In Edwards grounded theory study, theoretical sampling led to the inclusion of the partners of women who had presented to the emergency department. ‘In one interview a woman spoke of being aware that the ED staff had not acknowledged her partner. This statement led me to ask other women during their interviews if they had similar experiences, and ultimately to interview the partners to gain their perspectives. The study originally intended to only focus on the women and the nursing staff who provided the care’ (p. 50).
Thus, theoretical sampling is used to focus and generate data to feed the iterative process of continual comparative analysis of the data. 6
Intermediate coding, identifying a core category, theoretical data saturation, constant comparative analysis, theoretical sensitivity and memoing occur in the next phase of the GT process. 6 Intermediate coding builds on the initial coding phase. Where initial coding fractures the data, intermediate coding begins to transform basic data into more abstract concepts allowing the theory to emerge from the data. During this analytic stage, a process of reviewing categories and identifying which ones, if any, can be subsumed beneath other categories occurs and the properties or dimension of the developed categories are refined. Properties refer to the characteristics that are common to all the concepts in the category and dimensions are the variations of a property. 37
At this stage, a core category starts to become evident as developed categories form around a core concept; relationships are identified between categories and the analysis is refined. Birks and Mills 6 affirm that diagramming can aid analysis in the intermediate coding phase. Grounded theorists interact closely with the data during this phase, continually reassessing meaning to ascertain ‘what is really going on’ in the data. 30 Theoretical saturation ensues when new data analysis does not provide additional material to existing theoretical categories, and the categories are sufficiently explained. 6
Birks and Mills 6 described advanced coding as the ‘techniques used to facilitate integration of the final grounded theory’ (p. 177). These authors promote storyline technique (described in the following section) and theoretical coding as strategies for advancing analysis and theoretical integration. Advanced coding is essential to produce a theory that is grounded in the data and has explanatory power. 6 During the advanced coding phase, concepts that reach the stage of categories will be abstract, representing stories of many, reduced into highly conceptual terms. The findings are presented as a set of interrelated concepts as opposed to presenting themes. 28 Explanatory statements detail the relationships between categories and the central core category. 28
Storyline is a tool that can be used for theoretical integration. Birks and Mills 6 define storyline as ‘a strategy for facilitating integration, construction, formulation, and presentation of research findings through the production of a coherent grounded theory’ (p. 180). Storyline technique is first proposed with limited attention in Basics of Qualitative Research by Strauss and Corbin 12 and further developed by Birks et al. 38 as a tool for theoretical integration. The storyline is the conceptualisation of the core category. 6 This procedure builds a story that connects the categories and produces a discursive set of theoretical propositions. 24 Birks and Mills 6 contend that storyline can be ‘used to produce a comprehensive rendering of your grounded theory’ (p. 118). Birks et al. 38 had earlier concluded, ‘storyline enhances the development, presentation and comprehension of the outcomes of grounded theory research’ (p. 405). Once the storyline is developed, the GT is finalised using theoretical codes that ‘provide a framework for enhancing the explanatory power of the storyline and its potential as theory’. 6 Thus, storyline is the explication of the theory.
Theoretical coding occurs as the final culminating stage towards achieving a GT. 39 , 40 The purpose of theoretical coding is to integrate the substantive theory. 41 Saldaña 40 states, ‘theoretical coding integrates and synthesises the categories derived from coding and analysis to now create a theory’ (p. 224). Initial coding fractures the data while theoretical codes ‘weave the fractured story back together again into an organized whole theory’. 18 Advanced coding that integrates extant theory adds further explanatory power to the findings. 6 The examples in Box 2 describe the use of storyline as a technique.
Writing the storyline.
Baldwin describes in her GT study how ‘the process of writing the storyline allowed in-depth descriptions of the categories, and discussion of how the categories of (i) , (ii) and (iii) fit together to form the final theory: ’ (pp. 125–126). ‘The use of storyline as part of the finalisation of the theory from the data ensured that the final theory was grounded in the data’ (p. 201). In Chamberlain-Salaun GT study, writing the storyline enabled the identification of ‘gaps in the developing theory and to clarify categories and concepts. To address the gaps the researcher iteratively returned to the data and to the field and refine the storyline. Once the storyline was developed raw data was incorporated to support the story in much the same way as dialogue is included in a storybook or novel’. |
As presented in Figure 1 , theoretical sensitivity encompasses the entire research process. Glaser and Strauss 5 initially described the term theoretical sensitivity in The Discovery of Grounded Theory. Theoretical sensitivity is the ability to know when you identify a data segment that is important to your theory. While Strauss and Corbin 12 describe theoretical sensitivity as the insight into what is meaningful and of significance in the data for theory development, Birks and Mills 6 define theoretical sensitivity as ‘the ability to recognise and extract from the data elements that have relevance for the emerging theory’ (p. 181). Conducting GT research requires a balance between keeping an open mind and the ability to identify elements of theoretical significance during data generation and/or collection and data analysis. 6
Several analytic tools and techniques can be used to enhance theoretical sensitivity and increase the grounded theorist’s sensitivity to theoretical constructs in the data. 28 Birks and Mills 6 state, ‘as a grounded theorist becomes immersed in the data, their level of theoretical sensitivity to analytic possibilities will increase’ (p. 12). Developing sensitivity as a grounded theorist and the application of theoretical sensitivity throughout the research process allows the analytical focus to be directed towards theory development and ultimately result in an integrated and abstract GT. 6 The example in Box 3 highlights how analytic tools are employed to increase theoretical sensitivity.
Theoretical sensitivity.
Hoare et al. described how the lead author ‘ in pursuit of heightened theoretical sensitivity in a grounded theory study of information use by nurses working in general practice in New Zealand’. The article described the analytic tools the researcher used ‘to increase theoretical sensitivity’ which included ‘reading the literature, open coding, category building, reflecting in memos followed by doubling back on data collection once further lines of inquiry are opened up’. The article offers ‘an example of how analytical tools are employed to theoretically sample emerging concepts’ (pp. 240–241). |
The meticulous application of essential GT methods refines the analysis resulting in the generation of an integrated, comprehensive GT that explains a process relating to a particular phenomenon. 6 The results of a GT study are communicated as a set of concepts, related to each other in an interrelated whole, and expressed in the production of a substantive theory. 5 , 7 , 16 A substantive theory is a theoretical interpretation or explanation of a studied phenomenon 6 , 17 Thus, the hallmark of grounded theory is the generation of theory ‘abstracted from, or grounded in, data generated and collected by the researcher’. 6 However, to ensure quality in research requires the application of rigour throughout the research process.
