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Bridging Worlds: Family Engagement in the Transition to Kindergarten

Five-year-old Maya is struggling as she makes the transition to kindergarten, and her mother, teachers, and others in the school work together to help identify the causes of her difficulties and to find solutions so that Maya can succeed. An interactive version is also available.

Staying on the Path Toward College: One Boy at the Crossroads

Paulo Domínguez is an intelligent sixth-grade boy who has recently become disengaged from schoolwork and is hanging out with peers whom his teachers and parents fear are a bad influence. How can community programs, schools, and families work together to keep Paulo on the path towards college as he transitions to middle school? An interactive version is also available.

Making a Decision About College: Should I Stay or Should I Go?

Marisela Castillo, a high school senior, looks forward to going to a good college to prepare her for medical studies, but she knows that she will have to leave her family in order for that to happen. Should Marisela forgo her dreams for the sake of a family who depends on her household contributions? Should she leave her family to pursue those dreams? An interactive version is also available.

After School for Cindy: Family, School, and Community Roles in Out-of-School Time Teaching Case

Second grade teacher Nikki believes that participation in a formal after school program would help her student Cindy academically at school. However, Cindy's single working mother Marla prefers to keep Cindy with her in the afternoons after her numerous struggles with securing quality affordable care in the community. What are the roles of family, school, and community in promoting children's learning and development in out-of-school time?

Can We Talk About Family?

Latoya Roberts, a new first grade teacher, worries about Keon, a student being raised by his grandmother, when he begins to share information about his family in school. Will encouraging such sharing strengthen Latoya's bond with Keon and help him succeed? Latoya wants his grandmother's permission to encourage his openness, but she wonders if pushing the issue might strain her relationship with Keon's grandmother.

“Daddy Says This New Math Is Crazy”

Beth Martin, a fourth grade teacher, finds her students respond well to the new mathematics curriculum she is using in her class, but at home parents struggle to understand the new math and help their children with homework. How should Beth and her colleagues respond to parents' skepticism about the new curriculum and support their involvement at home?

Culture Clash at Intermediate School #91

Disciplinary problems at an intermediate school in the Bronx are compounded by the lack of experienced teachers whose race and class backgrounds differ from their students'. When two students get into a fight, the new teachers seek solutions that sharply contrast with the norms of the students and their families. How can teachers come to understand the families and communities in which they teach?

A Special Education Plan for Anabela: Does Supporting Her Needs Mean Holding Her Back?

A mother advocated strongly for her daughter's special education placement at a new school, but now appears under-involved to the teachers. The classroom and resource room teachers disagree about whether to retain the girl in second grade, and the classroom teacher must make a recommendation to the principal, knowing the family has opposed retention in the past.

Bilingual Voices and Parent Classroom Choices

Ines, a Spanish speaker feels responsible for her daughter's trouble in an all-English first grade classroom. Based on advice from her daughter's teacher, who believes a bilingual placement might be best, Ines reads with Nina in Spanish, but is uncertain this is the right thing to do. How can parents and teachers reconcile their differences about bilingual education?

Defining “Fine”—Communicating Academic Progress to Parents

Molly is surprised when her son's teacher recommends he attend summer school. She thought he was doing just fine and the family had been doing a lot to make the home a rich reading environment. How can teachers better communicate academic progress with parents? How can administrators support teachers in this effort?

Setting Standards at Porter Road School

A fourth grade teacher weighs the advantages and disadvantages of a mandated state educational test on her students. She must weigh the conflicting perspectives of parents, students, community members, and her teaching colleagues to define her own stance in regard to the test and to present her thoughts to the school principal.

School Won't Let Mom Talk About Her Casino Job

A middle school principal will not allow a single mother employed by the local casino to address her daughter's class during Career Week because he is concerned about promoting gambling. How can this school reorganize to serve and respect all families?

Reaching out to the Only One out There

Brian is struggling with his sexual orientation and confronts Jacob, a teacher whom he suspects is gay. Jacob reveals his sexual orientation to Brian and when Brian reports this information to his mother, Jill, she demands her son to withdraw from extracurricular activities led by a gay teacher. How can Jacob, knowing the risks of suicide among gay youth, best support Brian and gain Jill's confidence?

What's Going on With Tomasito?

Tomasito's embarrassment at having his parents drop by the school limits the development of a strong, trusting, and communicative parent-teacher relationship. Shy and quiet Tomasito does not share information about his home life with his teacher who in turn holds many misconceptions about his home context. How can teacher and family communicate better?

Friction at Madison Family Literacy Program

Noreen, an early childhood teacher, arranges free speech therapy for young Junie. She volunteers to take Junie to the therapist, but when Junie's mother fails to pick up her daughter Noreen lashes out with an angry phone message, threatening to call the Department of Social Services. How can the two make the situation better and what could have prevented it?

What Words Don't Say

Martin, an African-American student struggles with peer problems at his elementary school. He experiences racism and classism. How can Martin's mother and his teacher dialogue about sensitive issues?

Resolving Issues at Johnson Elementary School

The director of a Parent Resource Center is concerned to hear that a number of parents are boycotting the program because they think the parent coordinator used her school connections to place her son in a gifted science class. How can the director and principal ease the tension?

Suspension at Aurora Middle School

Khoi, a well behaved student who recently emigrated from a Vietnamese refugee camp, is suspended from Aurora Middle School because he stood near a fight. His mother Mai feels helpless because she speaks limited English, and only knows that her son was unjustly suspended. What is the school's role in supporting culturally diverse families?

Tim Kelly: A School Responds to a Family in Need

Tim Kelly, a first grade student, comes to school hungry, dirty, emotionally needy, and academically unprepared. His teacher believes his lack of care at home is contributing to his poor school performance. How can a teacher individualize parent involvement?

Erik's first grade teacher is concerned about his intentional aggression towards other children and communicates regularly with Erik's mother about it. Subtle differences in beliefs between Erik's mother and teacher leave both feeling unsatisfied in their attempts to help Erik. How can the two build a partnership to change Erik's behavior?

© 2016 Presidents and Fellows of Harvard College Published by Harvard Family Research Project

Family Dynamics and Child Outcomes: An Overview of Research and Open Questions

• Published: 22 March 2017
• Volume 33 , pages 163–184, ( 2017 )

Cite this article

• Juho Härkönen 1 ,
• Fabrizio Bernardi 2 &
• Diederik Boertien 3  

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Previous research has documented that children who do not live with both biological parents fare somewhat worse on a variety of outcomes than those who do. In this article, which is the introduction to the Special Issue on “Family dynamics and children’s well-being and life chances in Europe,” we refine this picture by identifying variation in this conclusion depending on the family transitions and subpopulations studied. We start by discussing the general evidence accumulated for parental separation and ask whether the same picture emerges from research on other family transitions and structures. Subsequently, we review studies that have aimed to deal with endogeneity and discuss whether issues of causality challenge the general picture of family transitions lowering child well-being. Finally, we discuss whether previous evidence finds effects of family transitions on child outcomes to differ between children from different socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds, and across countries and time-periods studied. Each of the subsequent articles in this Special Issue contributes to these issues. Two articles provide evidence on how several less often studied family forms relate to child outcomes in the European context. Two other articles in this Special Issue contribute by resolving several key questions in research on variation in the consequences of parental separation by socioeconomic and immigrant background, two areas of research that have produced conflicting results so far.

