knife crime problem solving guide

Knife crime - A problem solving guide

Foreword by Andy Marsh, Chief Executive ‍ Knife crime can destroy lives and fracture communities. It disproportionately blights the lives of the young and disadvantaged. After decreasing in the early 2010s, it has risen in recent years. Tackling it must be one of policing’s top priorities.¹ The College has produced this guide to support forces in tackling this complex type of crime, equipping officers in all forces with good practice from across the UK and beyond. While there are no simple answers, we have provided a practical toolkit of tactics forces can use, depending on what the data shows in their area, such as interventions in schools, weapon sweeps and focused deterrence. By setting out the strengths and limitations of each type of action, how they work and where they work best, the guide provides what is needed to help tailor a response to local problems. It builds on our Knife crime evidence briefing, published in April 2019, which set out in more general terms the broad approaches that are effective in tackling knife crime. Using our expertise as the What Works Centre for Crime Reduction, the content in this guide is grounded in the best available evidence of what is effective in fighting crime. The guide has a strong focus on using data to understand problems, design responses, measure effectiveness and drive improvement. Different approaches will work in different places. By using data effectively, we can truly understand all the dimensions of the local problem and deliver a response that saves lives, protects communities and builds public confidence. By using this toolkit, officers responding to knife crime, as well as supervisors and senior leaders, should be confident to tackle the problems in their community, knowing that they are using interventions that work. ¹ Knife crime statistics – House of Commons Library (parliament.uk) ‍

Fighting Knife crime london

Knife crime: causes and solutions – editors’ guide to what our academic experts say

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There has been a torrent of media coverage about violent crime among children and young people in the UK. But it seems to offer little consensus on what’s causing this crisis, what the impact of measures taken by government and police are and what should be done to curb the violence.

In a debate often dominated by politicians, celebrities and media commentators, the voices of academics who have spent years researching this issue have not been heard enough.

That’s why we’re bringing you a round up of evidence-based views on the knife crime epidemic – including what action is really needed to prevent more young lives being lost.

Many of the academics featured have worked directly with young people and communities affected by knife crime, or with authorities and organisations working to manage it.

The epidemic in numbers

How many? 285 knife-related homicides recorded in the year ending March 2018 – the highest number since the Home Office Homicide Index began more than 70 years ago.

Who is affected? Young men aged 18 to 24 are the most affected. But there’s also been a 77% increase in homicides committed with knives by under-18s (2016 to 2018). And a 93% increase in the number of under-16s admitted to hospital due to knife attacks (since 2012).

The rate at which men are currently being killed by violence is over double that for women. And while statistics don’t detail the social backgrounds of victims and perpetrators, research indicates there’s a greater chance of being killed by violence the poorer you are.

Read more: Homicide rates are up in young men – austerity and inequality may be to blame

Why is knife crime increasing?

Discussions of violent crime among young people often start and finish with policing. But for academics, investigations begin with the experiences of young people themselves, as they seek to discover the underlying causes of knife crime.

1. Toxic environments for children, created by austerity

Knife crime is a symptom of the toxic environments that adults create around children, who then become both perpetrators and victims. It is created by politicians and by the politics of austerity. Stephen Case, professor of criminology, Loughborough University, and Kevin Haines, professor, University of Trinidad and Tobago

Homes, schools, neighbourhoods or recreational activities can become toxic environments for children, when their relationships and experiences fail to nurture them, protect them and help them to achieve their potential.

These toxic environments can leave children disaffected, fearful and vengeful. They are scared and provoked into carrying knives, joining gangs and committing violent acts.

It is no coincidence that the vast majority of knife crime takes place in neighbourhoods suffering from huge social disadvantage and disinvestment.

Impact of austerity in numbers

£422.3m : reduction in spending on services for young people in last six years

3,500: number of youth service jobs lost (since 2010)

600: number of youth centres closed (since 2010)

130,000: number of places in youth centres eliminated (since 2010)

Read more: Youth services try to mould young people – how about they help young people mould society instead?

2. Children and young people are afraid of becoming victims

Carrying a knife often started as a way to avoid becoming a victim … Most of the people I spoke to who had carried a knife had been threatened, some on multiple occasions. Some had been attacked and a few had been severely injured. Peter Traynor, senior research assistant, Manchester Metropolitan University .

Traynor’s research documented how some young people started carrying knives to avoid being victimised. He also points out that some had gone to the authorities for help, but had largely been ignored.

The one time I went to the police … when I was stabbed … they walked into the house and said how many people done it? I said so and so many people done it from that gang … and they all kind of looked at each other – as if it’s gang affiliated or whatever isn’t it? So they didn’t really care. But if it was just a normal person … they’d have taken it a lot more serious – 17-year-old boy from London.

3. Children and young people don’t trust the authorities to protect them

The link between carrying a weapon and distrusting the police is an important new finding … It’s possible that young people who live in high-crime neighbourhoods or who are already involved in crime may not see the police as being able or willing to protect them from harm. In those situations, it is unsurprising that a young person would see carrying a weapon as justified or necessary. Iain Brennan, research psychologist, University of Hull . If people feel society is unfair, they are less inclined to play by the rules and more likely to lash out violently. James Densley, associate professor, University of Oxford, and Michelle Lyttle Storrod, PhD researcher, Rutgers University.

Many neighbourhoods with high crime are already inclined to distrust police, owing to their experiences of abuse and institutional racism.

As violence has risen, the proportion of offences for which police have identified the culprit has fallen, and this further erodes civilians’ trust in authority.

When police fail to solve or deter crime, people will bypass law enforcement and use violence to resolve disputes or protect themselves from danger.

Growing tensions between police and communities can lead to further criminality, because successful police work depends heavily on cooperation with the public.

Shortage of police investigators has been described as a “national crisis” – even London’s Metropolitan Police Service is short some 700 detectives.

According to Becky Clarke, a criminal justice researcher, and colleagues at Manchester Metropolitan University, reintroducing ineffective and discriminatory policing can lead to greater distrust and even cause more young people to carry weapons. Not only are the policing strategies being proposed right now likely to be ineffective, they say, but the strategies will certainly increase the criminalisation of young people and potentially increase weapon carrying.

Read more: Repeating flawed policies to tackle knife crime could put young people in more danger

Gangs, drill music, social media – overstated impact?

Gangs and youth violence are regularly conflated in mainstream media reports and government policy. Yet data from the Metropolitan Police in London has shown that a gang element was identified in only “a relatively small amount of serious youth violence” – under 5% of cases (2011 to 2016)

Drill music has come in for heavy criticism by Metropolitan Police Chief Cressida Dick, who in 2018 called on platforms such as YouTube to remove content which “glamourises” violent crime. It’s only the latest in a long series of panic about music videos. Fifteen years ago, for instance, ministers were concerned about “rap lyrics”. The panic about drill music “is leading to the criminalisation of everyday pursuits”, says academic Joy White, University of Roehampton . She warns that young people from poor backgrounds are now becoming categorised as troublemakers through the mere act of making a music video.

Social media may play some role in normalising the carrying of weapons, as documented by research carried out by James Treadwell, professor in criminology at Staffordshire University . But academics stress that the role of social media has been overstated, or at very least oversimplified by the media and policy makers.

How can the problem be solved?

Just giving police more power is not the solution – academic consensus

So far, government plans to tackle the issue have focused on granting police greater powers to surveil, stop and search, and punish “suspicious” young people.

As part of the UK government’s decision to enhance police powers, Sajid Javid, the home secretary, will seek to introduce Knife Crime Prevention Orders which:

Can apply to any person aged 12 or over who carries a knife, has been convicted of a knife-related offence, or is suspected by police of carrying one.