The quality of a grounded theory can be related to three distinct areas underpinned by (1) the researcher’s expertise, knowledge and research skills; (2) methodological congruence with the research question; and (3) procedural precision in the use of methods. 6 Methodological congruence is substantiated when the philosophical position of the researcher is congruent with the research question and the methodological approach selected. 6 Data collection or generation and analytical conceptualisation need to be rigorous throughout the research process to secure excellence in the final grounded theory. 44
Procedural precision requires careful attention to maintaining a detailed audit trail, data management strategies and demonstrable procedural logic recorded using memos. 6 Organisation and management of research data, memos and literature can be assisted using software programs such as NVivo. An audit trail of decision-making, changes in the direction of the research and the rationale for decisions made are essential to ensure rigour in the final grounded theory. 6
This article offers a framework to assist novice researchers visualise the iterative processes that underpin a GT study. The fundamental process and methods used to generate an integrated grounded theory have been described. Novice researchers can adapt the framework presented to inform and guide the design of a GT study. This framework provides a useful guide to visualise the interplay between the methods and processes inherent in conducting GT. Research conducted ethically and with meticulous attention to process will ensure quality research outcomes that have relevance at the practice level.
Declaration of conflicting interests: The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding: The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
In qualitative research, data triangulation means approaching a question from multiple perspectives.
It involves using more than one data source or method to investigate a theory or corroborate a finding.
For something with such a mathematical-sounding name, it’s a pretty simple concept. But it’s a powerful one, too. Ask a group of five boaters why their watercraft sank in the sea and you’ll get five slightly different stories. Each individual tale holds the bias of its teller. Taken together, though, the individual accounts form a deeper and more accurate picture of what went wrong.
This logic applies to qualitative research. Since qualitative data isn’t as cut-and-dry as quantitative data , you need more than one perspective, data type, and method to shore it up.
With triangulation, you give the results a stronger platform to stand on.
If you ask me, there’s never a bad time to do data triangulation when you’re working with qualitative data.
From a researcher’s point of view, triangulation can help you verify key details and strengthen your findings—and your argument.
And if you’re someone who uses qualitative data to inform your business decisions, gathering data from multiple sources is smart. It can help you make critical choices with a level of confidence you wouldn’t (and shouldn’t) have if you relied on just one source.
In a 2014 journal article published in the Oncology Nursing Forum titled, “ The use of triangulation in qualitative research ,” authors Nancy Carter, et al., lay out two views of data triangulation.
They argue that it’s both “the use of multiple methods or data sources in qualitative research to develop a comprehensive understanding of phenomena” and “a qualitative research strategy to test validity through the convergence of information from different sources.”
Put into simpler words, qualitative data triangulation helps us:
Well-rounded arguments benefit everyone, all the time.
So if you’ve been on the fence about whether to draw sources from more than one place or use more than one method in your research, consider this your sign.
Do it.
Before you begin running qualitative data triangulation, it’s helpful to know the four types, as outlined by Carter et al.:
Knowing which type of triangulation to focus on can be tricky.
We’ll explore each type in more detail and suggest questions to ask yourself when you’re tackling the beginning of the triangulation process.
Method triangulation means using a variety of research methods to study the same topic. In qualitative research, the most common data-gathering methods are:
So, in qualitative research, method triangulation means gathering data using at least two of these methods.
But method triangulation can also mean looping in non-qualitative forms of data collection, like demographic information or responses to closed-question (yes-or-no and/or multiple-choice) surveys. Since we’re focusing on qualitative data here, though, we’ll save mixed-method triangulation for another day.
Right now, our lens is firmly focused on qualitative research.
Use method triangulation when:
The goal of investigator triangulation is to have more than one researcher (or team of researchers) analyze the same set of data. Like a peer review for a scholarly journal article, investigator triangulation helps reduce bias. This, in turn, strengthens the credibility of your research.
But you have to be careful not to invite researchers with your same opinions and biases to participate in this type of triangulation. You don’t want them to confirm everything you’ve researched. You want them to read it line by line, grappling with the information and pushing you to see it in a new light.
Reach out to people in different—but related—fields. Invite them to collaborate by analyzing your research and engaging with it from their own viewpoints. Listen carefully to what they have to say—don’t just dismiss it because you don’t see things the same way.
This is how you’ll get the most well-rounded analysis of your qualitative research.
Use investigator triangulation when:
With theory triangulation, you aren’t using different data collection methods or bringing in researchers with unique viewpoints.
Instead, you’re changing the lens through which you see the data.
This approach challenges researchers to set aside their original theories for analyzing information. It invites them to use at least one additional, theoretical perspective when they sit down to interpret the data.
Researchers usually use theory triangulation when their topic spans more than one discipline. If you were studying human grocery shopping behavior, for instance, you could analyze the results through three lenses:
Basically, theory triangulation pushes you to consider things from viewpoints you hadn’t before. And it can make the results a lot meatier than if you relied on a single theory.
Use theory triangulation when:
With data source triangulation, your goal is to gather data from at least two sources, but probably more than that.
What does this look like in qualitative research?
It might mean gathering data from:
The point of data source triangulation is to study one topic using these diverse data sources. (If you want to pull from quantitative data sources like web analytics and public databases, you can do that too.)
This is essentially another way to study your research question from multiple perspectives. But instead of a group of different researchers or a set of theories from multiple disciplines, those differing data sources are the other perspectives.
Use data source triangulation when:
You want to validate findings across existing qualitative data sources. Let’s say you’re studying stigmas on mental health issues. You’ve already used methodological triangulation to gather qualitative data from interviews and surveys. Now, you want to compare this data with themes from online forums, blog posts, and personal memoirs. The data found in these sources can help validate your findings—or bring up new questions and interesting discrepancies to explore.
Keep reading about user experience.