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1 Introduction

The recent decades of family change—including the increases in divorce and separation rates, single parenthood, cohabitation, and step family formation—led to an explosion in popular and academic interest in the consequences of family dynamics for children’s well-being and life chances (cf. Amato 2000 , 2010 ; Amato and James 2010 ; Ribar 2004 ; Sweeney 2010 ; McLanahan et al. 2013 ). Most notably, previous studies have found that children who do not live with both biological parents fare somewhat worse than those who do in terms of psychological well-being, health, schooling, and later labor market attainment, and differ with respect to their own family lives in adulthood. Scholars have interpreted these findings through a relatively small group of factors that include parental and children’s stress associated with family transitions, family conflict, changes in economic resources, and parenting styles. Beyond these established findings, however, several questions remain imperfectly answered.

This Special Issue on “Family Dynamics and Children’s Well-Being and Life Chances in Europe” consists of this introductory article and four empirical studies that address some of these open questions. In general, they give more nuance to the overall association between growing up with both biological parents and child outcomes. More precisely, do these associations differ according to the type of family structure studied? Are these differences in child outcomes due to causal effects of family structures and transitions, or do they reflect preexisting disadvantages between families? And finally, are all children equally affected by family structures and transitions?

In this introduction, we first introduce the theme of family dynamics and children’s outcomes by giving an overview of the findings of parental separation and child outcomes (Sect.  2 ). Parental separation has been the family transition that has attracted most attention among social scientists, and many of our examples later in the article consider this research too. In addition to summarizing the evidence on the relationship between parental separation and psychological well-being, education, social relationships, and own family lives, we discuss how parental separations have been conceptualized, an issue we return to in the subsequent sections.

Parental separation is, however, just one of the family transitions children can experience during their childhoods. The first open question that in our view requires more attention regards the effects of these other family transitions and forms, namely the number of transitions, stepfamilies, and joint residential custody after parental separation (Sect.  3 ). Two of the articles in this Special Issue contribute to this stream of research. Mariani et al. ( 2017 ) present the first European analysis of the effects of family trajectories on children born to lone mothers. Radl et al. ( 2017 ) investigate, in addition to parental separation effects, whether co-residing with siblings or grandparents is related to child outcomes and whether the latter condition the former effects.

The second open question concerns the causal status of the estimated effects (Sect.  4 ): Do family structures and their changes really affect child outcomes, or do the associations reflect some unmeasured underlying factors? This question has attracted deserved attention (e.g., Amato 2000 ; Ribar 2004 ; McLanahan et al. 2013 ), and we review some commonly used methods, using the effects of parental separation as our example. We pay attention to what effects the methods can estimate, in addition to assessing which unobserved variables the different methods adjust for. This discussion highlights the importance of thinking about methodological choices and interpretations of the results in light of the underlying theoretical model of parental separation. The article in this Special Issue by Bernardi and Boertien ( 2017 ) provides also an empirical contribution to this field.

Finally, the last question refers to the heterogeneity in the effects of family dynamics: Are the consequences of parental separation and other family transitions similar for all children? Existing evidence suggests that the answer is no (Amato 2000 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ), but the conclusions about who suffers and who does not remain imperfect, as discussed in Sect.  5 . Three of the articles of this Special Issue analyze these questions, one from a cross-national perspective (Radl et al. 2017 ), one by comparing parental separation effects by socioeconomic background (Bernardi and Boertien 2017 ), and one by immigrant background (Erman and Härkönen 2017 ).

In the final section of this introduction (Sect.  6 ), we discuss some ways forward for future research on family dynamics and children’s outcomes. Two articles in this Special Issue fulfill part of this research agenda by providing evidence on how several less often studied family forms relate to child outcomes in the European context (Mariani et al. 2017 ; Radl et al. 2017 ). The two other articles in this Special Issue (Bernardi and Boertien 2017 ; Erman and Härkönen 2017 ) contribute to the research on heterogeneous consequences of parental separation by clarifying some open questions regarding variation in these consequences by socioeconomic and immigrant background.

2 Parental Separation and Children’s Outcomes

In the 2000s, the share of children who experienced their parents’ separation before age 15 ranged from 10 to 12% in countries such as Bulgaria, Georgia, Italy, and Spain to 35–42% in France, Estonia, Lithuania, and Russia (Andersson et al., forthcoming). In the late 1980s/early 1990s, the corresponding figures ranged from 7 to 30% (Italy and Sweden, respectively, Andersson and Philipov 2002 ).

Parental separation changes children’s lives in many ways. Many scholars conceptualize separations as processes, which often begin way before and last well beyond the actual separation (e.g., Amato 2000 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ; Härkönen 2014 ), even if these starting and ending points can be hard to define. The pre-separation process often involves increasing estrangement and conflict between the parents. These can themselves have negative effects on children’s well-being, and parental separation might therefore already start leaving its traces even before the parents have formally broken up. Not all separations follow such a trajectory. Some families may have had long-lasting conflicts, and other separations might have ended relatively well-functioning partnerships with at least moderate levels of satisfaction (Amato and Hohmann-Marriott 2007 ). The parental separation can in such cases come as an unexpected event for children.

As a result of the separation, children cease to live full-time with both parents, which requires adjustment to the new situation and can start, intensify, or end exposure to parental conflict (Amato 2010 ; Cherlin 1999 ; Pryor and Rodgers 2001 ). Even if joint residential custody of the child post-separation (i.e., children’s alternate living with each parent) is becoming increasingly common, up to one-third and above in Sweden (Bergström et al. 2015 ), the child often receives less involved parenting from the nonresident parent (usually the father), whereas the resident parent’s (usually the mother’s) parenting styles can be affected by increasing time demands (Amato 2000 , 2010 ; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994 ; Seltzer 2000 ). Besides changes in family relationships, a breakup of a household can lead to a drop in economic resources (e.g., Uunk 2004 ). Depending on the country, separated parents may need to adjust their labor supply to meet their new time and economic demands (Kalmijn et al. 2007 ; Uunk 2004 ). Many children also need to move after their parents’ separation, which requires adjustment to a new home environment and possibly a new neighborhood and school. A separation can be followed by further changes in the family structure, such as parental re-partnering, entry of step-siblings, and sometimes, another family dissolution.

Several studies have documented that on average, the lives of children whose parents separated differ from children who lived with both of their parents throughout childhood (Amato 2000 , 2010 ; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994 ; McLanahan et al. 2013 ; Härkönen 2014 ). In the next paragraphs, we provide an overview of the associations of parental separation with some of the most commonly studied child outcomes: psychological well-being and behavioral problems, education, social relationships, and own family lives. In the subsequent sections, we will refine this basic picture by concentrating on other family forms, causality, and heterogeneity in effects.