Can impose curfews, geographical boundaries or social media restrictions.

Can result in conviction and a prison sentence of up to two years if the order is breached.

Javid’s proposals are flawed, because they are based on the fundamental misunderstanding that you can prevent violence by identifying and punishing those identified as ‘at risk’ of offending. But stigmatising young people as ‘risky’ draws them into conflict with the authorities, as young people become over-policed and over-surveilled. Jo Deakin, criminologist, and Laura Bui, criminologist, both at University of Manchester .

London’s gang matrix

London’s Metropolitan Police has a database that lists individuals as “gang nominals” with each given an automated violence ranking of green, amber or red.

It came under scrutiny by human rights group Amnesty International last year. According to Amnesty’s report, it could affect the lives of 3,806 people, 80% of whom are between 12 and 24 years old.

The gang matrix appears to discriminate against ethnic minorities: 78% of the people listed on the the matrix are black, despite the fact that black people only make up 27% of those people known by police to be responsible for serious youth violence – and only 13% of London’s population is black.

Read more: Police are using big data to profile young people, putting them at risk of discrimination

Solutions need to put children and young people first

Academics consistently advocate solutions that put children and young people first.

Here are some solutions for the UK government that academics have proposed :

Stop stigmatising young people – listen to them instead

Divert children and young people away from toxic environments and into positive, nurturing ones that meet their basic needs

Invest in youth services, social care and extracurricular activities

Provide educational support to reduce school exclusions and improve outcomes

Work with families and communities to support, educate and rehabilitate young people

Invest in community-based policing to restore trusting relations

Create opportunities for training and employment to improve young people’s chances finding work and building professional relationships

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Knife crime: A problem-solving guide

Brennan, iain; sidebottom, aiden; agar, iain; ashby, matt; bullock, karen; hales, gavin; tilley, nick.

Professor Iain Brennan [email protected] Professor of Criminology

Aiden Sidebottom

Karen Bullock

Gavin Hales

Nick Tilley

Knife crime can destroy lives and fracture communities. It disproportionately blights the lives of the young and disadvantaged. After decreasing in the early 2010s, it has risen in recent years. Tackling it must be one of policing’s top priorities. The College has produced this guide to support forces in tackling this complex type of crime, equipping officers in all forces with good practice from across the UK and beyond. While there are no simple answers, we have provided a practical toolkit of tactics forces can use, depending on what the data shows in their area, such as interventions in schools, weapon sweeps and focused deterrence.

Brennan, I., Sidebottom, A., Agar, I., Ashby, M., Bullock, K., Hales, G., & Tilley, N. (2021). Knife crime: A problem-solving guide. [PDF]

Knife-crime-a-problem-solving-guide (1.7 Mb) PDF

Copyright Statement © College of Policing Limited (2021) This publication is licensed under the terms of the Non-Commercial College Licence v1.1 except where otherwise stated. To view this licence, visit college.police.uk/non-commercial-college-licence. You are free to: copy, re-publish, distribute and transmit the Information (excluding logos) for non-commercial purposes; combine the Information (excluding logos) with other information for non-commercial purposes; embed or link to any Information for non-commercial purposes. You are not permitted to adapt, modify or translate (except into Welsh) the Information. Where we have identified any third-party copyright information, you will need to obtain permission from the copyright holders concerned. This publication may contain public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence version 3.0 at http://nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/version/3/

Focused deterrence: A protocol for a realist multisite randomised controlled trial for evaluating a violence prevention intervention in the UK (2024) Journal Article

Prevalence and patterns of domestic abuse victimisation in an English police workforce (2023) Journal Article

Police practitioner views on the challenges of analysing and responding to knife crime (2023) Journal Article

Police victims of domestic abuse: barriers to reporting victimisation (2023) Journal Article

The potential for linking cohort participants to official criminal records: a pilot study using the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children (ALSPAC) (2022) Journal Article

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Offensive weapons, knife crime practical guidance, introduction, prevention of crime act 1953 (“the 1953 legislation”), criminal justice act 1988 (“the 1988 legislation”), offensive weapons act 2019 (“the 2019 legislation”), other offences, an article which is bladed or sharply pointed, offensive weapon.

Serious physical harm

Possible defences

Adverse inferences, bad character, the decision to charge, applications to remand in custody, case management, safeguarding witnesses, evidence of impact, mandatory minimum sentences, other orders.

Intelligence

Marketing of knives

Power of Entry

Responsible retailer agreements / ho voluntary agreement, underage test purchasing of knives, further reading.

This Practical Guidance document sets out the approach of the Police and the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) to knife crime offending. The document will be updated periodically to reflect changes in legislation as well as changes in any guidance or policy introduced by the Police or CPS.

This document is based on the principle that multi-agency working is essential in order to prevent and tackle serious crime and safeguard those exploited through knife crime.

This document is intended to aid the understanding of issues that may arise in connection with suspected knife crime offending. It is to be read alongside the relevant police and CPS guidance, including the CPS Legal Guidance on Offensive Weapons, Knives, Bladed and Pointed Articles , and supports HM Government’s Serious Violence Strategy (April 2018) .

Knife crime is a challenge that affects all of society, and to tackle it both the Police and CPS must come together with all agencies in a co-ordinated, wide-reaching and long-term effort, working with young people and the communities affected by serious violence.

Legislation

Having an offensive weapon in a public place – Section 1
Threatening with an offensive weapon in public – Section 1A
Having a bladed or sharply pointed article in a public place – Section 139
Having a bladed or sharply pointed article on school or further education premises – Section 139A
Threatening with a bladed articles in a public place or on school or further education premises - Section 139AA
Manufacture, sale or hire, or offer for sale or hire, expose or have in their possession for the purpose of sale or hire, or lending or giving an offensive weapon to any other person – Section 141.
Possession of prohibited offensive weapons in private: Section 141(1A) as inserted by section 46 OWA .
Threatening with an offensive weapon etc in a private place – Section 52.
Delivery of bladed products to residential premises - Section 38.
Delivery of bladed products to persons under 18 – Section 39.
Manufacture or sale etc. of flick knives or gravity knives – section 1 Restriction of Offensive Weapons Act 1959.
Possession of certain dangerous knives - Section 1A Restriction of Offensive Weapons Act 1959- as inserted by section 44 of OWA .
Unauthorised possession of knives and other offensive weapons in prisons – section 40CA Prison Act 1952 as added by section 78 Serious Crime Act 2015.

Where a weapons offence is accompanied by another offence e.g. assault or robbery, the weapons offence should normally be charged as well as the other offence.

Prosecutors should apply sections 9.1 to 9.7 of The Code for Crown Prosecutors as well as the Attorney General's Guidelines on Accepting Pleas when considering acceptability of pleas. Prosecutors should only accept the defendant’s plea if: (a) the court is able to pass a sentence that matches the seriousness of the offending, particularly where there are aggravating features; (b) it provides the court with adequate powers to impose other ancillary orders, bearing in mind that these can be made with some offences but not with others.

Elements of the offences

The article does not have to be sharp: a butter knife , with no cutting edge and no point, is a bladed article. The only exception to the bladed or sharply pointed provision is a folding pocketknife, and only if the blade does not exceed 3 inches. Typically this would catch Swiss army-style knives. “Folding pocketknife” means immediately foldable, simply by pressing it into place. If any further action is required, such as pressing a button or releasing a catch (as is the case with a lock knife), the knife is not a folding pocketknife. All other bladed articles which are plainly not foldable pocketknives, for instance kitchen knives or a foldable cut- throat razor , are caught by this legislation irrespective of length . A folding pocket knife less than 3 inches will be an offensive weapon if carried with the requisite intent. Similarly, a screwdriver is not a bladed article but could be an offensive weapon.

