terrorist attacks on civilians and the military.

On March 21, 2000, Estrada ordered an all-out war against the MILF and all the MILF camps were over run.

The President went to Mindanao and promised to bring peace and development to Mindanao. Hundreds of MILF fighters surrendered. An uneasy peace came to Mindanao but, as events have shown, only for a while.

Estrada’s education was haphazard. He was kicked out of the Ateneo High School for misconduct. He enrolled at Mapua Institute of Technology, then the Central Colleges of the Philippines engineering college but also dropped out. He had, however, practical political training starting as Mayor of San Juan in 1969.

In 1987 he was elected to the Senate where he and 11 other senators voted to end the Bases Agreement with the United States. In the 1998 elections, he ran for President and won.

Estrada’s government was soon burdened by debt and tainted by corruption. Ilocos Sur politician, Chavit Singson, alleged he had given Estrada millions, hidden in a bank account of “Jose Velarde.” An impeachment charge was filed.

On the evening of January 16, 2000, the impeachment court decided not to open an envelope that was supposed to contain evidence of Estrada’s guilt. And that night thousands gathered at EDSA. The Army Chief of Staff, Angelo Reyes, withdrew support for Estrada, and the next day the Supreme Court Chief Justice swore in Gloria Macapagal Arroyo as President.

Tondo born sociologist, Aprodicio Laquian was lured by Erap to return to Manila and help. He returned soon enough to Canada for as he said, Erap had made Malacañan a gambling den and a bar.

Estrada returned to San Juan. He was judged guilty of plunder by the Sandiganbayan—the first President to be impeached and convicted.

President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo granted him executive clemency.

Eager to redeem himself, he ran and won as Manila Mayor in 2012. He repeated the feat come the following election year. He ran again in 2016 but was defeated by Isko Domagoso.

GLORIA MACAPAGAL ARROYO (2001-2010)

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, President Macapagal’s daughter, was superbly prepared for Malacañan like former Pres. Fidel V. Ramos. She is an economist, honed in government service, and a polyglot.

Like her American counterpart, U.S. President George W. Bush—son of U.S. President George H.W. Bush—Arroyo was the first Philippine President whose father had been likewise a President.

This feat will be repeated again in the time of the late Pres. Benigno Aquino III, son of the late Pres. Corazon C. Aquino.

Arroyo was in Malacañan from June 20, 2001 to June 30, 2010, taking over from Pres. Estrada, who was ousted in 2001. For this reason, her term took longer than the normal six years. She is the longest serving President in the post-Marcos era.

Arroyo was born on Apr. 1, 1947. She studied economics at Georgetown University in the United States. Former American President Bill Clinton was her classmate. In 1968, she married Jose Miguel Arroyo, a landlord and lawyer from Negros.

While an Economics professor at the Ateneo University, Noynoy Aquino, another future President, was her student.

On the invitation of Pres. Cory Aquino, she became undersecretary of the Department of Trade and Industry. After serving as Senator from 1992 to 1998, she was elected Vice President.

In 1992, Gloria ran for the Senate and won; she sponsored a slew of bills, most of them on human rights, trade and commerce.

During the 1998 election, she ran as Vice President. Though belonging to the opposition, she won.

Estrada, who won as President, appointed her Secretary of Social Welfare and Development. She later resigned from the position to distance herself from Estrada, who was by then already beleaguered by corruption charges.

During her first term as President, she presided over the country’s close relationship with the United States, which included the country’s participation in the American war with Iraq, as well as the ratification of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).

While she had a splendid economic program, her presidency was soon tainted with election scandals like “Hello Garci.” These scandals peaked with the Oakwood mutiny, calls for her ouster, among others.

After her term, Arroyo was arrested twice and held at the Veterans Hospital in 2011. She was charged with electoral sabotage and misuse of lottery funds. Facing prison, Arroyo pleaded for hospital arrest, wearing a neck brace to emphasize her health condition.

In 2016, Arroyo redeemed herself politically by running for Congress and becoming Speaker of the House, the first President to “diminish” herself officially to obtain power, the Presidency being limited to just one term by the Constitution. This is what President Duterte seems to be aiming for—to run for the office of the Vice President when his term ends next year.

It was President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo who gave me the National Artist Award.