2.1 Psychological Well-Being and Behavioral Problems

Children of divorce have lower psychological well-being and more behavioral problems than children who grew up in intact families (Amato 2001 ; Amato and James 2010 ; Gähler and Palmtag 2015 ; Kiernan and Mensah 2009 ; Mandemakers and Kalmijn 2014 ). In general, parental separation is more strongly related to externalizing than internalizing problems (Amato 2001 ), and these associations can persist, and even become stronger, into adulthood (Chase-Lansdale et al. 1995 ; Cherlin et al. 1991 ; Lansford 2009 ).

Growing up in a conflict-ridden but stable family can have more negative effects on children’s psychological well-being than parental separation (e.g., Amato et al. 1995 ; Dronkers 1999 ; Hanson 1999 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ). Kiernan and Mensah ( 2009 ) found a role for both maternal depression and economic resources when explaining the lower emotional well-being of children from separated families, whereas Turunen ( 2013 ) found that parental involvement explained part of the lower emotional well-being of children with separated parents, but economic resources did not.

2.2 Education

Children of divorce have lower school grades and test scores (Dronkers 1992 ; Mandemakers and Kalmijn 2014 ; Grätz 2015 ), have lower school engagement (Havermans et al. 2014 ), differ in the kind of track entered in high school (Dronkers 1992 ; Jonsson and Gähler 1997 ; Grätz 2015 ), and have lower final educational attainment (Bernardi and Radl 2014 ; Bernardi and Boertien 2016a ; Gähler and Palmtag 2015 ).

Lower school grades and cognitive performance explain part, but not all of the effect of parental separation on completed education (Dronkers 1992 ). A recent study found that British children of divorce were less likely to continue to full-time upper secondary education even though the parental separation did not affect their school grades (Bernardi and Boertien 2016a ). Parental separation can therefore affect the children’s educational decisions irrespective of their school performance.

Changes in parental resources are an important explanation for the lower educational performance of the children of divorce (Bernardi and Boertien 2016a ; Jonsson and Gähler 1997 ; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994 ; Thomson et al. 1994 ). Studies that have looked into the role of parenting have found differing results, some reporting that parenting partly mediates the effect of separation on educational attainment, while others found parenting to not influence the relationship between parental divorce and school outcomes (Dronkers 1992 ).

2.3 Social Relationships

Despite the increase in shared residential custody (Bjarnason and Arnarsson 2011 ), parental separation generally reduces the child’s contact frequency and relationship quality with the nonresident parent (usually the father), with grandparents and, sometimes, the mother (e.g., Kalmijn 2012 ; Kalmijn and Dronkers 2015 ; Lansford 2009 ). These effects can last into adulthood (Albertini and Garriga 2011 ; Kalmijn 2012 ). Joint residential custody, good inter-parental relations, and good early child-father relations can improve post-separation contact with the father (Kalmijn 2015 ; Kalmijn and Dronkers 2015 ). On the other hand, parental separation can improve the relationships between siblings due to mutual support (Geser 2001 ), but does not seem to trigger more support from friends and other kin (Kalmijn and Dronkers 2015 ).

Good parent–child relationships are desirable by themselves and can also improve other child outcomes (Bastaits et al. 2012 ; Swiss and Le Bourdais 2009 ). For example, having a close relationship with the nonresident parent who engages in authoritative parenting has been found to foster children’s well-being and academic success (Amato and Gilbreth 1999 ). At the same time, contact frequency alone is less important and in some cases, the nonresident parent’s involvement may have negative effects if it increases instability and stress for the child (Laumann-Billings and Emery 2000 ), for example due to continued parental conflict (Kalil et al. 2011 ).

2.4 Own Family Lives

Children of divorce tend to start dating and have their sexual initiation earlier (Wolfinger 2005 ) and many move out of the parental home at a younger age (e.g., Ní Bhrolcháin et al. 2000 ; Ongaro and Mazzuco 2009 ), often because of conflict with parents and their potential new partners (Wolfinger 2005 ). Some studies have also found that children of divorce start cohabiting earlier, are more likely to cohabit than to marry, and have partners of lower socioeconomic status (Erola et al. 2012 ; Reneflot 2009 ; but see also Ní Bhrolcháin et al. 2000 ).

The most consistent family demographic finding is that children whose parents divorced are more likely to divorce themselves as adults (e.g., Diekmann and Engelhardt 1999 ; Dronkers and Härkönen 2008 ; Kiernan and Cherlin 1999 ; Lyngstad and Engelhardt 2009 ; Wolfinger 2005 ). Differences in the life course trajectories before forming the union explain part of this association (Diekmann and Engelhardt 1999 ; Kiernan and Cherlin 1999 ). Other studies have pointed out that parental separation can lead to poorer interpersonal skills and set an example of a feasible solution to relationship problems (Wolfinger 2005 ).

3 What About Other Family Forms?

We have so far focused on parental separation and its relation to child outcomes. Parental separation is not the only family transition children can experience. Between <5% (much of Europe) and up to 15% (Czech Republic, Russia, UK, and USA) of children are born to lone mothers (Andersson et al., forthcoming; Mariani et al. 2017 , this Special Issue). Furthermore, between 14% (Italy and Georgia) and 60% (Belgium) of European children whose parents separate end up living with a stepparent within 6 years (Andersson et al., forthcoming) and often, with step-siblings (Halpern-Meekin and Tach 2008 ). Children’s residence arrangements likewise vary, with some residing primarily with one parent (usually the mother), whereas others alternate between parents (joint residential custody). Extending the focus of research beyond parental separation is necessary to form a more comprehensive view of the effects of the changing family landscape on children’s lives (King 2009 ; Sweeney 2010 ). Footnote 1

One argument puts forward that family stability rather than family structure matters for children’s well-being (cf. Fomby and Cherlin 2007 ; Waldfogel et al. 2010 ). From this perspective, children born to lone mothers who do not experience any family transitions during their childhood (such as the entrance of a stepparent) should do better than children who were born in a two-parent family but experienced a family transition (such as parental separation). Others claim that specific family forms and movements between them do matter beyond general family instability (Magnuson and Berger 2009 ; Lee and McLanahan 2015 ). The findings of Mariani et al. ( 2017 , this Special Issue) are among those that speak against the general instability thesis and show that the types of family transitions experienced by children born to lone mothers matter for their well-being.

Stepfamilies have gained the attention of many scholars. Children in stepfamilies tend to have poorer outcomes compared to those from intact families and display patterns of well-being closer to single-parent families (Amato 1994 , 2001 ; Gennetian 2005 ; Jonsson and Gähler 1997 ; Thomson et al. 1994 ). Indeed, children in stepfamilies can even have lower psychological well-being and educational achievement than children living with a single mother (Amato 1994 ; Biblarz and Raftery 1999 ; Thomson et al. 1994 ).