There are three categories of weapons:

A weapon made for causing injury to a person – “offensive per se ”. Examples of these knives include a swordstick, flick-knives ( see note below ), shurikens (or “death stars”), butterfly knives , a handclaw, a belt buckle knife, a push dagger, a “kyoketsu shoge”, being a length of rope, cord, wire or chain fastened at one end to a hooked knife. Weapons which are manufactured for an innocent purpose, such as a razor, a penknife and some types of sheath knives, are not offensive per se .
A weapon not made for that purpose but adapted for it e.g. objects with a razor blade inserted or mounted into them or a deliberately broken bottle.
A weapon neither made nor adapted to injure but one which is intended by the person to be used to injure, such as where a defendant has with him a lock knife, a Stanley knife , or a dagger with intent to injure. The fact that a person is carrying an object which they go on to use to injure another is not necessarily evidence of intent; a person may lawfully carry a penknife and then use it to injure another but at the time they were carrying it, it was not an offensive weapon. This will be inferred from the defendant’s actions and the circumstances surrounding the possession. For example, following a statement to the police that the weapon was carried for self-defence, an inference could be drawn that for the purposes of defending himself a defendant would, if necessary, use the knife to cause injury. However, an intention to frighten is not enough to satisfy this, unless it is so intimidating as to be enough to produce an injury through the operation of shock.

In the first two categories, the prosecution does not have to prove that the defendant had the weapon with him for the purpose of inflicting injury: if the jury is sure that the weapon is offensive per se, the defendant will only be acquitted if s/he establishes lawful authority or reasonable excuse (see below).

Flick Knives and Gravity Knives

Section 1A Restriction of Offensive Weapons Act 1959 (as amended by section 44 of the Offensive Weapons Act 2019). See section 43 of the 2019 legislation for the amended definitions of flick knives.

Has with them

Where a person uses an article offensively in a public place, the offensive use of the article is not conclusive of the question of whether he had it with him as an offensive weapon within section 1(1) PCA 1953. A person must knowingly have the item with them, with relevant considerations including the proximity between the person and the weapon, whether the weapon is immediately available to the person and the accessibility of the weapon. Having an article innocently will be converted into having the article guiltily if intent to use the article offensively is formed before the actual occasion to use violence has arisen. Once a person knowingly has an item with them, they continue to have it until they rid themselves of it. A person forgetting about an article does not negate them having it with them.

Public place

This includes any highway and any other premises or place to which at the material time the public have or are permitted to have access, whether on payment or otherwise. This means an otherwise private place is public if and so long as the public have access to it at the invitation of the landowner. Examples of places held to be public places from case law: a field where point-to-point races are held; a football stadium; hospital grounds where visitors to the hospital and their friends were permitted to enter; a public house car park during licensing hours; a caravan park; a multi-storey car park; a ferry lane and the upper landing of a block of flats in respect of which there were no notices, doors or barriers to restrain the public walking in off the street.

School and further education premises

School premises is defined as land used for the purposes of a school, excluding any land occupied solely as a dwelling by a person employed at the school; and “school” has the meaning given by section 4 of the Education Act 1996.

Further education premises is defined as land used solely for the purposes of (i)an institution within the further education sector (within the meaning of section 91 of the Further and Higher Education Act 1992), or a 16 to 19 Academy (within the meaning of section 1B of the Academies Act 2010), excluding any land occupied solely as a dwelling by a person employed at the institution or the 16 to 19 Academy.

Private Place

A place other than (a) a public place, (b) a place which is part of school premises, or (c) a place which is part of further education premises. This includes a dwelling for the purposes of section 52 OWA- threatening in a private place.

Section 141(1A) of the 1988 legislation as inserted by section 46 of the 2019 legislation prohibits the possession in private or public of certain offensive weapons – the schedule of weapons can be found here . Note cyclone knives are included.

Whether a weapon falls into this definition is normally a matter of fact - investigators and prosecutors should consider whether the weapon meets the description provided by the legislation. Where a factual defence is raised, for example a stealth knife contains metal screws and would be detected by a metal detector, this should be capable of being supported or disproved by the investigating officer without the need for expert evidence. Where the defence is a matter of interpretation, for example whether the images or words on a zombie knife “suggest that it is to be used for the purpose of violence”, this should normally be left to the magistrates to decide as a triable issue.

Serious physical harm

The test for threatening with a weapon in a private place is higher than for threatening in a public place. The prosecution must prove that while A is in a private place, A unlawfully and intentionally threatens another person (“B”) with an article or substance as above, and A does so in such a way that there is an immediate risk of serious physical harm to B.

Physical harm is serious if it amounts to grievous bodily harm for the purposes of the Offences against the Person Act 1861.

Other charges may be more appropriate if the threat falls short of ‘serious physical harm’, for example common assault.

Depending on the offence, specific defences may be available to a person primarily being whether they can show that they had a good reason, reasonable excuse or lawful authority for having a knife with them. Other specific defences are included for some offences including but not limited to: for use at work, for religious reasons, for educational purposes or as part of a national costume. These defences are for the defendant to prove on the balance of probabilities, which means that merely providing an uncontradicted explanation is not necessarily sufficient.

There are additional statutory defences where flick or gravity knives are possessed for the purpose of museum or gallery collections. Yet further additional defences are available for a s141(1)(A) offence of possession of an offensive weapon, including but not limited to functions carried out on behalf of the Crown or visiting forces, possessing weapons of historical importance, In relation to possession of offensive weapons under s141 of the CJA 1988, or theatre, film or TV productions.

Section 47 of the 2019 legislation also introduced defences for a person charged with an offence under section 141(1) or (1A) of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 in respect of any conduct of the person relating to a curved sword, namely:

The person’s conduct was for the purpose only of making the sword available for presentation by a Sikh to another person at a religious ceremony or other ceremonial event.
Where the allegation is giving a curved sword to another person, to show that the person’s conduct consisted of the presentation of the sword by a Sikh to another person at a religious ceremony or other ceremonial event.
For a person charged with an offence under section 141(1A) of the Criminal Justice Act 1988 of possession of a curved sword in private to show that a)the person was a Sikh at the time the offence is alleged to have been committed and possessed the sword for the purpose only of presenting it to another person at a religious ceremony or other ceremonial event, or (b)the sword was presented to the person by a Sikh at a religious ceremony or other ceremonial event.
“Sikh” means a follower of the Sikh religion.

Specific statutory defences apply to knife offences in prisons and the sale of knives.

The meaning of a ‘good reason’ is for the jury to determine on the facts and circumstances of the case. It does not have a legal definition. There is no significant difference between ‘reasonable excuse’ under the PCA and ‘good reason’ under the CJA. It is for the jury to decide whether an article was for use for work, religious reasons and national costume as the statute uses words found in ordinary English language . Self-defence can amount to good reason, but only if the attack is imminent and the weapon is only carried for personal defence. Once there is no longer any threat, it is no longer reasonable to remain in possession of the knife. Carrying a knife as a precautionary measure is not a good reason. Forgetfulness alone is not a good reason, but could be in a combination with the circumstances of the acquisition, for example, a parent who buys a knife and puts it in the glove compartment of their car to keep it out of the reach of a child then forgetting about it.

Where details of a defence are given in interview, a defence statement or in any other way, the investigating officer and the prosecutor should consider what reasonable lines of inquiry arise from this to establish whether or not the defence is likely to be established.

If a defendant is silent when questioned and then raises a defence at trial, the prosecutor should seek to have the court draw an adverse inference from this silence. Legislation sets out the effects of the following: the defendant’s failure to mention facts when questioned or charged; the defendant’s silence at trial the defendant’s refusal or failure to account for objects, substances or marks ; and the defendant’s refusal or failure to account for his or his presence at a particular place . Prosecutors should ensure each condition is satisfied before seeking these inferences. However, in appropriate cases they should be sought.