In qualitative research, data triangulation means approaching a question from multiple perspectives. It involves using more than one data source or method to investigate a…
UI/UX design agencies help bring brands to life and deliver optimized user experiences with well-researched and thoughtfully designed websites, apps, and products. All of the…
Qualitative data collection methods are the different ways to gather descriptive, non-numerical data for your research. Popular examples of qualitative data collection methods include surveys,…
dscout is a great tool for doing qualitative user research, like live interviews or diary studies. But it isn’t the best choice for everyone. If…
Figuring out the most effective ways to improve the user experience can be hard. There is tons of information out there, and it gets overwhelming…
Nominal data is descriptive information wherein rank and order don’t matter. Still confused? It helps to contrast nominal data with the other three main types…
If you Google user experience the definition you’ll find is “the overall experience of a person using a product like a website or computer application,…
Qualitative data coding is the process of organizing all the descriptive data you collect during a research project. It has nothing to do with computer…
Qualitative data presents information using descriptive language, images, and videos instead of numbers. To help make sense of this type of data—as opposed to quantitative…
Usability testing helps designers, product managers, and other teams figure out how easily users can use a website, app, or product. With these tools, user…
Qualitative data analysis is the work of organizing and interpreting descriptive data. Interview recordings, open-ended survey responses, and focus group observations all yield descriptive—qualitative—information. This…
UX research tools help designers, product managers, and other teams understand users and how they interact with a company’s products and services. The tools provide…
Qualitative data is information you can describe with words rather than numbers. Quantitative data is information represented in a measurable way using numbers. One type…
It seems like every other company is bragging about their AI-enhanced user experiences. Consumers and the UX professionals responsible for designing great user experiences are…
UX metrics help identify where users struggle when using an app or website and where they are successful. The data collected helps designers, developers, and…
Over 300,000 websites use Crazy Egg to improve what's working, fix what isn't and test new ideas.
Smart. Open. Grounded. Inventive. Read our Ideas Made to Matter.
Through intellectual rigor and experiential learning, this full-time, two-year MBA program develops leaders who make a difference in the world.
Earn your MBA and SM in engineering with this transformative two-year program.
A rigorous, hands-on program that prepares adaptive problem solvers for premier finance careers.
A 12-month program focused on applying the tools of modern data science, optimization and machine learning to solve real-world business problems.
Combine an international MBA with a deep dive into management science. A special opportunity for partner and affiliate schools only.
A doctoral program that produces outstanding scholars who are leading in their fields of research.
Bring a business perspective to your technical and quantitative expertise with a bachelor’s degree in management, business analytics, or finance.
Apply now and work for two to five years. We'll save you a seat in our MBA class when you're ready to come back to campus for your degree.
The 20-month program teaches the science of management to mid-career leaders who want to move from success to significance.
A full-time MBA program for mid-career leaders eager to dedicate one year of discovery for a lifetime of impact.
A joint program for mid-career professionals that integrates engineering and systems thinking. Earn your master’s degree in engineering and management.
Non-degree programs for senior executives and high-potential managers.
A non-degree, customizable program for mid-career professionals.
Credit: Supatman/iStock
MIT Sloan Office of Communications
Sep 13, 2024
CAMBRIDGE, Mass., September 12, 2024 – Have you ever tried to convince a conspiracy theorist that the moon landing wasn’t staged? You likely didn’t succeed, but ChatGPT might have better luck, according to research by MIT Sloan School of Management professor David Rand and American University professor of psychology Thomas Costello , who conducted the research during his postdoctoral position at MIT Sloan.
In a new paper “ Durably reducing conspiracy beliefs through dialogues with AI ” published in Science, the researchers show that large language models can effectively reduce individuals’ beliefs in conspiracy theories — and that these reductions last for at least 2 months — a finding that offers new insights into the psychological mechanisms behind the phenomenon as well as potential tools to fight the spread of conspiracies. Going down the rabbit hole
Conspiracy theories — beliefs that certain events are the result of secret plots by influential actors — have long been a subject of fascination and concern. Their persistence in the face of counter-evidence has led to the conclusion that they fulfill deep-seated psychological needs, rendering them impervious to facts and logic. According to this conventional wisdom, once someone “ falls down the rabbit hole ,” it’s virtually impossible to pull them back out.
But for Rand, Costello, and their co-author professor Gordon Pennycook from Cornell University, who have conducted extensive research on the spread and uptake of misinformation, that conclusion didn’t ring true. Instead, they suspected a simpler explanation was at play.
“We wondered if it was possible that people simply hadn’t been exposed to compelling evidence disproving their theories,” Rand explained. “Conspiracy theories come in many varieties — the specifics of the theory and the arguments used to support it differ from believer to believer. So if you are trying to disprove the conspiracy but haven’t heard these particular arguments, you won’t be prepared to rebut them.”
Effectively debunking conspiracy theories, in other words, would require two things: personalized arguments and access to vast quantities of information — both now readily available through generative AI.
Conspiracy conversations with GPT4
To test their theory, Costello, Pennycook, and Rand harnessed the power of GPT-4 Turbo, OpenAI’s most advanced large language model, to engage over 2,000 conspiracy believers in personalized, evidence-based dialogues.
The study employed a unique methodology that allowed for deep engagement with participants' individual beliefs. Participants were first asked to identify and describe a conspiracy theory they believed in using their own words, along with the evidence supporting their belief.
GPT-4 Turbo then used this information to generate a personalized summary of the participant's belief and initiate a dialogue. The AI was instructed to persuade users that their beliefs were untrue, adapting its strategy based on each participant’s unique arguments and evidence.
These conversations, lasting an average of 8.4 minutes, allowed the AI to directly address and refute the specific evidence supporting each individual’s conspiratorial beliefs, an approach that was impossible to test at scale prior to the technology’s development.
A significant — and durable — effect
The results of the intervention were striking. On average, the AI conversations reduced the average participant's belief in their chosen conspiracy theory by about 20%, and about 1 in 4 participants — all of whom believed the conspiracy beforehand — disavowed the conspiracy after the conversation. This impact proved durable, with the effect remaining undiminished even two months post-conversation.
The AI conversation’s effectiveness was not limited to specific types of conspiracy theories. It successfully challenged beliefs across a wide spectrum, including conspiracies that potentially hold strong political and social salience, like those involving COVID-19 and fraud during the 2020 U.S. presidential election.
While the intervention was less successful among participants who reported that the conspiracy was central to their worldview, it did still have an impact, with little variance across demographic groups.
Notably, the impact of the AI dialogues extended beyond mere changes in belief. Participants also demonstrated shifts in their behavioral intentions related to conspiracy theories. They reported being more likely to unfollow people espousing conspiracy theories online, and more willing to engage in conversations challenging those conspiratorial beliefs.
The opportunities and dangers of AI
Costello, Pennycook, and Rand are careful to point to the need for continued responsible AI deployment since the technology could potentially be used to convince users to believe in conspiracies as well as to abandon them.
Nevertheless, the potential for positive applications of AI to reduce belief in conspiracies is significant. For example, AI tools could be integrated into search engines to offer accurate information to users searching for conspiracy-related terms.