Reasons for the poorer performance of children with stepparents include the added complexity in family relationships that is often introduced by the presence of a stepparent. This can lead to ambiguity in roles and to conflict in the family (Thomson et al. 1994 ; Sweeney 2010 ), which is among the reasons why having a stepparent often leads to an earlier move from the parental home, especially among girls (Ní Bhrolcháin et al. 2000 ; Reneflot 2009 ). Another explanation points to the presence of step-siblings as stepparents may put less time and effort into their stepchildren than their biological ones (Biblarz and Raftery 1999 ; Evenhouse and Reilly 2004 ). However, having a stepparent can also have positive effects as (s)he can provide financial resources or help in monitoring the children (Thomson et al. 1994 ; King 2006 ; Sweeney 2010 ). Erola and Jalovaara ( 2016 ) showed how a stepparent’s SES was more predictive on adulthood SES than the nonresident father’s SES, and as predictive as the biological father’s SES in intact families. All in all, the effects of step-parenthood are complex and can differ between children who experienced a parental separation and those who never lived with their biological father (Sweeney 2010 ).

The increase in joint residential custody after parental separation has raised interest in its consequences for children. Many studies have reported that children in joint residential custody fare better than children who reside with only one of the parents (usually the mother) on outcomes such as health and psychological well-being, and contact and relationships with their parents and grandparents (Bjarnason and Arnarsson 2011 ; Turunen 2016 ; Westphal et al. 2015 ). However, questions of causality remain unresolved and parents who opt for joint custody might have been particularly selected from those with higher socioeconomic status and lower levels of post-separation conflict. Indeed, many studies find that joint custody may have negative consequences for children in case of high parental conflict (e.g., Vanassche et al. 2014 ; also, Kalil et al. 2011 ). This suggests that policy changes toward joint custody as a default solution may produce unwanted consequences.

4 But What About Causality?

There is a long-standing debate that concerns whether associations between family types and child outcomes reflect causal effects, or whether they are confounded by unmeasured variables. For example, parents who separate can have different (unmeasured) personality traits from those who do not. Other examples include parental unemployment, mental health, or a developing substance abuse problem, which may not only lead to separation, but also affect the parent’s children.

Researchers have used increasingly sophisticated methods to control for different unmeasured sources of bias (for reviews, Amato 2000 , 2010 ; Ribar 2004 ; McLanahan et al. 2013 ). In this section, we discuss some of these methods. We focus on studies that have estimated the effects of parental separation, which serves to illustrate some of the questions involved.

Like most similar reviews, we discuss which (un)measured confounders can be controlled for by the different methods and provide examples of studies that have used them. We also discuss some of the limitations to causal inference in these methods, particularly in light of the underlying theoretical model of parental separation that is assumed. Above, we discussed how parental separations are often theorized as processes that can follow quite different trajectories for different families (Amato 2000 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ; Härkönen 2014 ). Some separations are characterized by a downward spiral of increasing conflict, which can leave its mark on children already before the parents physically separate. Other separations end relatively well-functioning families and can come as a surprise to the children, whereas in some cases the families had high conflict levels for a long time. In this section, we discuss causal inference in light of these underlying models. In the next section, we discuss how these different types of parental separations can have different effects on children.

In addition, we engage in a related but much smaller discussion of what causal questions the different methods can be used to answer (cf., Manski et al. 1992 ; Ní Bhrolcháin 2001 ; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ). A major issue in this regard concerns the counterfactual scenario assumed by different methods. In most studies, the estimated effects are interpreted as telling about how the parents’ physical separation (the separation event) affected the children compared to the counterfactual case in which the parents did not separate. This is, however, not the only possible effect that can be estimated, nor is this interpretation necessarily the correct one in each case.

First, knowing about the effects of the parental separation event is obviously important, but scholars, parents, counselors, and policy makers could likewise benefit from knowing about the “total” effects of parental separation that include the effects of the preceding separation process as well. Second, instead of asking what the effect of the parental separation (compared to them staying together) is, one can ask what the effect is of the parents separating at a specific point in time (the effect of postponing separation) (cf. Furstenberg and Kiernan 2001 ). Our discussion below points to these issues and suggests how some methods can be more appropriate for answering certain questions than others. Rather than providing a comprehensive discussion on this relatively uncovered topic, we wish to stimulate closer consideration of these issues in future research.

4.1 Regression Models

Before discussing methods that adjust for unmeasured confounding factors, we briefly discuss estimation of parental separation effects with linear and logistic (or similar) regression models, which are by far the most common methods used. With these methods, one compares the outcomes of children who experienced parental separation to the outcomes of children from intact families, adjusting for observed confounding variables. Because the possibilities for controlling for all factors that may bias the results are limited, the estimates from regression models cannot usually be interpreted as causal effects (e.g., McLanahan et al. 2013 ; Ribar 2004 ).

Pre-separation parental conflict is often pointed out as an omitted variable that can threaten causal claims. Controlling for pre-separation conflict generally leads to a substantial reduction in the effect of parental separation (e.g., Hanson 1999 ; Gähler and Garriga 2013 ), suggesting that exposure to the parental conflict rather than the parental separation event is largely responsible for the poorer performance of the children of divorce. This example can be used to think about the correspondence between the specified regression model and the underlying theoretical model of parental separation. Controlling for the level of pre-separation parental conflict (or related measures of the family environment) is most appropriate if it is reasonable to assume that families’ conflict levels remain stable; comparing children from separated and intact families at similar levels of earlier conflict can then inform about how the children of divorce would have fared had the parents remained together. However, this is not obvious if the separation followed an increase in parental conflict, because the family environment may have continued to worsen had the parents not separated.

If the above and other conditions for making causal claims are met, which effects do they inform us about? A regression model that controls for pre-separation parental conflict or other related measures is best seen as telling about the effects of the parental separation event. However, an increase in parental conflict is often an inherent part of the parental separation process, and controlling for levels of parental conflict close to the parental separation would not be warranted if one is interested in understanding how exposure to the parental separation process, in addition to the separation event, affects children’s outcomes (cf. Amato 2000 ). The choice of control variables should thus be done with a consideration to the underlying model of parental separation and the effect one wants to estimate.

4.2 Sibling Fixed Effects

Sibling fixed effects (SFE) models compare siblings from the same family who differ in their experience of parental separation before a certain age or life stage, or in the amount of time spent in a specific family type (cf. McLanahan et al. 2013 ; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ). SFE controls for factors and experiences that are shared by the siblings, such as parental SES and many neighborhood and school characteristics. This has made SFE a popular method, not least in Europe. Some SFE studies found no effects of parental separation or other family forms on educational outcomes (Björklund and Sundström 2006 ). Others have found a weak to moderate negative effect on various outcomes even in an SFE design (e.g., Ermisch et al. 2004 ; Sandefur and Wells 1999 ; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ; Grätz 2015 ).