BENIGNO SIMEON “NOYNOY” COJUANGCO AQUINO III (2010-2016)

I had a grudge against President Noynoy. A month after he became President, I asked to interview him for the International Herald Tribune , now The New York Times . His father was a very close friend and I wanted to find out how much he had influenced his son. I got no reply even after I pursued my request. Then, he gave an interview to Vice Ganda, the TV comedian.

Noynoy Aquino III was a reluctant presidential candidate but was propelled to the Malacanan on the basis of his mother’s death in the same manner that Cory Aquino was elected President on account of her husband Ninoy’s assassination.

Come the 2010 elections, he defeated rivals Joseph Estrada, Manuel Villar and Gilbert Teodoro.

His first pronouncement as President was to say his “boss” were the people. He banned sirens unless they came from ambulances and the police.

Aquino embarked on an infrastructure program of roads and transport systems and accomplished an impressive 6.8 growth as confirmed by the World Bank.

His regime, however, started with the botched rescue operation of Hong Kong tourists at the Luneta, ending in the death of 20 tourists. Then, there was the Mamasapano massacre, where 40 policemen were killed by Moro rebels.

It was during his term that the deadliest typhoon ever, Yolanda, devastated the Visayas. Hundreds were killed and rehabilitation is still ongoing. His response was sadly lacking.

The Napoles scandals later surfaced illustrating how millions can easily be stolen from government with the complicity of politicians.

To the best of my knowledge, Noynoy displeased his uncle, Peping Cojuangco. Aquino did not pay much attention to Hacienda Luisita, the Cojuangco prime property.

He illustrated his courage when he filed before the UN Permanent Court of Arbitration a case against China’s grab of Philippine territory; the rest is history.

Aquino, popularly called “PNoy,” was our only bachelor President. He never married although he was seen with several women. He loved fast cars and video games. He was very low key and self-effacing, preferring solitude for which reason, media called his condition “noynoying.”

He was judicious in his handling of government funds. With the aid of budget Secretary Butch Abad, he channeled government money in areas where it was most needed. He was severely criticized for this.

He had been ill for some time and had regular dialysis treatment. He died in his sleep. President Duterte rendered him honors and his remains are in the Manila Memorial Park together with his parents.

In death, I am learning to appreciate him more.

RODRIGO ROA DUTERTE (2016-2022)

Davao’s colorful mayor, was voted President on the basis of his popularity as Davao mayor. He had cleared Davao of the New People’s Army grip, and of criminality. Never mind that he did all these with his alleged death squads.

He is now on his last year as President and as I said earlier, he may yet be the best President we ever had next to Magsaysay.

His popularity is highest in the working class, particularly with the Filipino overseas workers. With his endorsement, political nobody’s like Bong Go and Bato dela Rosa are now Senators. I’ll try to explain his popularity, much of it accrues from his vulgarity. It had shorn the current political vocabulary of its hypocrisies.

Duterte, however, is vulnerable on so many issues, most of all his pandering to China. We won our case vs China in the International Court. Instead of our foreign policy exploiting this victory, he has all but discarded it.

For sure we can’t afford a military confrontation with China but we are not powerless in the face of Chinese bullying. Duterte threatened to cut off our Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) with the United States—when we need that alliance most.

When he took office, Duterte promised to solve the drug problem in six months. More than six months and five years later, the drug problem festers after hundreds have been killed.

I suggested he adopt the Singapore solution, go after the drug lords, and most of all, close the sources in China. It is close to impossible to obtain hard evidence on corruption but we can see it in the lifestyle of the corrupt. So, they get fired when they should be jailed, their ill-gotten wealth sequestered.

Duterte is brave—in his first address before Congress, he bluntly told those politicians he owed them nothing. Then he did what no Filipino leader had done—he challenged the oligarchy, the arrogant media, and yes, the powerful and complacent Catholic church.

His critics have criticized him for his dictatorial proclivities, for muzzling the press. He took advantage of a weak justice system and jailed Senator Leila de Lima without trial. But contrary to charges that he had muzzled the press, he has not jailed a single journalist or closed a single paper.

What Duterte has done is make the country safer than any other time. He mo-dernized the Armed Forces as no President had done, gave it new ships, new planes.

He has also brought peace to Mindanao and we pray that it will last. Many infrastructure projects were completed, and our foreign reserves are at its highest.