“This research indicates that evidence matters much more than we thought it did — so long as it is actually related to people’s beliefs,” Pennycook said. “This has implications far beyond just conspiracy theories: Any number of beliefs based on poor evidence could, in theory, be undermined using this approach.”
Beyond the specific findings of the study, its methodology also highlights the ways in which large language models could revolutionize social science research, said Costello, who noted that the researchers used GPT-4 Turbo to not only conduct conversations but also to screen respondents and analyze data.
“Psychology research used to depend on graduate students interviewing or conducting interventions on other students, which was inherently limiting,” Costello said. “Then, we moved to online survey and interview platforms that gave us scale but took away the nuance. Using artificial intelligence allows us to have both.”
These findings fundamentally challenge the notion that conspiracy believers are beyond the reach of reason. Instead, they suggest that many are open to changing their views when presented with compelling and personalized counter-evidence.
“Before we had access to AI, conspiracy research was largely observation and correlational, which led to theories about conspiracies filling psychological needs,” said Costello. “Our explanation is more mundane — much of the time, people just didn’t have the right information.”
The MIT Sloan School of Management is where smart, independent leaders come together to solve problems, create new organizations, and improve the world. Learn more at mitsloan.mit.edu .
4.2 the variety of theories in psychology, learning objectives.
Researchers in psychology have found that many different types of theories can help them to organize phenomena, predict what will happen in new situations, and generate new research. It is important for beginning researchers to be aware of the different types so that they recognize theories when they see them in the research literature. (They are not always clearly labeled as “theories.”) It is also important for them to see that some types of theories are well within their ability to understand, use, and even construct. In this section, we look at the variety of psychological theories in terms of three important dimensions: formality, scope, and theoretical approach.
Psychological theories vary widely in their formality —the extent to which the components of the theory and the relationships among them are specified clearly and in detail. At the informal end of this dimension are theories that consist of simple verbal descriptions of a few important components and relationships. The habituation theory of expressive-writing effects on health is relatively informal in this sense. So is the drive theory of social facilitation and inhibition. At the more precise, formal end of this dimension are theories that are expressed in terms of mathematical equations or computer programs.
People who are not familiar with scientific psychology are sometimes surprised to learn that psychological theories can take the form of mathematical equations and computer programs. The following formal theories are among the best known and most successful in the field.
Both informal and formal theories have their place in psychological research. Informal theories tend to be easier to create and to understand but less precise in their predictions, which can make them more difficult to test. They are especially appropriate, however, in the early stages of research when the phenomena of interest have not yet been described in detail. Formal theories tend to be more difficult to create and to understand—sometimes requiring a certain amount of mathematical or computer programming background—but they also tend to be more precise in their predictions and therefore easier to test. They are especially appropriate in the later stages of research when the phenomena of interest have been described in detail
Theories in psychology also vary widely in their scope —the number and diversity of the phenomena they explain or interpret. Many early psychological theories were extremely broad in that they attempted to interpret essentially all human behavior. Freud and his followers, for example, applied his theory not only to understanding psychological disorders but also to slips of the tongue and other everyday errors, dreaming, sexuality, art, politics, and even civilization itself (Fine, 1979). Such theories have fallen out of favor in scientific psychology, however, because they tend to be imprecise and difficult to test. In addition, they have not been particularly successful at organizing or predicting the range and complexity of human behavior at the level of detail that scientific researchers usually seek.
Still, contemporary theories in psychology can vary in their scope. At the broad end of this dimension are theories that apply to many diverse phenomena. Cognitive dissonance theory, for example, assumes that when people hold inconsistent beliefs, this creates mental discomfort that they are motivated to reduce by changing one or both of the beliefs. This theory has been applied to a wide variety of phenomena, including the persistence of irrational beliefs and behaviors (e.g., smoking), the effectiveness of certain persuasion and sales techniques (e.g., asking for a small favor before asking for a big one), and even placebo effects. At the narrow end of this dimension are theories that apply to a small number of closely related phenomena. Consider, for example, a very specific quantitative ability called subitizing. This refers to people’s ability to quickly and accurately perceive the number of objects in a scene without counting them—as long as the number is four or fewer. Several theories have been proposed to explain subitizing. Among them is the idea that small numbers of objects are associated with easily recognizable patterns. For example, people know immediately that there are three objects in a scene because the three objects tend to form a “triangle” and it is this pattern that is quickly perceived (Logan & Sbrodoff, 2003).
As with informal and formal theories, both broad and narrow theories have their place in psychological research. Broad theories organize more phenomena but tend to be less formal and less precise in their predictions. Narrow theories organize fewer phenomena but tend to be more formal and more precise in their predictions.
In addition to varying in formality and scope, theories in psychology vary widely in the kinds of theoretical ideas they are constructed from. We will refer to this as the theoretical approach .
Functional theories explain psychological phenomena in terms of their function or purpose. For example, one prominent theory of repeated self-injury (e.g., cutting) is that people do it because it produces a short-term reduction in the intensity of negative emotions that they are feeling (Tantam & Huband, 2009). Note that this theory does not focus on how this happens, but on the function of self-injury for the people who engage in it. Theories from the perspective of evolutionary psychology also tend to be functional—assuming that human behavior has evolved to solve specific adaptive problems faced by our distant ancestors. Consider the phenomenon of sex differences in human mating strategies (Buss & Schmitt, 1993). Men are somewhat more likely than women to seek short-term partners and to value physical attractiveness over material resources in a mate. Women are somewhat more likely than men to seek long-term partners and to value material resources over physical attractiveness in a mate. But why? The standard evolutionary theory holds that because the male investment in becoming a parent is relatively small, men reproduce more successfully by seeking several short-term partners who are young and healthy (which is signaled by physical attractiveness). But because the female investment in becoming a parent is quite large, women reproduce more successfully by seeking a long-term partner who has resources to contribute to raising the child.
Mechanistic theories , on the other hand, focus on specific variables, structures, and processes, and how they interact to produce the phenomena. The drive theory of social facilitation and inhibition and the multistore model of human memory are mechanistic theories in this sense. Figure 4.4 “Simplified Representation of One Contemporary Theory of Hypochondriasis” represents another example—a contemporary cognitive theory of hypochondriasis—an extreme form of health anxiety in which people misinterpret ordinary bodily symptoms (e.g., headaches) as signs of a serious illness (e.g., a brain tumor; Williams, 2004). This theory specifies several key variables and the relationships among them. Specifically, people who are high in the personality trait of neuroticism (also called negative emotionality) start to pay excessive attention to negative health information—especially if they have had a significant illness experience as a child (e.g., a seriously ill parent). This attention to negative health information then leads to health anxiety and hypochondriasis, especially among people who are low in effortful control, which is the ability to shift attention away from negative thoughts and feelings.