Comparison of siblings from the same family is a core aspect of the SFE design. This affects the data requirements and the interpretation of the results. To fix ideas, we can use an example of the effects of parental separation on children’s school grades at age 15. For an SFE analysis, one needs data on multiple siblings, some of whom experienced the parental separation before age 15 whereas others did not. This requirement reduces the effective sample size. The sibling who did not experience the parental separation is always the older one, and her grades are used to infer about the counterfactual grades of her younger sibling, had she not experienced the parental separation. SFE controls for everything shared by the siblings, but additional controls are needed to adjust for differences between them. Some of these—such as birth order and birth cohort and/or parental age (Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 )—are available in many datasets, but remaining unobserved differences (as well as measurement error) can cause important bias to the estimates (Ermisch et al. 2004 ; Frisell et al. 2012 ).

SFE models are most informative of the effects of parental separation if it is reasonable to assume that the family environment (including levels of parental conflict) would remain stable in the absence of the parental separation (Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ). In such a case, it is most likely that the younger sibling would have experienced a similar family environment as the older sibling, had the parents not separated. The interpretation of SFE results becomes more problematic if the parental separation is the culmination of a deterioration of the family environment (such as increased parental conflict). It is likely that the family environment would have continued to deteriorate had the parents not separated, and the younger sibling would have been taking her grades in a more conflictual family (than her older sibling experienced). Without additional measures, SFE models thus generally rely on the assumption of the stability of the family environment (cf. Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ).

SFE models estimate the effect of the event of the parental separation rather than the separation process. Because SFE models are estimated from a subsample of families that dissolved, the estimates are difficult to generalize without making additional assumptions. Also, because the estimates tell about differences between siblings who experienced parental separation but at different ages, or experienced a different amount of time in a separated family, the estimates are best interpreted as effects of the timing of the separation, as argued in detail by Sigle-Rushton and colleagues (2014).

4.3 Longitudinal Designs

Research with longitudinal data has been more applied  in the USA than in Europe (McLanahan et al. 2013 ), possibly because of data access issues. Such data can be analyzed using many methods, but unlike with SFE, these methods can only be used to analyze outcomes that are measured more than once. Similar to SFE models, longitudinal studies generally report weaker effects on child outcomes of parental separation and other family transitions than found in cross-sectional analyses.

4.3.1 Lagged Dependent Variables

In lagged dependent variable (LDV) analyses, one controls for the dependent variable at an earlier measurement point (before parental separation) (Johnson 2005 ; McLanahan et al. 2013 ). The idea is to adjust for initial differences in outcomes between children from separated and intact families. LDV is mostly used in cohort and other studies with just two or few measurement points. Early examples include studies in Britain, which found that although children of divorce had lower psychological well-being already pre-divorce, parental divorce had negative long-term effects (Cherlin et al. 1991 ; Chase-Lansdale et al. 1995 ). Limitations of LDV models include that the estimates are sensitive to omitted variables that affect both the separation and the pre-separation outcome, as well as measurement error in the latter (Johnson 2005 ).

The pre-separation measurement point can correspond poorly to the stages of the parental separation process, especially in cohort studies in which measurements are often done several years apart. LDV models are therefore most appropriate if the differences in the outcome between children who experienced parental separation and those who did not can be assumed to be stable. If one assumes that the child’s well-being deteriorated prior to the separation, the lagged dependent variable can capture part of the effect of the separation process. However, if the measurements are taken several years apart, it is even more difficult than usual to tell whether the outcome was measured before or during the pre-separation deterioration in well-being and consequently, how the estimated coefficient should be interpreted.

4.3.2 Individual Fixed Effects

Individual fixed effects (IFE) models are based on comparing individuals before and after the parental separation and in effect, use individuals as their own control groups to control for time-constant unobserved factors. In an early British IFE study, Cherlin et al. ( 1998 ) concluded that experience of parental separation had weak to moderate negative effects on adulthood psychological well-being, and Amato and Anthony ( 2014 ) reported similar effects on educational, psychological, and health outcomes in the USA. Other American studies have used IFE designs to analyze the effects of the number of transitions (e.g., Fomby and Cherlin 2007 ), of different family transitions (e.g., Lee and McLanahan 2015 ), or combined SFE and IFE approaches (Gennetian 2005 ).

IFE methods estimate the effect of parental separation if it is reasonable to assume that the child whose parents separated would have experienced similar (age-specific) outcomes in the absence of separation as observed before the separation (Aughinbaugh et al. 2005 ). Again, this is most feasible if the child’s level of well-being can be assumed to have remained stable. This is less likely if the child’s well-being began to deteriorate already before the separation, because this deterioration could have continued had the parents not separated. Two US studies attempted to address this issue by tracing behavioral problems and academic achievement before and after the parental separation (Aughinbaugh et al. 2005 ) and by using a triple-difference approach, which compares trends (and not just levels) in the outcome between children from separated and intact families (Sanz-de-Galdeano and Vuri 2007 ). Neither study found the event of parental separation to have appreciable effects.

Furthermore, as in SFE models, IFE effects are estimated only from those children who actually experienced the separation. This generally means a reduction in sample size. For the same reason, IFE results generalize primarily to that group.

4.3.3 Placebo Tests and Growth-Curve Models

Longitudinal data can also be used to conduct “placebo tests,” that is, to analyze whether future separation (e.g., t  + 1) predicts earlier outcomes ( t , or earlier). Bernardi and Boertien (in this Special Issue) found with British data that although children who experienced parental separation before age 16 had a lower probability of transitioning to post-compulsory secondary education, this was not the case for children whose parents separated between ages 17 and 19 (i.e., after the educational transition age). This supports the view that the separation, and not the family environment that preceded it, had an effect on educational decisions.

Finally, longitudinal data have been analyzed with growth-curve models (GCM) to track trajectories in children’s outcomes. Cherlin et al. ( 1998 ) reported that the effects of parental separation on psychological problems increased through adolescence and young adulthood. Even though growth-curve models enable analysis of how effects develop, they are not immune to confounding from unmeasured variables that can affect both the initial level of well-being and its development over time (McLanahan et al. 2013 ). To address this, Kim ( 2011 ) combined matching methods with GCM and found that cognitive skills and non-cognitive traits developed negatively already through the separation period and the effects were amplified by the separation event.

4.4 Interpreting Causal Effects

Controlling for measured and unmeasured confounders practically always leads to reduced effect sizes, which means that children who experienced parental separation would have fared differently to children from intact families regardless. Some studies have found no effects, but the prevailing conclusion is that parental separation can have weak to moderate negative effects (Amato 2000 , 2010 ; McLanahan et al. 2013 ; Ribar 2004 ).

Increasing adoption of advanced methods to control for unmeasured variables improves our understanding of the consequences of family change. None of the methods are, however, completely immune to confounding by unobserved variables. Relatedly, they also correspond differently to underlying theoretical models of parental separation, which affects their interpretation.