But our economic development, interrupted by this pandemic, will presumably be resumed. His most visible achievement: he cleaned up Manila Bay. He knows however that he had polarized the country instead of uniting it.

Like Marcos he coddled the Armed Forces and maintained the superiority of civilian rule. Many Filipinos, however are apprehensive, like Marcos, he may stage a coup, too. 

For all that he has achieved, he may then be the worst President next to Marcos.

OUR POLITICAL PROCESS

Compared to other Asian countries with their venerable pasts, we are a very young nation.

Since we became Christians, we belong to the Western tradition and we have tried to build our political institution along the Western model. We had two political parties that formed a government. We have seen that two-party system eroded into the multi-party system now.

Our political parties, however, with the exception of the Communist Party, are not based on any ideology. They converge on personalities to this very day, anchored as they are on our hankering for a strong leader, a father image—a redeemer who will lead an anarchic and apathetic people to nationhood.

While we understand and protect our political freedom, we will also welcome a dictator that will provide us with security. This is what Marcos showed in 1972.

We must therefore be vigilant in nurturing our political institutions, starting with the local government units—the barangay, keeping in mind that institutions can only be as strong as we are.

The political process—the election campaign—has also morphed as specta-cular showbiz events with showbiz stars singing and dancing, the candidates doing the same. The advances in information technology have made campaigning more challenging and innovative.

The major challenge that our institutions and our leaders face is poverty, and how we can free ourselves from it to create a free and sovereign nation. It took Western nations centuries to achieve this; we aspire to do it sooner.

The multi-party system that emerged after Martial law has not changed the political dynamics as we can see now how our politicians seek partnerships and alliances based on popular following.

Nowhere among them is there a fundamental desire to form a party based on moral values; I repeat moral values. If a state has to endure and provide justice for its people, that state must have a strong moral foundation.

Morality in government was an issue, among others, in the First Republic. The ilustrados wanted to set up an institution to raise money for the Revolution. Mabini saw it as an attempt for them to get richer. He opposed them—for which reason he was eased out of the Aguinaldo cabinet. From Tarlac, he fled to Rosales and I made him a major character in Po-on .

The American colonial policy created the Filipino oligarchy that has since then obstructed our development. As Salvador Madariaga, the Spanish writer said, “a nation need not be a colony of a foreign power—it can be colonized by its own elites.” That aborted 1896 revolution must now be revived to destroy this oligarchy if we are to be truly a just and sovereign nation.

Meanwhile, our political institutions are slowly evolving to conform with the emerging economic conditions that underline Filipino culture and the modernizing impulse.

In this regard, I’ve asked separately two Japanese social anthropologists, Masaru Miyamoto and Yasushi Kikuchi—both have studied the Philippines for decades—are we a nation now? They gave the question some thought then both said, “you are going there.”

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Portrait of Rodrigo Duterte - President of the Philippines

The Philippines is far away and the country’s political culture is not well known in France. Rodrigo Duterte, the "strong man" of Manila, is the typical example of a leader who came to power through the ballot box but whose exercise of power, of unprecedented brutality, breaks with democratic traditions. François-Xavier Bonnet, associate researcher with the Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia (Irasec), allows us to better understand where Rodrigo Duterte comes from and what he represents.

Michel Duclos , Geopolitical Special Advisor, editor of this series.

Rodrigo Duterte, elected on 9 May 2016 with 39% of the votes (the vote is in one round) is probably the most controversial President in Philippine history. Alternately nicknamed by the Western media the "Trump of the Philippines" , "Dirty Harry" , "The Punisher" or even, in the newspaper Libération, the "serial killer", Rodrigo Duterte built his entire election campaign on an unorthodox program to eradicate criminal activities, particularly drug-related ones, and to restore security within three to six months . He also proposed to eliminate corruption among civil servants, to simplify and accelerate administrative procedures, to allow for divorce and same-sex marriage, to improve traffic in Greater Manila, to reduce inequalities in rural areas (agrarian reform), to improve the speed of the Internet, etc. This catalogue of heterogeneous measures enabled candidate Duterte to "cast a wide net" and speak to all classes of society. His charisma as an orator combined with a strong dose of humor and machismo, along with a very strong presence on social networks, can explain his excellent scores in the election, in all social classes.