Figure 4.4 Simplified Representation of One Contemporary Theory of Hypochondriasis
This theory focuses on key variables and the relationships among them.
Mechanistic theories can also be expressed in terms of biological structures and processes. With advances in genetics and neuroscience, such theories are becoming increasingly common in psychology. For example, researchers are currently constructing and testing theories that specify the brain structures associated with the storage and rehearsal of information in the short-term store, the transfer of information to the long-term store, and so on. Theories of psychological disorders are also increasingly likely to focus on biological mechanisms. Schizophrenia, for example, has been explained in terms of several biological theories, including theories that focus on genetics, neurotransmitters, brain structures, and even prenatal exposure to infections.
Finally, there are also theoretical approaches that provide organization without necessarily providing a functional or mechanistic explanation. These include stage theories , which specify a series of stages that people pass through as they develop or adapt to their environment. Famous stage theories include Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development. Typologies provide organization by categorizing people or behavior into distinct types. These include theories that identify several basic emotions (e.g., happiness, sadness, fear, surprise, anger, and disgust), several distinct types of intelligence (e.g., spatial, linguistic, mathematical, kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, and intrapersonal), and distinct types of personalities (e.g., Type A vs. Type B).
Researchers in psychology have found that there is a place for all these theoretical approaches. In fact, multiple approaches are probably necessary to provide a complete understanding of any set of phenomena. A complete understanding of emotions, for example, is likely to require identifying the basic emotions that people experience, explaining why we have those emotions, and describing how those emotions work in terms of underlying psychological and biological variables, structures, and processes.
Buss, D. M., & Schmitt, D. P. (1993). Sexual strategies theory: A contextual evolutionary analysis of human mating. Psychological Review, 100 , 204–232.
Fine, R. (1979). A history of psychoanalysis . New York, NY: Columbia University Press.
Logan, G. D., & Sbrodoff, N. J. (2003). Subitizing and similarity: Toward a pattern-matching theory of enumeration. Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 10 , 676–682.
Tantam, D., & Huband, N. (2009). Understanding repeated self-injury: A multidisciplinary approach . New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Williams, P. G. (2004). The psychopathology of self-assessed health: A cognitive approach to health anxiety and hypochondriasis. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 28 , 629–644.
Privacy Policy
A study shows that rising levels of brain protein Aβ42, not the reduction of amyloid plaques, better explains the cognitive benefits of new Alzheimer’s drugs. This finding challenges the traditional focus on plaques in Alzheimer’s treatment.
A new study reveals that the rise in protein levels due to new Alzheimer’s drugs may explain the slowing of cognitive decline just as effectively as the reduction of amyloid plaques.
In a study that questions the effectiveness of newly approved monoclonal antibodies in reducing cognitive decline in Alzheimer’s patients by clearing amyloid, researchers from the University of Cincinnati discovered that an unintended rise in a critical brain protein’s levels correlates just as strongly with cognitive benefits.
Led by UC’s Alberto Espay, MD, the research was published in the journal Brain .
For decades, the prevailing theory in the field has stated that a protein made up of 42 amino acids called amyloid-beta 42 (Aβ42) hardens into clumps called amyloid plaques, and those plaques damage the brain, causing Alzheimer’s disease.
Espay and team have hypothesized that normal, soluble Aβ42 in the brain is crucial for neuron health and that the loss of Aβ42, rather than the buildup of plaques, drives Alzheimer’s. This includes published research that suggests dementia occurs not when plaque levels are high but when Aβ42 levels drop very low .
According to Espay’s research, the transformation of Aβ42 into plaques appears to be the brain’s normal response to biological, metabolic, or infectious stress.
“Most of us will accrue amyloid plaques in our brains as we age, and yet very few of us with plaques go on to develop dementia,” said Espay, professor of neurology in the UC College of Medicine and director and endowed chair of the James J. and Joan A. Gardner Family Center for Parkinson’s Disease and Movement Disorders at the UC Gardner Neuroscience Institute. “Yet the plaques remain the center of our attention in biomarker development and therapeutic strategies.”
Recently, several new monoclonal antibody medications designed to remove amyloid from the brain were approved after showing they lessened cognitive decline in clinical trials.
Espay and his colleagues noticed that these drugs unintentionally increased levels of Aβ42.
“Amyloid plaques don’t cause Alzheimer’s, but if the brain makes too much of it while defending against infections, toxins, or biological changes, it can’t produce enough Aβ42, causing its levels to drop below a critical threshold,” Espay explained. “That’s when dementia symptoms emerge.”
The team analyzed data from nearly 26,000 patients enrolled in 24 randomized clinical trials of these new antibody treatments, assessing cognitive impairment and differences in levels of Aβ42 before and after treatment. They found that higher levels of Aβ42 after treatment were independently associated with slower cognitive impairment and clinical decline.
“All stories have two sides — even the one we have told ourselves about how anti-amyloid treatments work: by lowering amyloid,” Espay said. “In fact, they also raise the levels of Aβ42. Even if this is unintended, it is why there may be a benefit. Our study shows that we can predict changes in cognitive outcomes in anti-amyloid trials at least as well by the increases in Aβ42 as by the decreases in amyloid.”
Espay said these findings fit well into his larger hypothesis about the root cause of Alzheimer’s, as increasing levels of Aβ42 appear to improve cognition.
“If the problem with Alzheimer’s is the loss of the normal protein, then increasing it should be beneficial, and this study showed that it is,” he said. “The story makes sense: Increasing Aβ42 levels to within the normal range is desirable.”
However, Espay believes these results also present a conundrum for clinicians because removing amyloid from the brain is toxic and may cause the brain to shrink faster after antibody treatment.
“Do we give patients an anti-protein treatment to increase their protein levels? I think the end, increasing Aβ42, doesn’t justify the means, decreasing amyloid,” Espay said. Therapies that directly increase Aβ42 levels without targeting amyloid are a focus of research for Espay and his group.