Evidence of previous criminality may be relevant to a matter in issue between the parties, particularly if it casts an innocent explanation (advanced as “good reason”) in a different light or rebutting it entirely. Evidence showing that a defendant is a member of a gang involved in drug and gun crime is admissible to rebut a defence that guns and drugs found in, for example, the defendant’s home, were left there by others. This should be considered particularly in cases where a defendant raises a defence of “good reason” or claims that he did not in fact have the knives in his possession. See the legal guidance on Decision Making in Gang Related Offences for more information.

Consideration can also be given to using ‘open source’ material- for example drill music videos or participation in social media sites/activities where it can be used to rebut a defence of ‘good reason’.

More information can be found in the legal guidance on Bad Character Evidence.

All decisions to charge must be taken in accordance with the Code for Crown Prosecutors and the Director’s Guidance on Charging 6 th Edition . This has 2 stages:

Evidential stage: Is there sufficient evidence for a realistic prospect of conviction? The evidence must be able to be used in court, reliable and credible, and there is no other material that might affect the sufficiency of evidence. If there is sufficient evidence, go on to consider:

Public Interest stage: Is a prosecution required in the public interest? A prosecution will usually follow unless there are public interest factors tending against a prosecution which outweigh those in favour. There is a compelling public interest in the prosecution of adults for offences involving weapons.

Offences under both the 1953 legislation and the 1988 legislation come within “ Specified Either way Offences” for the purposes of issuing a simple caution – see "Simple cautions: guidance for police and prosecutors"

The NPCC and CPS have produced guidance on charging children and young people. This can be found here. This guidance explains the approach that should be taken in respect of 16 and 17 year olds as well as children under 16 years old.

Work is currently being undertaken by the NPCC to develop guidance for schools about knife crime. Further details of this will be included in future updates of this document.

Please refer to the main guidance in respect of Youth Cautions .

Investigators and Prosecutors should also be aware that the issues raised in ‘County Lines’ offending can apply to some knife crime- see the guidance on County Lines Offending .

The issue of bail or remand should be considered pre-charge. If a remand in custody is sought, a completed MG7 should be submitted with the file for authority to charge. This should include all the grounds for making the application. Consideration should be given as to whether it would be appropriate to appeal a decision to grant bail by the Magistrates’ Court, and the reasons for this. Prosecutors should seek authorisation from their Legal Manager, where possible, prior to appealing any decision. The Police should also suggest suitable bail conditions such as curfews; restriction on entering certain areas; association with certain individuals.

The prosecutor should examine the Prosecutor’s Print for offending on bail, failing to surrender to court and breaches of court orders. The prosecutor can address the court about the seriousness of knife crime in general and the facts of the case, but will rely on the Police to ensure that all information relevant to the individual is included in the application – for example the defendant’s home circumstances, their associates, incidents in the community to which they propose to return. The prosecutor must be in a position to communicate to the court any reason why there are substantial grounds to believe that if released on bail the defendant would commit further offences, as well as any other objections to bail.

Prosecutors should consider which witnesses are necessary to present a case, especially where the defence indicates that all the evidence is agreed. Normally photographic exhibits of knives are suitable for magistrates’ court hearings but where the weapon is more unusual or it is considered the photograph does not reflect its true nature, or in the Crown Court, arrangements should be made to have the exhibit brought to court. Prosecutors should be robust in establishing the defence issues in a case prior to the trial, however if evidence or accounts are presented by the defence on the day of trial, the prosecutor should seek time to consider them and if necessary for them to be investigated.

The Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act 1999 (YJCEA) introduced a range of special measures that can be used to facilitate the gathering and giving of evidence by vulnerable and intimidated witnesses. Special measures are designed to help vulnerable and intimidated witnesses to give their best evidence in court and help to relieve some of the stress associated with giving evidence. Child witnesses under the age of 18 will automatically be eligible for Special measures by virtue of section 16 of the YJCEA. Special measures include: screens, live link, evidence given in private, removal of wigs and gowns by barristers and judge in the Crown Court, video recorded evidence, use of an intermediary and aids to communication.

Witnesses (including police officers) to offences under the 1953 legislation and s139, s139A and s139AA of the 1988 legislation are eligible for special measures by virtue of section 17(5) and Schedule 1A YJCEA. There is no need to prove the witness is vulnerable or intimidated nor is there a need to demonstrate that the measure is required so that the witness gives their best evidence.

Police officers should ensure that any requirement for special measures is noted on the reverse of the witness’s MG11 and any specific grounds are explained in the body of the statement. A completed MG2 should be included with the file to the CPS, setting out which special measures are sought by a victim or witness and the grounds.

In truly exceptional circumstances an application can be made for a Witness Anonymity Order. The police should discuss such an application with the prosecutor at the earliest stage. Any application must comply with the Director’s Guidance on Witness Anonymity Orders .

The most likely gateway for admitting hearsay evidence in cases involving knives is if the witness will not give evidence due to fear. It does not matter whether the fear was brought about by or on behalf of the defendant and fear is given a wide definition which includes fear of the death or injury of another person or of financial loss. This includes fear as a consequence of the offence the subject of the trial.

Leave of the court will be required for a witness to not give oral evidence through fear. The court will conduct appropriate enquires to determine whether there are objective grounds for the fear and whether these grounds are supported by evidence; allowing the admission of a witness statement in lieu of live evidence at trial must be a measure of last resort so the court will need to be satisfied that all available alternatives such as special measures would be inappropriate or impracticable. The judge must be satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that there is a causative link between the fear and the failure to give evidence. For this reason, it is important not to give indications or assurances that a witness that they will not have to give oral evidence. More in depth guidance on hearsay can be found on the CPS website .

Police and prosecutors should ensure that the court has sufficient information about the impact of knife crime offending at the sentencing hearing. Guidance on Victim Personal Statements can be found here . Guidance on Community Impact Statements can be found here .

Police forces should produce a Knife Crime Impact Statement to assist the court in understanding the effects of knife crime in their force area.

Minimum sentences for 'second strike' offences of possession of knives or offensive weapons came into force on 17 July 2015. The OWA has extended this to cover possession of corrosive substances.

For a minimum sentence to apply to a 'second strike' possession offence, the sequence must be conviction (guilty plea or finding of guilt) for the first relevant offence and then commission of the second “index offence” after 17 July 2015. Minimum sentences will not apply if the second offence was committed whilst the offender was on bail awaiting trial for the first offence. Relevant offences for both the index offence and previous convictions are set out in section 315 Sentencing Act 2020 .

It does not matter what age the offender was at the commission of the first relevant offence, but they must be at least 16 years at the commission of the second offence for a minimum sentence to be imposed.

The minimum custodial sentence is at least six months' imprisonment for an offender aged 18 or over when convicted of the index offence (in a young offender institution for those aged under 21), and at least a four month detention and training order for 16 and 17 year olds.

For offences committed before 28 June 2022, the judge must impose the minimum sentence unless the court is of the opinion that there are “particular circumstances” which relate to the offence, the previous offence(s), or the offender which would make it unjust in all circumstances.

For offences committed on or after 28 June 2022, the test is “exceptional circumstances”.

Prosecutors should be prepared to make submissions on whether there are particular or exceptional circumstances which would make the imposition of the minimum sentence unjust. Any court decision on whether the minimum term should be imposed must be clearly endorsed on the CPS record.

The power to make a community order is not exercisable in circumstances where the mandatory minimum sentence condition is met.