An unyielding mayor in a violent city

Rodrigo Duterte, born in 1945 and son of a former governor of the province of Davao (on the southern island of Mindanao), spent his entire political career in Davao City. In 1986, he was elected deputy mayor, and then mayor of this city, and remained so for 22 years. In the late 1980s, Davao City was called "Little Nicaragua" because communist and Muslim guerrillas sent death squads there to assassinate soldiers, politicians, businessmen and other "enemies of the people", and crime syndicates took advantage of this chaos. Rodrigo Duterte's reputation grew because of his ability, thanks to a carrot and stick approach, to transform Davao City into a city with a flourishing economy, where the safety of both the people and property was ensured, on an island ravaged by various guerrillas. The first strategy - the carrot - aimed to sign secret peace agreements between the City Hall of Davao and various rebel groups that stipulated, for instance, that Davao City was a neutral area that could be crossed by the rebels as long as they left their weapons at the entrance of the territory.

The undisciplined who wanted to discipline his people switched, against all odds, from the position of "local potentate" to that of father of the nation.

The dark side of Rodrigo Duterte’s pragmatism - the stick - targeted the criminal underworld and drug offenders. Human rights organizations, both local and international, as well as parliamentary inquiries shed light on the presence of death squads, composed of former soldiers, police officers and rebels, who killed criminals and delinquents whose names were on lists read out on the radio by the mayor of Davao a few days earlier. To date, no investigation has been able to definitively prove that Duterte was leading these death squads. Between 1998 and 2014, no fewer than 1,424 people were murdered by these squadrons, including 132 children.

The strong man of Davao, who is very open about the fact that he was undisciplined during his youth (he was expelled twice from high school, and once from a private university), was special advisor on security issues to President Gloria Arroyo (2001-2010). He was later elected on slogans such as: "I was able to develop Davao, I will develop the whole nation" . Or: " if necessary, I will impose martial law to establish discipline, the martial law under President Marcos was a good thing for the country" . Thus, the undisciplined who wanted to discipline his people switched, against all odds, from the position of "local potentate" to that of father of the nation. The use of possessive pronouns in his speeches is one of the President’s trademarks: "my police" , "my soldiers" , "my city" , etc. are all clues hinting at the fact that Rodrigo Duterte has not yet donned his presidential clothes, and remains first and foremost the mayor of Davao. In fact, he returns to Davao very often and spends as little time as possible at the presidential palace (Malacanang) in Manila, because he can only sleep in his bed in Davao- or so he says. 

"The war on drugs", a political weapon?

"I promise you blood, the bay of Manila will be covered with corpses and the fish will grow fat" , claimed candidate Duterte during his campaign. And in fact, a key element of the President's program, "the war on drugs" , was immediately implemented. To date, since 1 July 2016, 108,059 anti-drug operations have been carried out (almost 40% of which since the end of 2017), resulting in the arrest of 155,193 people and the killing of 4,854 people during these police operations. Yet human rights organizations estimate that more than 12,000 people have been summarily executed by death squads. In less than two years, President Duterte's "war on drugs" thus exceeded the number of summary executions committed during the 14 years of President Marcos' dictatorship. Yet, beyond statistics, the fact that the "war on drugs" was used as a political strategy to eliminate both national and local opponents to power seems to be confirmed. The first victim was Senator Leila De Lima, former Chair of the Human Rights Commission and then Justice Secretary under the Aquino administration (2010-2016). Rodrigo Duterte's number one enemy was accused of controlling the archipelago's drug trade and was incarcerated in February 2017. Similarly, the mayor of the city of Iloilo, Jed Mabilog, in exile in Japan, is accused of protecting drug trafficking in the Visayas. Mr Mabilog is a cousin of former President of the Senate and Liberal Party chairman Franklin Drilon. For many observers, there is no doubt that the government is attacking Mabilog in order to try to intimidate Senator Drilon, the President's leading critic. Vice President Leni Robredo is not spared either. Indeed, since August 2018, her brother-in-law, Butch Robredo, has been accused by President Duterte of leading a mafia controlling drug trafficking in Bicol province, and more particularly in the city of Naga. Other personalities opposed to the "war on drugs" , but not accused of protecting mafias, were targeted by President Duterte in 2018. The first was Maria Lourdes Sereno, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Ms Sereno has been President Duterte’s prime target since he took office in June 2016. The latter not only insulted her, but went so far as to call her "a personal enemy" in some of his speeches.