Reference: “Increases in amyloid-β42 slow cognitive and clinical decline in Alzheimer’s disease trials” by Jesus Abanto, Alok K Dwivedi, Bruno P Imbimbo and Alberto J Espay, 11 September 2024, Brain . DOI: 10.1093/brain/awae216
A.J.E. has received grant support from the NIH and the Michael J Fox Foundation; personal compensation as a consultant/scientific advisory board member for Neuroderm, Amneal, Acadia, Avion Pharmaceuticals, Acorda, Kyowa Kirin, Sunovion, Supernus (formerly, USWorldMeds) and Herantis Pharma; personal honoraria for speakership for Avion, Amneal and Supernus; and publishing royalties from Lippincott Williams & Wilkins, Cambridge University Press and Springer. He cofounded REGAIN Therapeutics and is co-inventor of the patent ‘Compositions and methods for treatment and/or prophylaxis of proteinopathies’. B.I. is an employee atChiesi Farmaceutici. He is listed among the inventors of a number of Chiesi Farmaceutici’s patents of anti-Alzheimer drugs. The other authors report no competing interests.
Scientists discover new telltale sign of alzheimer’s, certain protein may predict mild cognitive impairment years before symptoms, losing your sense of smell – a potential warning of future memory and thinking problems, early menopause may increase risk of alzheimer’s disease, alleviating symptoms: brain stimulation could help treat alzheimer’s disease, alzheimer’s breakthrough: new therapeutic target found, shocking study finds decreased proteins – not amyloid plaques – cause alzheimer’s disease, a diabetes drug could protect against alzheimer’s, are we wrong about alzheimer’s researchers question prevailing theory after new discovery.
This means that all the research into plaques is barking up the wrong tree. This is what happens when science focuses on one theory and ignores others. As a medical anthropologist researcher I have studies brain circulation relative to sleep position, and this is essential for brain function. It is a biomechanical issue, not a biochemical issue, which is why most of medicine ignores the impact of sleep position on brain circulation, but Space Medicine researchers study this since astronauts in zero gravity experience a shift of fluid to the head, causing increased brain pressure, reduced brain circulation, and many brain problems, including migraines, eye pressure (glaucoma), and more. They simulate zero gravity on Earth by having people lie flat.
When you elevate the head of the bed 10-30 degrees, it reduced brain pressure and increases circulation. NASA scientists say 30 degree elevation is optimal for heart and brain circulation. We have discovered in our own research that this eliminated migraines, and is already used medically for treating glaucoma, sleep apnea, stroke, and we believe the long-term outcome is dementia/Alzheimer’s.
See my article, Heads Up! The Way you are Sleeping can be Killing You! https://theculturedoctor.substack.com/p/heads-up-the-way-you-are-sleeping
13:09:2034. About Israeli and Palestinian. Israel and Palestinian war and Conflicts did not started today. This war’s and Conflicts are few Thousands years old. This has been going on since Israeli left Egypt through the Red sea. Today I will like to apologise from Palestinian that am sorry for my involvement in this sagas. I thought as of that time I was making Wright decision. If I have any Forcite which most of times I have. I could have seen what might happen I could have let Israeli to stay in Egypt. Instead of assisted Moses and Israeli escape through the Red sea. I may have forgot some how that there’s people after the red sea living there. Or maybe I thought they may be able to live together in Peace but I was wrong. Since then till today always problems. No day passes by that I did not regret my decision. Let them go through the Red sea was not my only choices before that my plans was to settle them down in some part of West Africa between now called Nigeria and Sudan. Because I may have have some land in that part of the World that time. But before I came back to Egypt I see or know that they were on the move, then my only play was to assist them to cross the Red sea. Before I left to West. I may have told Moses that I will help them. After they cross the Red sea, I don’t know that Fero / Egyptian Army’s will follow them to the sea and into the Red sea. Any ways from then till today I regret my decision. Am sorry that I underestimate Human beings. My thinking then was Israeli don’t have any other usefulness for me in Egypt so I have to relocate them. When I met Israeli I did not remember where they were coming from and where they were going. Because the Israeli must be coming from somewhere and going to somewhere. If I or the Israeli know where they were going or where they were coming from I may have returned them back to there land. Now Israeli don’t have any other places to go back to and I don’t have access to those lands anymore. Now what? Thousands of years mistake or decision is now coming back to hunt me. No new land I can Allocate for my Jewish. Am stuck. No way out. In all this years I always thought one day both Israeli and Palestinian will be able to live together. I was wrong again. Thanks. To be continued. M. Luke.
Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.
Type above and press Enter to search. Press Esc to cancel.
Want to create or adapt books like this? Learn more about how Pressbooks supports open publishing practices.
Learning objectives.
Researchers in psychology have found that many different types of theories can help them to organize phenomena, predict what will happen in new situations, and generate new research. It is important for beginning researchers to be aware of the different types so that they recognize theories when they see them in the research literature. (They are not always clearly labeled as “theories.”) It is also important for them to see that some types of theories are well within their ability to understand, use, and even construct. In this section, we look at the variety of psychological theories in terms of three important dimensions: formality, scope, and theoretical approach.
Psychological theories vary widely in their formality —the extent to which the components of the theory and the relationships among them are specified clearly and in detail. At the informal end of this dimension are theories that consist of simple verbal descriptions of a few important components and relationships. The habituation theory of expressive-writing effects on health is relatively informal in this sense. So is the drive theory of social facilitation and inhibition. At the more precise, formal end of this dimension are theories that are expressed in terms of mathematical equations or computer programs.
People who are not familiar with scientific psychology are sometimes surprised to learn that psychological theories can take the form of mathematical equations and computer programs. The following formal theories are among the best known and most successful in the field.
Both informal and formal theories have their place in psychological research. Informal theories tend to be easier to create and to understand but less precise in their predictions, which can make them more difficult to test. They are especially appropriate, however, in the early stages of research when the phenomena of interest have not yet been described in detail. Formal theories tend to be more difficult to create and to understand—sometimes requiring a certain amount of mathematical or computer programming background—but they also tend to be more precise in their predictions and therefore easier to test. They are especially appropriate in the later stages of research when the phenomena of interest have been described in detail.
Theories in psychology also vary widely in their scope —the number and diversity of the phenomena they explain or interpret. Many early psychological theories were extremely broad in that they attempted to interpret essentially all human behaviour. Freud and his followers, for example, applied his theory not only to understanding psychological disorders but also to slips of the tongue and other everyday errors, dreaming, sexuality, art, politics, and even civilization itself (Fine, 1979) [1] .