We repeatedly mentioned how the methods are most robust if it is reasonable to assume that the family environment, and the children’s well-being, remained stable before the separation and would have remained stable in its absence. Such a scenario characterizes some separations but provides a poorer description of many others where separation was a culmination of a deteriorating family environment (Amato 2000 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ; Härkönen 2014 ). In some cases, additional (time-varying) control variables (e.g., Ermisch et al. 2004 ; Lee and McLanahan 2015 ) or more complex research designs (e.g., Sanz-de-Galdeano and Vuri 2007 ) can be used to alleviate these problems. When choosing the appropriate variables or designs, one should decide whether one is interested in the effects of the separation event or the exposure to the whole separation process. Both are relevant, and their analysis each carries specific challenges. We also discussed how some estimates might be better interpreted as indicators of the influence of the timing of parental separation (cf. Furstenberg and Kiernan 2001 ), another relevant yet different question. All in all, scholars should pay attention to which effects their methods estimate and think of this in light of the underlying theoretical model of parental separation or other family dynamics they are interested in (cf. Manski et al. 1992 ; Ní Bhrolcháin 2001 ).

5 For Whom, When, and Where are Family Transitions Most Consequential?

Most studies reviewed above analyzed what happens on average . Whereas the finding that children growing up in non-traditional families have different outcomes is very consistent, this result hides a large variation in effects at the individual level. A minority of children suffer from a parental separation, but a somewhat smaller minority shows improvements in well-being and performance, and even if parental separation can be a taxing experience associated with sadness and feelings of loss, a large minority or even a majority of children do “just fine” without robust effects in either direction (Amato 2000 , 2010 ; Amato and Anthony 2014 ; Amato and James 2010 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ). Next, we discuss how this heterogeneity in effects is related to pre-separation parental conflict and children’s and parents’ socio-demographic attributes. After that, we review what is known about variation in the effects over time and cross-nationally.

5.1 For Whom Does It Matter?

Which children are more likely to suffer from parental separation than others? Studies both from the USA (Amato et al. 1995 ; Hanson 1999 ; Booth and Amato 2001 ) and Europe (Dronkers 1999 ) have found that pre-separation parental conflict moderates the effects of the separation. Parental separation can be beneficial for children from high-conflict families, but is more likely to have negative effects when parental conflict was low and the separation came as a relative surprise.

Other studies have analyzed variation in the effects of parental separation by demographic characteristics. Although some studies have found gender-specific effects, most have not, leading Amato and James ( 2010 ) to conclude that the gender differences in effects are modest at most. Similar variation in findings characterizes research on effects of stepfamilies (Sweeney 2010 ).

Child’s age at parental separation has been another moderator of interest. Breakups occurring while children are adults have no or the smallest effects (Cherlin et al. 1998 ; Kiernan and Cherlin 1999 ; Furstenberg and Kiernan 2001 ; Lyngstad and Engelhardt 2009 ). Studies on educational outcomes often find the effects to be most pronounced when parents divorced close to important educational decision points (Jonsson and Gähler 1997 ; Lyngstad and Engelhardt 2009 ; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ). Otherwise, findings differ in their conclusions about the childhood stages most sensitive to family disruption, and the specific pattern of heterogeneity is likely to depend on the outcome studied.

Recently, scholars have become increasingly interested in whether effects of parental separation differ by parental socioeconomic status (Augustine 2014 ; Grätz 2015 ; Mandemakers and Kalmijn 2014 ). Although having resources can help families to deal with family transitions, children from resourceful families could also lose more from parental separation (Bernardi and Radl 2014 ; Bernardi and Boertien 2016a ). In line with these contrasting predictions, empirical results are mixed, with some findings pointing to stronger negative effects in families with high (Augustine 2014 ; Grätz 2015 ; Mandemakers and Kalmijn 2014 ) or low socioeconomic status (Bernardi and Boertien 2016a ; Bernardi and Radl 2014 ; Biblarz and Raftery 1999 ; Martin 2012 ; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994 ). Bernardi and Boertien ( 2017 , this Special Issue) address this inconsistency. They show that methodological choices underlie part of this variation in results, but their substantive conclusion is that the negative effect of parental separation on educational choices is stronger for children whose high-socioeconomic status father moves out. The greater financial losses are an important part of the explanation, which also suggests that the results might be different for outcomes that are less responsive to financial resources.

Other studies have compared the effects of parental separation and single parenthood between ethnic, racial, and migrant groups. Many US studies have found that Black children are less affected by growing up in a non-intact family than White children (Fomby and Cherlin 2007 ; McLanahan and Bumpass 1988 ; McLanahan and Sandefur 1994 ; Sun and Li 2007 ). Some European studies have found variation in family structure effects by ethnic and immigrant background (Kalmijn 2010 , forthcoming; Erman and Härkönen, this ‘Special Issue’). In general, the family structure effects are weaker in groups in which parental separation and single motherhood are more common, which has been explained by less stigma, better ways of handling father absence, a broadly disadvantaged position with less to lose, or differential selection by unobserved factors, as argued by Erman and Härkönen in this Special Issue.

Instead of analyzing different predictors of separation separately, Amato and Anthony ( 2014 ) used several of these predictors together to, first, predict the children’s propensity to experience parental separation, and second, analyze whether parental divorce effects vary by this propensity. They found that the effects were the strongest for children with the highest risk of experiencing parental divorce, a result seemingly at odds with the above-mentioned findings of weaker effects in groups with higher separation rates.

5.2 Stability Over Time

It is straightforward to expect that the effects of family transitions on child outcomes should have waned over time. As non-traditional family forms have become more common, the social stigma attached to them should decrease (Lansford 2009 ). Children of divorce are also increasingly likely to retain close contact with both of their parents (e.g., Amato and Gilbreth 1999 ; Gähler and Palmtag 2015 ) and families and societies may have in general become better in handling the consequences of family change. Yet, several studies have reported remarkable stability in the negative associations between parental separation and educational attainment, psychological well-being, and own family dissolution risk (Albertini and Garriga 2011 ; Biblarz and Raftery 1999 ; Dronkers and Härkönen 2008 ; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2005 ; Li and Wu 2008 ; Gähler and Palmtag 2015 ). Some studies have found changing effects, but in opposite directions: a waning intergenerational transmission of divorce (Wolfinger 2005 ; Engelhardt et al. 2002 ), but a strengthening effect of parental separation on educational attainment (Kreidl et al. 2017 ).

Why this general stability? One possibility is that although some factors associated with parental separation, such as stigma, have become less common, other proximate consequences—including shock, grief, and anger over the separation of the parents (Pryor and Rodgers 2001 )—have remained stable. Another potential explanation refers to changing selection into separation. Parental separation has become increasingly associated with low levels of maternal education (Härkönen and Dronkers 2006 ). The motives for divorce have also changed over time. Fewer parental separations are today preceded by severe conflict and violence, whereas more are characterized by psychological motives and disagreements upon the division of labor (De Graaf and Kalmijn 2006 ; Gähler and Palmtag 2015 ). In general, changing selectivity of parental separation can have offset any weakening trend in its effects. The data requirements to disentangle these explanations are high, but those studies which have appropriate variables support the conclusion of a generally stable effect (Sigle-Rushton et al. 2005 ; Gähler and Palmtag 2015 ).