The power to make a youth rehabilitation order is not exercisable in circumstances where the mandatory minimum sentence condition is met.

Prosecutors should seek forfeiture of any knives. For offences contrary to s1 of the 1953 legislation, section 1(2) enables forfeiture and disposal of the weapon concerned. There is no similar power in relation to offences contrary to the 1988 legislation. Provisions relating to Deprivation Orders are now contained in Chapter 4 of Part 7 of the Sentencing Act 2020 (sections 152-161). These allow the court to make an order depriving the offender of property used for purposes of crime or intended to be used for that purpose.

Prosecutors should consider whether it is appropriate to make an application for an ancillary order. For example, a Criminal Behaviour Order (CBO) or Serious Violence Reduction Order (SVRO) could be useful in seeking to restrict the behaviour of those supplying/marketing knives. Guidance on other orders can be found in the Sentencing - Ancillary Orders legal guidance .

During any knife crime investigation, police should capture intelligence from the offender on where the knife was obtained. This can be done during the interview and should include whether it was purchased, stolen or obtained by other means. This may highlight other investigative lines regarding the supply of knives.

Intelligence around the knives should also be captured during an investigation: its type, material, brand or any identifying marks. Although this may not form part of the active investigation, the intelligence is invaluable and will allow the police to target enforcement and prevention work more effectively.

Sale of Knives

Knives can be purchased from a wide range of retailers, either from traditional ‘bricks and mortar’ stores or online. These range from small independent retailers, national chains and bespoke specialist stores.

Selling Knives and Articles to under 18s – section 141A Criminal Justice Act 1988.
Delivery of bladed products to residential premises - Section 38 Offensive Weapons Act 2019 .
Delivery of bladed products to persons under 18 - Section 39 Offensive Weapons Act 2019 .
Publications Relating to Knives – section 2(1) Knives Act 1997. This offence is aimed at the publishers of advertisements rather than those who are involved in the sale and marketing of knives.
Selling, hiring or importation of prohibited weapons – section 141 Criminal Justice Act 1988 and Criminal Justice Act 1988 (Offensive Weapons Order) 1988.
Manufacture, sale, hire or importation of certain dangerous weapons, such as flick or gravity knives - Section 1 of the Restriction of Offensive Weapons Act 1959 .
Exempt trades - Knives Act 1997
Other defences - Knives Act 1997
Section 141 - defences – the 1988 legislation as [amended by section 35 Offensive Weapons Act 2019
Section 38 & 39 - the 2019 legislation

Marketing of Knives

Section 1 of the Knives Act 1997 creates an offence of unlawful marketing of knives, which is committed if a person markets a knife in a way which-

indicates, or suggests, that it is suitable for combat; or
is otherwise likely to stimulate or encourage violent behaviour involving the use of a knife as a weapon.

Section 2 creates an offence of publication of unlawful marketing material, a person is guilty of an offence if they publish any written, pictorial or other material in connection with the marketing of a knife and that material-

Section 3 and 4 provide defences.

Both offences carry a maximum of 2 years imprisonment on indictment.

These offences apply to all forms of marketing, including online and social media.

Section 10 of the Act gives definitions for 'suitable for combat' and 'violent behaviour'. This will be a matter of fact for the court to determine but could include pictures or references to popular culture.

The case of R v STC Ltd [2021] EWCA Crim 1237 provides some guidance on this issue. In that case the court ruled that offences could be committed if the relevant marketing material contained any suggestion that the knife was suitable for hurting anyone to any extent. The choice of wide words and how thresholds appeared to be intended to substantially restrict the ability of sellers to market weapons. There was nothing to suggest that s.1 was concerned only with words and not images. On the contrary, the wide terms used made it clear that the court was entitled to look at the whole context and content of a marketing exercise in deciding whether it suggested that a knife was suitable for combat.

Investigators and prosecutors should consider whether the language used is 'street language' that refers to violence or injury. This language varies between areas but can include terms such as;

This list is in no way exhaustive but is illustrative of terms that refer to knife injury.

Examples of material that has been used in successful prosecutions are markering on social media which uses phrasing suggesting that purchasers should carry a knife in case of attack:

"Don't lack [red cross emoji]"
"Don't lack, always pack"

Other examples are animations of a knife dripping blood and a knife being stabbed.

Prosecutors should consider whether an application under POCA is appropriate.

See section 142 Criminal Justice Act 1988.

Many Local Authorities operate their own Responsible Retailer Agreements which can cover the sale of knives. In addition, the Home Office has produced a Voluntary Agreement on the sale of knives which some national retailers have signed up to. A new voluntary agreement on the storage of knives is also under consideration.

Whether a retailer has signed up to either a local or national responsible retailer agreement, and any subsequent action taken as a result e.g. ongoing training, may be useful evidence in proving the presence or absence of due diligence.

In order to test compliance with s141 of the 1988 legislation, ‘under age’ volunteers are often used in controlled conditions to attempt to buy knives or bladed articles from retail outlets. Test purchasing is conducted, either by local authority Trading Standards services, by police, or both. Trading standards have the experience and expertise with other age restricted items (such as alcohol, fireworks and tobacco) to prepare and plan a test purchase exercise and where necessary to investigate any sales made, up to and including any potential prosecutions. Any relevant intelligence relating to a particular store should be shared by both parties according to local information sharing protocols.

When planning a joint operation, consideration must be given to the provisions of the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000 particularly with respect to covert surveillance. Trading Standards also need to ensure compliance with the Better Regulation Delivery Office (‘ BRDO ') Code of Practice for Age Restricted Products and Services. Any joint operation should identify from the outset which agency will undertake any action arising from a sale of a knife to a young person.

Trading Standards works to its own local Enforcement Policy. Prosecutions are taken by the local authority itself, as a private prosecutor and the case will be heard in the Magistrates’ Court.

Trading Standards teams should have an enforcement policy, which is publicly available such as this . Disposals include: warnings, invitations to business training, simple cautions and prosecutions. Options do not include Fixed Penalty Notices. It should be noted that not all test purchase investigations will lead to a prosecution. The opportunity for ongoing partnership work with the retailer concerned should not be overlooked.

Training is also available to help prevent the underage sale of knives. The Assess-Challenge-Check process should be used, along with Challenge 25.

Knife Crime – A problem solving guide

The Code for Crown Prosecutors

The Code for Crown Prosecutors is a public document, issued by the Director of Public Prosecutions that sets out the general principles Crown Prosecutors should follow when they make decisions on cases.

Prosecution guidance

This guidance assists our prosecutors when they are making decisions about cases. It is regularly updated to reflect changes in law and practice.

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The Ultimate guide to Knife Crime

We have seen an exponentially increase in knife crime over the last few years, much like acid attacks . In this article we examine why knife crime is increasing, who is responsible with a few ideas of how it could be prevented.

We also look at the areas in the UK that knife crime is highest and how certain areas have in the past dealt and conquered these types of epidemics.

Along with that we look at how much social media inflames the problem and we explore how knife crime effects families and what the police are doing to tackle the problem.

And if you can, watch the amazing VICE video about knife crime

What's in the Article

What is Knife Crime?
Why Does Knife Crime Occur?
Is Knife Crime Increasing?
Who is Responsible for Knife Crime?
How Can Knife Crime be Prevented?
Which Areas Experience the most Knife Crime?
Why Does London Have so much Knife Crime?
What did Scotland do to Reduce Knife Crime?
How Does Knife Crime Affect Families?
Does Social Media Play a Part in Knife Crime?
What are the Police doing about knife crime?

1. What is Knife Crime?

The term ‘ knife crime ’ applies to any crime that involves a knife. This can include:

Carrying or trying to buy a knife if you’re under-18.
Threatening somebody with a knife. Carrying an illegal type of knife.
Harming somebody with a knife.
Committing murder with a knife.
Committing a mugging or burglary and using a knife as a weapon.