Such theories have fallen out of favour in scientific psychology, however, because they tend to be imprecise and difficult to test. In addition, they have not been particularly successful at organizing or predicting the range and complexity of human behaviour at the level of detail that scientific researchers usually seek. These large theories that attempt to explain everything often end up being vague and can seldom make specific predictions.
Still, contemporary theories in psychology can vary in their scope. At the broad end of this dimension are theories that apply to many diverse phenomena. For example, cognitive dissonance theory proposed by Leon Festinger in 1956 assumes that when people hold inconsistent beliefs, this duality creates mental discomfort that they are motivated to reduce by changing one or both of the beliefs . This theory has been applied to a wide variety of phenomena, including the persistence of irrational beliefs and behaviours (e.g., smoking), the effectiveness of certain persuasion and sales techniques (e.g., asking for a small favour before asking for a big one), and even placebo effects. At the narrow end of this dimension are theories that apply to a small number of closely related phenomena. Consider, for example, a very specific quantitative ability called subitizing. This refers to people’s ability to quickly and accurately perceive the number of objects in a scene without counting them—as long as the number is four or fewer. Several theories have been proposed to explain subitizing. Among them is the idea that small numbers of objects are associated with easily recognizable patterns. For example, people know immediately that there are three objects in a scene because the three objects tend to form a “triangle” and it is this pattern that is quickly perceived (Logan & Sbrodoff, 2003) [2] .
As with informal and formal theories, both broad and narrow theories have their place in psychological research. Broad theories organize more phenomena but tend to be less formal and less precise in their predictions. Narrow theories organize fewer phenomena but tend to be more formal and more precise in their predictions.
In addition to varying in formality and scope, theories in psychology vary widely in the kinds of theoretical ideas they are constructed from. We will refer to this fundamental aspect as their theoretical approach .
Functional theories explain psychological phenomena in terms of their function or purpose. For example, one prominent theory of repeated self-injury (e.g., cutting) is that people do it because it produces a short-term reduction in the intensity of negative emotions that they are feeling (Tantam & Huband, 2009) [3] . Note that this theory does not focus on how this reduction happens, but on the function of self-injury for the people who engage in it. Theories from the perspective of evolutionary psychology also tend to be functional—assuming that human behaviour has evolved to solve specific adaptive problems faced by our distant ancestors. Consider the phenomenon of sex differences in human mating strategies (Buss & Schmitt, 1993) [4] .
Men are somewhat more likely than women to seek short-term partners and to value physical attractiveness over material resources in a mate. Women are somewhat more likely than men to seek long-term partners and to value material resources over physical attractiveness in a mate. But why? The standard evolutionary theory holds that because the male investment in becoming a parent is relatively small, men reproduce more successfully by seeking several short-term partners who are young and healthy (which is signaled by physical attractiveness). But because the female investment in becoming a parent is quite large, women reproduce more successfully by seeking a long-term partner who has resources to contribute to raising the child.
Mechanistic theories , on the other hand, focus on specific variables, structures, and processes, and how they interact to produce the phenomena. These types of theories involve identifying a mechanism or explanation for the phenomenon and providing context for when or how intense the phenomenon happens. The drive theory of social facilitation and inhibition and the multistore model of human memory are mechanistic theories in this sense. Figure 4.3 represents another example—a contemporary cognitive theory of hypochondriasis—an extreme form of health anxiety in which people misinterpret ordinary bodily symptoms (e.g., headaches) as signs of a serious illness (e.g., a brain tumor; Williams, 2004) [5] . This theory specifies several key variables and the relationships among them. Specifically, people who are high in the personality trait of neuroticism (also called negative emotionality) start to pay excessive attention to negative health information—especially if they have had a significant illness experience as a child (e.g., a seriously ill parent). This attention to negative health information then leads to health anxiety and hypochondriasis, especially among people who are low in effortful control, which is the ability to shift attention away from negative thoughts and feelings.
Mechanistic theories can also be expressed in terms of biological structures and processes. With advances in genetics and neuroscience, such theories are becoming increasingly common in psychology and research is often criticized when it is does not contain a mechanism. For example, researchers are currently constructing and testing theories that specify the brain structures associated with the storage and rehearsal of information in the short-term store, the transfer of information to the long-term store, and so on. Theories of psychological disorders are also increasingly likely to focus on biological mechanisms. Schizophrenia, for example, has been explained in terms of several biological theories, including theories that focus on genetics, neurotransmitters, brain structures, and even prenatal exposure to infections. If functional theories provide the “why”, then mechanistic theories provide the “how”.
Finally, there are also theoretical approaches that provide organization without necessarily providing a functional or mechanistic explanation. These include stage theories , which specify a series of stages that people pass through as they develop or adapt to their environment. Famous stage theories include Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs and Jean Piaget’s theory of cognitive development. A distinguishing factor of stage theories is that as people pass through the stages, they integrate their outcomes from previous stages to help them succeed in the next stage. In stage theories, progressing forward or stopping is the only option, because stage theories do not allow for reverting to previous stages. Typologies provide organization by categorizing people or behaviour into distinct types. These include theories that identify several basic emotions (e.g., happiness, sadness, fear, surprise, anger, and disgust), several distinct types of intelligence (e.g., spatial, linguistic, mathematical, kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, and intrapersonal), and distinct types of personalities (e.g., Type A vs. Type B). Unlike stage theories, people do not progress through the typologies in any order or at all.
Researchers in psychology have found that there is a place for all these theoretical approaches. In fact, multiple approaches are probably necessary to provide a complete understanding of any set of phenomena. A complete understanding of emotions, for example, is likely to require identifying the basic emotions that people experience, explaining why we have those emotions, and describing how those emotions work in terms of underlying psychological and biological variables, structures, and processes.
Research Methods in Psychology Copyright © 2015 by Paul C. Price, Rajiv Jhangiani, & I-Chant A. Chiang is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.
IMAGES
VIDEO
COMMENTS
Types of Theories are as follows: Scientific Theories. These are theories that explain natural phenomena and are based on empirical evidence. Examples include the theory of evolution, the germ theory of disease, and the theory of relativity. ... Framework for research: Theories provide a framework for research by guiding the development of ...
Chapter 4 Theories in Scientific Research. As we know from previous chapters, science is knowledge represented as a collection of "theories" derived using the scientific method. In this chapter, we will examine what is a theory, why do we need theories in research, what are the building blocks of a theory, how to evaluate theories, how can ...