5.3 Cross-National Variation

Associations between family structure and child outcomes are robust in the sense that they are generally found in each country (cf. Amato and James 2010 ) and are often more similar than one might expect (Härkönen 2015 ). However, many studies have reported cross-national variation in the strength of associations (e.g., Brolin Låftman 2010 ; Radl et al. 2017 , this Special Issue). A series of studies found that countries with policies aimed at equalizing the living conditions between different types of families had smaller family structure gaps in educational achievement (Pong et al. 2003 ; Hampden-Thompson 2013 ; however, see Brolin Låftman 2010 ). Larger family structure differences have also been reported in economically more developed societies, where the nuclear family plays a more important role (Amato and Boyd 2014 ).

Dronkers and Härkönen ( 2008 ) found that the intergenerational transmission of divorce was weaker in countries where parental divorce was more common. This fits the intuition of weaker penalties when certain family behaviors are more common. However, other studies have found the opposite (Pong et al. 2003 ; Kreidl et al. 2017 ). An explanation is that in societies in which separation is uncommon, it is more often a solution to ending very troubled relationships and therefore more likely to be beneficial for the children.

6 Discussion and Recommendations for Future Research

We set the stage for future research in four directions. First, understanding the effects of heterogeneous family forms and transitions will be a research priority in the future as well (Amato 2010 ). Most of the research reviewed in this introduction has focused on the effects of parental separation, but scholars have been increasingly aware of and interested in the complexity of family forms in today’s societies. Some of this research was addressed in this article, and the analyses by Mariani, Özcan, and Goisis, and Radl, Salazar, and Cebolla-Boado in this Special Issue are further contributions to this topic: the former being the first to look at the outcomes of children born in lone mother families within one European country (the UK), and the latter providing a cross-national overview of the effects of various types of family structures. Future research, particularly in Europe, should continue addressing questions such as the effects of experiencing multiple family transitions and of complex family life course trajectories during childhood. Family complexity can also mean that the boundaries between family forms become blurred. An example is the increasing popularity of joint residential custody, which questions earlier divisions into single-parent and two-parent families. Understanding the effects of family forms under family complexity thus also means an update in conceptual thinking.

Second, children react to (changes in) family circumstances in remarkably different ways (e.g., Amato and Anthony 2014 ), which is hidden under the average effects reported in most studies. Three of the papers in this Special Issue address these questions and identify subgroups for which effects appear to be more limited compared to other groups such as low SES families and children from ethnic minorities. Better understanding the sources of vulnerability and resilience in the face of family change will continue to be a priority for research, and in this task, future research will benefit from combining theoretical and methodological approaches from sociology, demography, psychology, and genetics (cf. Amato 2010 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ).

Another related task for future research will be to systematize the research on variation in family structure effects across individuals and families, groups, and societal contexts. As reviewed in this article, the findings often point to confusingly different directions. Many studies, including the ones by Erman and Härkönen and Bernardi and Boertien in this Special Issue, have found that parental separation effects on educational outcomes are weaker in socioeconomic and ethnic groups where it is more frequent, but Amato and Anthony ( 2014 ) reported that the effects are more negative for children who had the highest risk of experiencing parental separation. Yet another group of studies have reported that the effects of parental separation are more negative when the parents had lower levels of conflict—and presumably, low likelihood of separating—before the separation (Amato et al. 1995 ; Dronkers 1999 ; Hanson 1999 ; Demo and Fine 2010 ). Many cross-national studies have concluded that these effects are stronger in societies in which parental separation is more common (Pong et al. 2003 ; Kreidl et al. 2017 ). At the same time, most studies continue to find that parental separation effects have remained stable even though more children have been experiencing it. Understanding these seemingly contradictory results will need theoretical development and appropriate data and designs to test them. Bernardi’s and Boertien’s study in this Special Issue provides a good example of such research.

Third, future research will undoubtedly continue employing sophisticated methods to analyze whether family structures and transitions have causal effects on children’s lives. Yet as discussed above, conceptual thought of what effects can be estimated with different methods and what effects are of most theoretical interest has not necessarily kept up with the methodological advances (for exceptions: Manski et al. 1992 ; Ní Bhrolcháin 2001 ; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2014 ). Using parental separation as our example, we distinguished between the effects of separations as events and separations as processes, as well as between the experience of separation and its timing. Researchers should pay more attention to these differences in the conceptualization of effects, which essentially boils down to the consideration of the underlying theoretical model of parental separation. Better recognition of these differences can contribute to theory-building and methodological advancement and help in formulating advice to parents, family counselors, and policy makers.

Last, these issues have implications for understanding social inequality in a time of family change. The “diverging destinies” thesis (McLanahan and Percheski 2008 ) holds that socioeconomically uneven family change, in which the retreat from stable two-parent families is happening particularly among those with low levels of education, can reduce social mobility. Yet whether this is the case depends not only on differences in family structures by socioeconomic background, but also on the strength of the effects of these family structures on the outcomes in question; if the effects are nil or weak, it does not matter who lives in which kind of family. The inequality-amplifying effects of socioeconomic differences in family structures can furthermore be shaped by heterogeneity in family structure effects (Bernardi and Boertien 2016b ). Bernardi’s and Boertien’s (2017, this Special Issue) findings, that the negative effects of parental separation are weaker for children whose parents have low levels of education, imply that the socioeconomic differences in family instability are less important in affecting intergenerational inequality than often thought. Erman’s and Härkönen’s ( 2017 , this Special Issue) results show that parental separation effects are weaker among ancestry groups where parental separation is more common suggest the same for ethnic inequalities. Together, these findings refine arguments stating that divergence in family structures will lead to an increase in inequality. Instead, the results imply that whether this happens or not is contingent on the strength of these effects and on whether they are similar across groups.

This quest will likely continue in the future; Ultee ( 2016 ) anticipated that in 2096, the book awarded for preservation of European sociological research will be called “Growing Up With Four Parents”.

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Acknowledgements

This Special Issue features research done within work package 5 (Family Transitions and Children’s Life Chances) of FamiliesAndSocieties ( www.familiesandsocieties.eu ). We thank the members of the consortium and our work package for productive collaborations and fruitful discussions during the project. We also thank the editorial team of European Journal of Population for the opportunity to publish this Special Issue and their feedback on earlier drafts. In addition, we are grateful to the reviewers for constructive comments to earlier versions to each of the articles in this Special Issue. The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) under Grant Agreement No. 320116 for the research project FamiliesAndSocieties and from the Strategic Research Council of the Academy of Finland (Decision Number: 293103) for the research consortium Tackling Inequality in Time of Austerity (TITA).