President Duterte’s goal is not only to fight Ms Sereno herself: his ambition is ultimately to control the Supreme Court in order to weaken it, and limit the opposition to the constitutional reform that could take place after the midterm elections in May 2019. This would also be a way for him to protect himself from any potential legal proceedings at the end of his term in office. To this end, and as a first step, in March 2018, he officially declared that the Philippines was leaving the International Criminal Court (effective as of March 2019). Then, from 2019 to 2022, he will appoint several judges to replace those who are retiring. In 2022, the Supreme Court will thus be composed almost exclusively of judges related to Rodrigo Duterte (13 out of 15 judges).

In less than two years, President Duterte's "war on drugs" thus exceeded the number of summary executions committed during the 14 years of President Marcos' dictatorship.

Senator Antonio Trillanes IV is yet another figure targeted by this administration. The latter, along with Senator De Lima and Ms Sereno, was one of the very first to oppose President Duterte's "war on drugs" head-on, and to request the intervention of the International Criminal Court (ICC). This former naval officer, who led two attempted coups (in 2003 in Oakwood, and in 2007 at the Peninsula Hotel in Makati) against President Gloria Arroyo’s administration (2001-2010), was elected Senator in 2007 while he was still in prison. In 2011, the Aquino administration granted a general amnesty to the 277 mutineers, including Senator Trillanes. In one of his speeches in Davao, President Duterte acknowledged, before later retracting, that his only target was his personal enemy Senator Trillanes, and not other former mutineers, some of whom are his friends and in government. When officials of government agencies cannot be dismissed, Parliament, which is mainly pro-Duterte, uses pressure tactics such as intimidation and humiliation, through the vote on budget. Thus, the Chair of the Human Rights Commission, Jose Luis Martin "Chito" Gascon is the first to criticize the "war on drugs". In this respect, he is the most exposed personality to President Duterte’s wrath. Unable to make Mr Gascon leave through legal means, the deputies of the majority voted a ridiculous budget for the Commission: ₱1000, i.e. €20, for the year 2018! Pressure from the street, from the Catholic Church, from left-wing organizations and the intervention of the Senate (the sister of former Senate President Koko Pimentel is the Deputy Director of the Human Rights Commission) forced deputies to propose a more reasonable budget, although still lower than the real needs. 

Press freedom in danger?

While political figures are being attacked and harassed by the administration, the media have also become a recurring target of the President's diatribes. Indeed, one of the two major private television channels, ABS-CBN, owned by one of the most powerful families in the Philippines, the Lopez, is accused by the President of being biased, given that it refused to broadcast its campaign clips during the 2016 elections. In retaliation, Mr Duterte promised not to renew the franchise allowing the channel to broadcast its programs. This franchise is due to expire in March 2020, and requires a law passed in Parliament. Conversely, the other major private channel, GMA-7, easily obtained the renewal of its franchise for a period of 25 years.

In the front line against the "war on drugs" , the Philippine Daily Inquirer  newspaper became President Duterte's favorite target.

The written press is not spared either. Since its creation after the 1986 revolution against Marcos, the Philippine Daily Inquirer (PDI), which belongs to the Prieto-Romualdez family, faced threats, intimidation etc. from all of the the succeeding administrations of the past 32 years. In the front line against the "war on drugs" , the newspaper became President Duterte's favorite target. In 2017, the PDI was boycotted by advertising companies, which led to the depreciation of its value and the acceleration of its acquisition by President Duterte’s very close friend, the businessman Ramon S. Ang. The latter, who is the 11th richest man in the Philippines, was one of the main funders of Rodrigo Duterte's election campaign.

In January 2018, it was Rappler’s turn (another highly critical media) to be targeted by the Duterte administration. The founders (Maria Ressa and Glenda Gloria) of this online magazine, which specializes in investigative journalism, are accused by the Security and Exchange Commission (SEC) of circumventing the anti-dummy law. Indeed, according to the SEC, Rappler's real owners are in fact American, thanks to complex financial arrangements. Yet the Constitution of the Philippines does not allow foreign investors to own more than 40% of their own investment (Philippine partners must obtain at least 60% of the shares). The Rappler trial began in October 2018, and the two founders are potentially facing between five and 15 years in prison.