What Are Theories. The terms theory and model have been defined in numerous ways, and there are at least as many ideas on how theories and models relate to each other (Bailer-Jones, Citation 2009).I understand theories as bodies of knowledge that are broad in scope and aim to explain robust phenomena.Models, on the other hand, are instantiations of theories, narrower in scope and often more ...
Theoretical Framework. Definition: Theoretical framework refers to a set of concepts, theories, ideas, and assumptions that serve as a foundation for understanding a particular phenomenon or problem. It provides a conceptual framework that helps researchers to design and conduct their research, as well as to analyze and interpret their findings.
6 The Types and Uses of Theory in Research This chapter focuses on the concept of 'theory' in social research. My intention is to provide you with a discus- ... be informed by previous research and theories, discussions with peers and supervisors, and 'gut' feelings which all help, at an early stage, to identify
By merging insights from diverse theories and fields, practitioners in human resource development devise innovative strategies to foster employee growth and well-being. Theoretical research method. Researchers follow so many methods when doing research. There are two types of theoretical research methods. Scientific methods; Social science method
The use of theory in science is an ongoing debate in the production of knowledge. Related to qualitative research methods, a variety of approaches have been set forth in the literature using the terms conceptual framework, theoretical framework, paradigm, and epistemology.
Theories. Theories help us to understand the world by describing, explaining or predicting how or why a phenomena occurs. Theories can have different levels of scope. For example, macro level theories look at large global issues, while meso and micro level theories deal with context based or individual issues, respectively (Salmons, 2019).
Practice: Find an empirical research report in a professional journal, identify a theory that the researchers present, and then describe the theory in terms of its formality (informal vs. formal), scope (broad vs. narrow), and theoretical approach (functional, mechanistic, etc.).
exercise in statistical model fitting, and falls short of theory. building and testing in three ways. First, theories are absent, which fosters conflating statistical models with theoretical ...
Theoretical frameworks provide a particular perspective, or lens, through which to examine a topic. There are many different lenses, such as psychological theories, social theories, organizational theories and economic theories, which may be used to define concepts and explain phenomena. Sometimes these frameworks may come from an area outside ...
A theoretical framework is a single formal theory. When a study is designed around a theoretical framework, the theory is the primary means in which the research problem is understood and investigated. ... Identifying and learning about theories requires a different search strategy than other types of research. Even though the steps are ...
Here, the goal is to find strategies that can be used to address a specific research problem. Applied research draws on theory to generate practical scientific knowledge, and its use is very common in STEM fields such as engineering, computer science and medicine. This type of research is subdivided into two types:
A theoretical framework is a foundational review of existing theories that serves as a roadmap for developing the arguments you will use in your own work. Theories are developed by researchers to explain phenomena, draw connections, and make predictions. In a theoretical framework, you explain the existing theories that support your research ...
A central topic in teaching research methods is the role of theory-both in general (Kawulich 2009) and in IS and digitalization (Gregor 2006;Truex, Duane, Jonny Holmström 2006). Theory is a ...
The theoretical framework adds context around the theory itself based on how scholars had previously tested the theory in relation their overall research design [i.e., purpose of the study, methods of collecting data or information, methods of analysis, the time frame in which information is collected, study setting, and the methodological ...
Research methods are specific procedures for collecting and analyzing data. Developing your research methods is an integral part of your research design. When planning your methods, there are two key decisions you will make. ... It involves studying the methods used in your field and the theories or principles behind them, ...
There are many benefits to using theories in research. First, theories provide the underlying logic for the occurrence of natural or social phenomena by explaining the key drivers and outcomes of the target phenomenon, and the underlying processes responsible for driving that phenomenon. ... These theories explain different types of social ...
Quantitative research is interested in the general. It studies general laws of behavior and phenomena across different settings and contexts. This type of research endeavors to form conclusions about social phenomena, collecting data to test a theory and ultimately support or reject it. Quantitative methods collect data through measuring ...
Figure 1. Research design framework: summary of the interplay between the essential grounded theory methods and processes. Grounded theory research involves the meticulous application of specific methods and processes. Methods are 'systematic modes, procedures or tools used for collection and analysis of data'. 25 While GT studies can ...
It involves using more than one data source or method to investigate a theory or corroborate a finding. For something with such a mathematical-sounding name, it's a pretty simple concept. ... Method triangulation means using a variety of research methods to study the same topic. In qualitative research, the most common data-gathering methods ...
The three theories we have discussed so far in this paper are examples of the possible theories a qualitative researcher might use. Box 2 provides some further examples of other theories that have been used in qualitative research studies in domains related to medicine. Box 2 More examples of theories used in qualitative research
As you read through political science research sources, you can probably notice many different kinds of research, and different kinds of theory they produce. There are two main types of theory in political science. One kind describes the way reality is, based on empirical evidence. this kind is called descriptive or empirical theory. The other ...
"This research indicates that evidence matters much more than we thought it did — so long as it is actually related to people's beliefs," Pennycook said. "This has implications far beyond just conspiracy theories: Any number of beliefs based on poor evidence could, in theory, be undermined using this approach."
James Joseph Scheurich is a chancellor's professor at Indiana University-Indianapolis (IUI) whose scholarship is primarily focused on issues of race and racism in urban schools and communities. He is also highly active within his community around these same issues. In addition, he is a research methodologist, especially in terms of critical research methods, and editor of the critical ...
Researchers in psychology have found that many different types of theories can help them to organize phenomena, predict what will happen in new situations, and generate new research. ... Both informal and formal theories have their place in psychological research. Informal theories tend to be easier to create and to understand but less precise ...
Led by UC's Alberto Espay, MD, the research was published in the journal Brain. Study background. For decades, the prevailing theory in the field has stated that a protein made up of 42 amino acids called amyloid-beta 42 (Aβ42) hardens into clumps called amyloid plaques, and those plaques damage the brain, causing Alzheimer's disease.
11 One may protest that Marxist theories should not be included in the normative family. Although this is controversial and non-analytical Marxists usually reject this label, Marxist theories should be considered normative to the extent that they employ (critical) normative assessments (e.g. about exploitation) and provide considerations concerning what ought to be done to bring about the ...
outcomes, while the concepts and models provide a framework for analysing communication. Conclusion - Effective human communication is crucial for building strong relationships, achieving goals, and succeeding in personal and professional life. - Understanding the stages, types, and theories of communication is essential for effective communication. ...
The following formal theories are among the best known and most successful in the field. ACT-R. A comprehensive theory of human cognition that is akin to a programming language, within which more specific models can be created. See Carnegie Mellow University's ACT-R site. Prospect theory.