Some people carry knives for protection, vowing only to use them if a knife is pulled on them. However, research has shown that carrying a blade for any purpose actually increases your chances of falling victim to a knife-related crime .

2. Why Does Knife Crime Occur?

The most common answer to this question is ‘ gang culture ’, however this is both simplistic and largely inaccurate.

Police report that the vast majority of people caught with blades (75% of them, in fact) have no links to gangs.

This fact does not exonerate gangs (many gangs do indeed use and carry knives), but instead serves to demonstrate just how widespread knife crime really is. It is no longer simply a gang related issue.

If a person lives in a violent area, it is only natural that they would feel afraid when walking the streets alone.

With less police on the streets (recent government cuts to the police budget have been particularly severe ), more and more people (especially young males) have taken to carrying knives for protection.

However, once they start carrying weapons of any kind, people often fall prey to ‘ the weapons effect ’, a psychological phenomenon first described by Leonard Berkowitz and Anthony LePage in 1967.

Their findings suggest that the mere presence of a weapon can lead to more aggressive behaviour in humans.

Of course, there’s another answer to this question. There exists, as ever, a direct correlation between crime and poverty. As recent data suggests , over 14 Million people in the UK are presently living in poverty.

Desperation and dissatisfaction – both caused by poverty – can also be seen as probable causes for an increase in robbery and violent crime, a lot of which involves knives.

Essentially, the more knives are being used, the more people will carry them for protection, and so the cycle continues.

3. Is Knife Crime Increasing?

In general, knife-related crime is on the rise in the UK. The year ending March 2018 experienced the highest number of knife (or sharp object) related offences in at least 8 years (when such data was first collected) in England and Wales .

However, 2019 figures suggest that the number of knife-related murders is actually dropping , which may demonstrate that new police measures (covered in section 11) and public awareness campaigns are having a positive effect.

However, these figures are still far higher than they were just a few years earlier and there is much work to be done.

Between 2007 and 2015, the number of knife-related deaths in England and Wales appeared to be diminishing. However, from 2015 to 2016, these numbers began to radically increase, experiencing a 14% up-turn.

This upward trend continued into 2017, where knife-related murder rose by 34.4%. In fact, with 285 knife-related murders, 2017 was the worst year for knife killings since the Home Office Index began in 1946.

4. Who is Responsible for Knife Crime?

According to recent Home Office data, knife crime tends to be linked to poverty as well as poor standards of mental health . Shockingly, the peak age for people carrying knives is between 13 and 17.

Police figures suggest that young black men are statistically more likely to commit violent crime, but also that young black men are the most likely victims of such crimes.

Through a combination of simplistic data analysis and the political and social bias inherent to certain news outlets,

British media has been quick to link knife crime to young black men living in cities (especially London). However this is a heavily skewed and highly inaccurate picture.

The fact is tha t knife crime is worse in poorer areas and, since black people are disproportionately poorer, they are significantly more likely to be involved , both as perpetrators and victims.

Statistically speaking, the poorest ethnic groups in the UK would be Pakistani and Bangladeshi, followed by the African and Caribbean communities.

According to 2011 census data , Black people are more populous than Pakistani or Bangladeshi, with people of Pakistani origin making up 1.9% of the overall British population, Bangladeshis making up 0.7% and people of African or Caribbean descent making up a combined 3.0%.

The common, knee-jerk approach is to fabricate a logical progression between race and knife crime. This is completely erroneous, not to mention offensive.

The true, demonstrable progression lies between poverty and knife crime. Poverty, for example, can breed desperation, despair and depression , all of which can be linked to violence ; this has been studied and documented on numerous occasions.

Research indicates that the poorer you are, the greater your chances of dying as a result of violence.

It is worth noting that from 2010 to 2016, long-term unemployment among 16-24-year-old ethnic minorities soared to 49% .

So the link between poverty and violence is clear and proven. On the other hand, to imply that any one race or culture is more predisposed to violence than another is simply a bigoted assumption backed up by nothing more than prejudice.

Once a broader view of the issue (and its contributing factors) is taken, race and/or ethnicity cease to have much, if any, impact on the data.

5. How Can Knife Crime be Prevented?

Long-term public information campaigns (already in effect in some places) can have a positive impact.

Education can also play a big part, as it has done with drug and alcohol awareness campaigns (numbers of young people experimenting with illegal substances have fallen radically in recent years).

If students could see the real, human damage caused by a knife attack, and be given some basic first aid and safety advice for dealing with or avoiding knife violence, it could quite literally save lives.

More police on the streets, which would go hand-in-hand with an increase in police budgets across the board, would also be a great preventative measure, along with more CCTV cameras to pick-up people carrying and brandishing knives.

Cross-party political groups aimed at tackling knife crime already exist in the UK, but a greater degree of cross-party cooperation is needed right now.

The tribalism of UK politics can lead to governments rejecting potential solutions out of hand simply because they have been presented by opposing parties.

CeaseFire is an anti-violence campaign created in the US by a doctor named Gary Slutkin. The campaign involves relating to violent crime as a social disease and treating it as you would a medical condition.

The first step involves identifying and locating the most ‘infectious’ (i.e unrepentantly violent) individuals. Presumably this includes harsher sentencing for such people. The second step involves changing the behaviour of the people most likely to be committing violent crimes.

It does this via the use of ‘credible messengers’ (often former gang leaders or infamous people) who explain that such action is unacceptable. Additionally, ‘interrupters’ are dispatched to hospitals, following the victims and talking friends and family members out of retaliation. After its inception in Chicago in 1995, CeaseFire saw shootings drop by 67%.

More Responsible Public Spending would definitely help. Cuts to public spending have led to the loss of vital youth centres and other activities used by young people.

These centres create safe spaces where young people can go to relax, engage in constructive projects and spend time among trained youth workers in an informal, yet supervised, environment. Additionally, underfunded hospitals staffed by overworked, underpaid doctors and nurses make it significantly harder for people to get the help they need.

Poverty in general, caused in part by a lack of jobs and worsened by cuts in welfare and benefits, is by far the most likely cause of the knife crime epidemic currently facing this country. Young people need to know that they have a future and that they are entitled to help along the way.

6. Which Areas Experience the most Knife Crime?

According to recent data, London is the worst area in England or Wales when it comes to knife crime.

Though the capital leads by a considerable margin, the West Midlands, Yorkshire and the Humber, North West England and the East Midlands occupy the 2,3,4 and 5 spots respectively.

It is a desperately sad situation, but in February of last year, London’s murder rate actually overtook that of New York City . Clearly, this is a very serious problem.

7. Why Does London Have so much Knife Crime?

While the debate continues as to the exact causes of knife crime in general, it may be helpful to ask why the numbers are so high for London itself.

In 2016, the ‘Centre for Cities’ think tank reported that 29 of the UKs 63 largest cities (excluding Belfast) are “low wage, high welfare economies” , with wages well below the national average and welfare spending routinely above it.

The capital, despite not featuring on the list, has been negatively affected by a decade of crippling austerity policies just like many other places.

High earners in the city may bring up the average wages, making the city appear richer than it actually is, while the rich/poor divide remains as deep as ever.

Another explanation might be that London is the UK’s most populous city by far.

Perhaps the larger population, many of whom live in poverty, are experiencing a kind of anxiety caused by overpopulation and crowding .

In 2017, London was announced as the 20 th safest city in the world , even as knife crime figures in the capital soared.

This suggests that the rate of violent crime may have increased globally as well as nationally; with London being affected the same as anywhere else.