The rise of the military

When journalists asked about the reasons for the government's "militarization", President Duterte ostensibly replied: "The military, by definition, obey the leader. They do not ask questions, they execute, they are disciplined and efficient. Unlike civilians who criticize, chat and delay projects."  The military and the police are de facto the Duterte presidency’s spoiled kids.

Indeed, since 2018, uniformed services personnel (including customs and coastguard officers) had their salaries doubled, as promised by candidate Duterte. Moreover, nearly 65 retired army and police colonels and generals have been appointed to various government positions. These positions range from director to minister (Secretary). Thus, ministerial positions normally held by civilians, such as in the Department of Social Welfare and Development, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, or the Department of the Interior and Local Government, are held by generals.

The military and the police are de facto the Duterte presidency’s spoiled kids.

This rise in the army's power was followed by the resignation of most of the communist Secretaries in government. As a token of the Duterte government's desire to make peace with the world's oldest Maoist guerrillas, the latter were appointed to important ministerial position, such as in the Department of Agrarian Reform and the Department of Labor and Employment. However, the honeymoon between the Philippine Communist Party (PCP) led by Jose Maria Sison (Rodrigo Duterte's Political Science professor in the 1960s) and the government was short-lived. As early as November 2017, President Duterte officially qualified the CPP and its armed wing the New People's Army (NPA) as terrorist organizations, and threatened his former teacher (in exile in Holland).

A pragmatic foreign policy?

Beyond the insults - and there are many in the President's speeches - against the United States in general and President Obama in particular (despite an admiration for Donald Trump), the European Union and human rights organizations, three phenomena seem to be emerging: a distancing of the United States, along with a spectacular thaw in the country’s relations with China (but also with Russia), and a clear desire to strengthen defense and security cooperation with certain countries in the ASEAN. At first, it could seem like this change of direction in Philippine foreign policy is linked to President Duterte's mood, as he reacts to criticism from the United States, Europe and the United Nations about the thousands of deaths and human rights violations linked to his war on drugs. However, a second layer of analysis reveals a much deeper underlying ideology. Indeed, President Rodrigo Duterte considers himself a disciple of the nationalist diplomat and academic Renato Constantino (1919-1999). Constantino had a long history of anti-colonial resistance. Before the Second World War, when he was a Law student at the University of the Philippines and editor of the Philippine Collegian student newspaper, he denounced the atrocities committed by Americans during the war between the Philippines and the United States. He was arrested for this offense by the American authorities, and released after demonstrating that he had used open sources published in the United States. During the Second World War, he became one of the leaders of a spy network against Japanese forces. Then, after the independence, Constantino very quickly rose through the ranks of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.

President Duterte seems to be applying Renato Constantino's concepts with pragmatism.

The young diplomat then started to advocate for an independent Philippine foreign policy. This independence was to be reflected in a distancing of the United States and in the development of relations with mainland China and the Soviet Union. However, in the context of the late 1940s and early 1950s, he was accused of being pro-communist and had to resign from the Department. As professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines, Constantino deconstructed colonization in his many books, and rewrote the history of American colonization in the Philippines from a nationalist point of view. His criticism later extended to the topic of globalization.

President Duterte seems to be applying Renato Constantino's concepts with pragmatism. Contrary to what was feared at the beginning of his mandate, there should be no diplomatic break with the United States, but rather a rebalancing of relations with China and perhaps Russia, as Constantino advocated. In this context, the President's threats to stop military exercises between the United States and the Philippines, to evacuate US forces stationed in Mindanao, to challenge the new Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), signed in April 2014, and ruled constitutional by the Supreme Court of the Philippines in January 2016, can be interpreted as pressure tactics that could give him greater leeway in future negotiations.   The coming to power of Donald Trump, who refuses to speak out on human rights violations in the Philippines (and might even regret not being able to do the same in the United States), and the appointment of an American ambassador of South Korean origin, have significantly softened the relations between the two countries. The United States remains the country’s main historical partner, but China and Japan offer more generous funding for the big infrastructure projects planned by the Duterte administration.

Illustration : David MARTIN for l'Institut Montaigne.

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Why Rodrigo Duterte is a Great Leader

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