Last year, it was announced that London Mayor Sadiq Khan had pledged £1.4m towards a ‘comprehensive knife crime strategy’ that included 43 anti-knife crime projects across the city. Results so far have been promising, but are clearly not enough.

8. What did Scotland do to Reduce Knife Crime?

A 2005 study declared that Scotland was the most violent country in the developed world.

According to this report, the average Scottish person was 3 times as likely to be violently assaulted than the average American – and 30 times more likely than a Japanese person.

Just prior to this damning news, the Scottish government funded the creation of a Violence Reduction Unit (VRU) .

This innovative strategy adopts a healthcare-inspired approach to the prevention of violent crime, and allows for police to work alongside specialists in areas like health, social work and education.

Perhaps inspired by Chicago’s CeaseFire initiative (see above), police and the VRU identified those most likely to offend (or re-offend) and invited them to attend Sherriff’s Court .

Attendance was voluntary, at which a warning would be issued. Offenders were told that if they were caught with weapons or performing violent acts they would be severely punished.

After this, these would-be offenders were talked to about the effects of knife violence and street violence in general. They even heard testimony from a grieving (and quite remarkable) mother who had lost her son.

Finally, they were offered help with housing, relocation, training, employment or anything else they may have needed . It effectively gave them a way out, a second chance, so to speak.

A huge amount of people simply gave up their violent ways on the spot and walked away from that world, there and then.

Youth work and educational programs were also stepped up, giving young people a better chance of avoiding such a lifestyle in the first place.

Apparently, these simple initiatives kept a lot of people out of prison and, more importantly, drastically reduced the level of violent crime in Scotland. There’s a lot of work still to be done, of course, but this is an excellent start.

9. How Does Knife Crime Affect Families?

Every parent’s worst nightmare is to lose a child. Words could never do justice to the pain that must be felt by a mother or father who loses their son or daughter through an act of violence.

Furthermore, imagine the pain of watching your son or daughter being sent to prison for murder, If you live in a violent area and are afraid (probably with good reason), it can make you feel powerful, more confident, to carry a blade.

One man, name omitted, was interviewed exclusively for this feature. He talked openly about carrying a blade in his youth.

“I am not a violent person, but I lived in a violent area” he says, “it was more-or-less impossible to go out at night without at least getting yelled at or having something thrown at you. My brother was hospitalised after being attacked by a group of about 30 people. His face swelled up so much that he looked like the elephant man. One by one, my friends kept ending up in hospital. One night, a kid with Down’s syndrome was attacked with a brick, another night; a woman had an epileptic fit and was assaulted while on the ground. I told myself that it wasn’t going to be me. I kept a small blade in my pocket and I was prepared to use it if need be”

The man, now in his 30s, says he deeply regrets carrying the blade.

“When I think about what could have happened if I’d been caught with it, I shudder,” he says. “It became almost addictive. I took my knife everywhere. I wasn’t a confident guy and I’d always been a natural target for bullies, but this made me feel powerful and in control. It gave me confidence, but what would have happened if I’d used it on someone? I honestly have no idea – and I have to live with that. I just try to teach my child a better way so that she won’t grow up to make my mistakes”

The man says that two of the biggest factors that convinced him to get rid of the blade were his Auntie, who helped talk him out of carrying it and reading ‘The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr’,

“I thought, ‘he was being threatened way more than I ever was – and so were his wife and children, yet he never shied away from non-violence. He was committed to peace. I decided I wanted to follow his example rather than that of some cowardly thug”

If he had actually hurt, or even killed somebody, his crime would have affected everybody around him.

“Disarming was scary,” he says, “but the cycle can stop with you – if you let it”. “Yes, I lost all that confidence, but I eventually realised that it was fake confidence I’d lost. It wasn’t mine. It came from the weapon in my pocket. Confidence that comes from your clothes or your car or whatever is fleeting, it can’t last. The only confidence that matters is the power that comes from within. Maybe that’s corny, but that’s the way I see it these days”

10. Does Social Media Play a Part in Knife Crime?

Last year, Metropolitan Police Commissioner Cressida Dick stated that social media was to blame for the rise in knife crime in the UK .

Whilst there are other, far more immediate causes of knife crime than Facebook or Twitter, it must be said that social media can definitely be a source of antagonism.

If, for example, a prominent gang member is beaten up and humiliated on video (a mean-spirited practice known to some as ‘happy slapping’)

That video is then uploaded to the Internet, said gang member must then find a way to restore their image. Assault with a weapon, for some, is the only logical response.

However, social media cannot be blamed for knife crime. It is, after all, quite difficult to stab somebody through a screen.

Social media plays a part in knife crime, certainly, but only inasmuch as it plays a part in every other aspect of our lives, from dating, baking and gaming though to politics, activism and humour.

Social media is a popular answer because it is an easy answer.

In the past, youth violence has been blamed on everything from pop music and pro wrestling to the Power Rangers. They can’t ALL be responsible, can they?

In reality, if we remove the relatively recent phenomenon of social media from the equation (after all, gang violence has existed far longer than Facebook has)

We have to deal with the real causes of violent crime, things like poverty, inequality, toxic home environments, child abuse, desperation, despair, anxiety, fear, institutionalised racism and callous governance at the highest level.

11. What are the Police doing about knife crime?

Many of the steps being taken by police have been detailed elsewhere in this feature. The truth is that the police in Great Britain are working extremely hard to tackle the knife crime epidemic.

They are doing a tough job under very difficult circumstances. They are painfully underfunded and stretched far too thinly to be 100% effective in this case.

Generally speaking, the widespread prevention methods espoused in this feature require acts of government, increases in public spending and free cooperation across the community.

Nevertheless, preventative measures are being taken. As part of the Home Office’s ‘ Operation Sceptre ‘ initiative, various constabularies up and down the country have declared ‘Knife Amnesties’,

Which allow people to surrender dangerous weapons to the police without facing questions or charges. One such amnesty in Dorset yielded over 400 weapons . In places like Maldon, Essex, special ‘ Knife Amnesty Bins ‘ have been created. A complete list of these bins .

Police ‘ stop and searches ‘ have also increased in certain parts of the country.

Although invasive and often unpleasant, these searches have helped to get a lot of knives off the streets.

The police’s ‘ Safer Schools ‘ program sees police officers visiting schools to explain the dangers of knife crime to young people, while their website contains first-hand testimonials as well as useful information on the subject.

In Kent, special weapon-detecting doorways or ‘knife arches’ have been employed to prevent knives and other weapons from being brought in to public buildings and establishments.

Local police deployed the devices, which notified officers if a weapon was found.

Police are doing the best job they can, and many more initiatives like the ones mentioned are being considered and/or implemented even as you read this feature.

The sad truth is that, until the root causes of knife crime are identified, understood and finally stamped out, knife crime will continue to be a problem.

Knife surrender schemes

Initiatives to enable people to safely hand in weapons at designated locations.

Insufficient evidence of impact

Evidence quality:, prevention type.

Neighbourhoods

What is it?

Knife surrender schemes, also called ‘weapon amnesties’ or ‘knife amnesties’, aim to remove weapons from the street by providing bins or collection points where people can drop them off. Collection points are typically placed in easily accessible locations like supermarkets, high streets or police stations. Most of the weapons surrendered to schemes are knives but schemes have also collected real and imitation firearms and ammunition, swords, crossbows, CS canisters (riot gas), knuckledusters and tasers.

Schemes will often allow people to drop off weapons anonymously and guarantee that there will be no immediate repercussions at the point of handover. However, some schemes can inspect weapons later to identify any connection with criminal offences and then pursue investigation or prosecution if a link is found. Compensation or ‘buyback’ schemes offer payments for weapons handed in. The payments can range from £3 for a knuckleduster or £20 for a truncheon to over £5,000 for a rifle.

Knife surrender schemes may be delivered alongside other activities such as:

Awareness campaigns, including reminders about the list of weapons that are illegal for private possession, and the risks and consequences of carrying weapons;
Education and training related to knife crime; and
Police initiatives in areas with higher rates of weapon use, such as hot spots policing, increased use of stop and search, actively monitored CCTV and street lighting.

Recent examples of knife surrender schemes include:

Lincolnshire Police placed knife surrender bins in several towns for anonymous drop off. In total 315 weapons were handed in, including various knives, machetes, knuckledusters, an imitation firearm, a crossbow, two shotguns and an air rifle.
Gloucestershire Police ran a two-week programme that saw over 300 knives handed in and a small number of guns.
Word 4 Weapons , a charity that organises knife bins linked to churches, have installed bins across London. They also deliver knife crime awareness training for practitioners and young volunteers.

Knife surrender schemes are used as a violence prevention measure based on assumptions that they reduce the number of weapons available for use in violent incidents. They are often used alongside other violence prevention initiatives, such as media campaigns or education programmes. However, critics of knife surrender schemes suggest three reasons why they might fail to prevent violence. Firstly, they are unlikely to reduce the availability of knives, which are so easily replaced. Secondly, knife surrender schemes without additional interventions such as education or training, do not address motivations for carrying a weapon. Finally, knife surrender schemes, particularly those involving media campaigns, could increase public concern about violence, leading to more individuals carrying weapons for self-defence.

Is it effective?

There are only a small number of evaluations on the impact of knife surrender schemes on violent crime. There is insufficient evidence to calculate an impact rating.

Two studies in the UK suggest that knife surrender schemes may contribute to a small reduction in weapon-related offences during the period of the amnesty, but those reductions are not sustained for long.

Analysis of police-recorded crime data in London found that knife-related offences declined for five weeks following the scheme, but the rate returned to pre-scheme levels after eight weeks. The scheme was delivered at the same time as other interventions and media awareness campaigns so it is difficult to isolate the impact of the scheme from these other activities.

Similarly in Glasgow, analysis showed the number of individuals presenting to emergency departments with serious stab wounds declined up to ten months after the scheme but returned to pre-scheme levels after one year. This scheme was also delivered alongside multiple other interventions and media campaigns, so it is difficult to isolate its impact.

How secure is the evidence?

There is insufficient evidence to calculate an impact rating for the impact of knife surrender schemes on violence. There is only a very small number of evaluations with weak designs.

How can you implement it well?

The research suggests location is likely to be an important consideration. Schemes should select collection points that are easily accessible, are in areas with a higher number of weapon-related incidents, and where it is easy to protect the anonymity of people surrendering weapons, for example by having no CCTV.

Schemes should minimise the risk of causing harm by provoking a fearful response and the perception that carrying a knife is required for self-defence. It is also important to consider and mitigate the potential for weapons bins to have a stigmatising effect for local communities.

How much does it cost?

Currently we do not have enough evidence to provide a headline cost rating.

The costs are likely to be low, on the basis that the core intervention involves provision of a secure bin and staffing to empty and safely dispose of weapons. Some knife surrender schemes include investigation work to identify if weapons have been used in crimes, which would incur further costs. Knife surrender schemes that involve large scale media campaigns will cost more.

Topic summary

Knife surrender schemes, or “weapon amnesties” aim to remove weapons from the street through the provision of ‘no questions asked’ weapon bins or collection points.
There are very few evaluations of the impact of knife surrender schemes or weapons amnesties on violent crime. There is not enough evidence to produce an overall impact rating.
Two studies suggest that knife surrender schemes may reduce weapon-related incidents during the period of the scheme and for weeks or months after, but that the effects are not sustained.
Knife surrender schemes may be more successful when they are delivered alongside other interventions, such as education that can address motivations for weapon-carrying and police initiatives that provide a deterrence effect.

External links

College of Policing: Evidence briefing on knife crime College of Policing briefing on knife crime.

College of Policing: A problem solving guide to knife crime College of Policing guide to addressing knife crime.

Metropolitan Police 2006 Knife Amnesty Evaluation Metropolitan Police report on Operation Blunt: Knife Amnesty Impact on Knife-Enabled Offences.

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Crime, justice and law
Knife, gun and gang crime

£4 million boost to fight knife crime

The government will invest a further £4 million to tackle the scourge of knife crime, the Home Secretary has announced.

Photo: Getty Images

The investment will see £3.5 million go into the research, development and evaluation of new technologies which can detect knives carried from a distance and hand-held or body-worn systems which can be operated by individual officers.

The government has also confirmed £547,863 funding for the refit and redeployment of four vans into new mobile live facial recognition ( LFR ) units for the Met Police, to bolster efforts to address knife crime which is rising in the capital. This is part of wider funding which aims to tackle serious violence through hotspot policing.

The investment comes during Sceptre, the national policing intensification week for knife crime led by National Police Chiefs’ Council ( NPCC ) and is just one of a package of measures introduced over the last year to tackle serious violence.

Home Secretary James Cleverly said:

Knife crime ruins lives and recent tragedies show there’s a lot more to be done to take these dangerous weapons off our streets. That’s why we’re taking a joint approach and announcing further measures to tackle these heinous crimes. No technology can replace the presence of officers on our streets, but as criminals develop new strategies towards crime, so must we. New technologies are already revolutionising how we fight crime and we are going even further to give police the solutions they need to keep us safe.

LFR mobile units are used in busy areas to check individuals against a select list of persons who are wanted by the police or the courts. The effectiveness of these units is well proven. In December, deployments of live facial recognition in Croydon led to 15 arrests for offences including rape, robbery, fraud, grievous bodily harm and possession of class A drugs.

These units have clear safeguards in place. The use of LFR is governed by data protection, equality, and human rights laws. It can only be used for a policing purpose, where necessary, proportionate, and fair. Images taken by the tech are deleted instantly if they do not match the list of criminals held by police. All deployments are also targeted, intelligence-led, time-bound, and geographically limited. Before a deployment, the police will inform the public where they intend to use the technology and where they can obtain more information on its use.

Commander Clayman, national knife crime lead at NPCC said:

Tackling knife crime requires a range of tactics working with our partner organisations and understanding where policing can best add value. We welcome today’s announcement of additional investment in knife detection technology which is one of the many tools we use to keep our communities safe.

Laws on knife crime in England and Wales are already among the toughest in the world and this government is going even further. Laws on dangerous objects are kept under constant review and new evidence has led to the banning of zombie knives in 2016, cyclone knives in 2019, and earlier this year we announced the ban on zombie-style knives and machetes which will come into effect this summer. It is already illegal to carry a knife in public without reasonable excuse.

To tackle the root causes of violence, we have funded 20 violence reduction units which bring together law enforcement and local partners to tackle serious violence across England and Wales. These units have reached over 271,000 vulnerable young people in their fourth year of funding alone, through early intervention programmes to help protect them from serious violence.

Recent independent evaluation has shown that the government’s violence reduction units, in combination with hotspot policing patrols, have prevented an estimated 3,220 hospital admissions for violent injury since 2019 in areas where the programme operates.

This investment builds on significant work already delivered by the Home Office to develop innovative knife detection technologies, in collaboration with industry and partners such as the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory, and the Defence and Security Accelerator.

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COMMENTS

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About this guide. Knife crime is a persistent problem in the United Kingdom. Between 2014 and 2020, the number of violent incidents involving knives or sharp objects rose year-on-year, with 2019/20 witnessing the largest number of police-recorded knife ofences in the past decade2.
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