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Härkönen, J., Bernardi, F. & Boertien, D. Family Dynamics and Child Outcomes: An Overview of Research and Open Questions. Eur J Population 33 , 163–184 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10680-017-9424-6

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Methodology

• What Is a Case Study? | Definition, Examples & Methods

What Is a Case Study? | Definition, Examples & Methods

Published on May 8, 2019 by Shona McCombes . Revised on November 20, 2023.

A case study is a detailed study of a specific subject, such as a person, group, place, event, organization, or phenomenon. Case studies are commonly used in social, educational, clinical, and business research.

A case study research design usually involves qualitative methods , but quantitative methods are sometimes also used. Case studies are good for describing , comparing, evaluating and understanding different aspects of a research problem .

Table of contents

When to do a case study, step 1: select a case, step 2: build a theoretical framework, step 3: collect your data, step 4: describe and analyze the case, other interesting articles.

A case study is an appropriate research design when you want to gain concrete, contextual, in-depth knowledge about a specific real-world subject. It allows you to explore the key characteristics, meanings, and implications of the case.

Case studies are often a good choice in a thesis or dissertation . They keep your project focused and manageable when you don’t have the time or resources to do large-scale research.

You might use just one complex case study where you explore a single subject in depth, or conduct multiple case studies to compare and illuminate different aspects of your research problem.

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Once you have developed your problem statement and research questions , you should be ready to choose the specific case that you want to focus on. A good case study should have the potential to:

• Provide new or unexpected insights into the subject
• Challenge or complicate existing assumptions and theories
• Propose practical courses of action to resolve a problem
• Open up new directions for future research

TipIf your research is more practical in nature and aims to simultaneously investigate an issue as you solve it, consider conducting action research instead.

Unlike quantitative or experimental research , a strong case study does not require a random or representative sample. In fact, case studies often deliberately focus on unusual, neglected, or outlying cases which may shed new light on the research problem.

Example of an outlying case studyIn the 1960s the town of Roseto, Pennsylvania was discovered to have extremely low rates of heart disease compared to the US average. It became an important case study for understanding previously neglected causes of heart disease.

However, you can also choose a more common or representative case to exemplify a particular category, experience or phenomenon.

Example of a representative case studyIn the 1920s, two sociologists used Muncie, Indiana as a case study of a typical American city that supposedly exemplified the changing culture of the US at the time.

While case studies focus more on concrete details than general theories, they should usually have some connection with theory in the field. This way the case study is not just an isolated description, but is integrated into existing knowledge about the topic. It might aim to:

• Exemplify a theory by showing how it explains the case under investigation
• Expand on a theory by uncovering new concepts and ideas that need to be incorporated
• Challenge a theory by exploring an outlier case that doesn’t fit with established assumptions

To ensure that your analysis of the case has a solid academic grounding, you should conduct a literature review of sources related to the topic and develop a theoretical framework . This means identifying key concepts and theories to guide your analysis and interpretation.

There are many different research methods you can use to collect data on your subject. Case studies tend to focus on qualitative data using methods such as interviews , observations , and analysis of primary and secondary sources (e.g., newspaper articles, photographs, official records). Sometimes a case study will also collect quantitative data.

Example of a mixed methods case studyFor a case study of a wind farm development in a rural area, you could collect quantitative data on employment rates and business revenue, collect qualitative data on local people’s perceptions and experiences, and analyze local and national media coverage of the development.

The aim is to gain as thorough an understanding as possible of the case and its context.

In writing up the case study, you need to bring together all the relevant aspects to give as complete a picture as possible of the subject.

How you report your findings depends on the type of research you are doing. Some case studies are structured like a standard scientific paper or thesis , with separate sections or chapters for the methods , results and discussion .

Others are written in a more narrative style, aiming to explore the case from various angles and analyze its meanings and implications (for example, by using textual analysis or discourse analysis ).

In all cases, though, make sure to give contextual details about the case, connect it back to the literature and theory, and discuss how it fits into wider patterns or debates.

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Normal distribution
• Degrees of freedom
• Null hypothesis
• Discourse analysis
• Control groups
• Mixed methods research
• Non-probability sampling
• Quantitative research
• Ecological validity

Research bias

• Rosenthal effect
• Implicit bias
• Cognitive bias
• Selection bias
• Negativity bias
• Status quo bias

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The Value of Case Studies in Family History

“Could I have an example, please?” This is one of the most common questions we all have, about almost any subject, whether or not we ask it out loud. Good examples help us connect the dots in our learning. They help us see relationships between pieces of information, how cause and effect works, and how we can apply principles in a variety of ways.

On the other hand, an example that’s unfocused or unclear might be confusing and worse than no example at all.

It’s much the same in family history. We can find some great tools or pieces of information, but how do we apply them in our own research? That’s where a good case study can be really valuable. It not only walks us through solving a research problem, but it also does the following:

• Highlights the principles that were used
• Explains why they were effective
• Offers suggestions on how you might use them in your research

As you might expect, not all case studies are created equal. Sometimes you have to dig a bit to identify the principles and how you can use them. Be prepared to use “intelligent filters”—skip past any parts that are repetitious or wandering, and read between the lines to find nuggets of information you might need. In some ways, it’s like mining a historical record for insights. The tips and trick you learn will prove valuable as you search for clues in your own ancestors’ stories.

In this newspaper case study, the author helps us find research clues by using the following elements:

• Background : This sets the stage for the person we are following.
• Comparisons : The primary account of the story is compared with accounts from other newspapers. This shows the value of working with multiple sources in research.
• Next Steps : The author suggests additional approaches and record searches. This is good for a brief case study, while more extensive ones will provide details of what was found in the extra research.
• Takeaway : This is the main point learned from the case study. You can add your own takeaways, from your analysis of what you have read.

Case Studies in The Family History Guide

There are plenty of links to research case studies in The Family History Guide, from basic record finds, to tracing immigrant ancestors, to breaking through walls with DNA results, and more. Many of them are included in the Country and Ethnic pages, plus more in the Vault.

Here are a few of the case studies to get you started, in video and article formats (videos noted with their timings):

• ExploreGenealogy: Overcoming a Family History Roadblock
• Family Locket: Hooking Teens on Research with Land Patents
• Family Locket: Putting Your Ancestors in their Place
• BYU FHL: Case Studies in Migration for Genealogists —67:54
• FamilySearch: Using English Records— 16:00
• FamilySearch: A French Case Study: Church Records —5:54
• Ancestry DNA:  Genealogy Brick Wall Case Study —21:26
• The Root: Who Were My Kin Born During Slavery?

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Fundamentals of case study research in family medicine and community health

Sergi fàbregues.

1 Department of Psychology and Education, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

Michael D Fetters

2 Department of Family Medicine, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA

The aim of this article is to introduce family medicine researchers to case study research, a rigorous research methodology commonly used in the social and health sciences and only distantly related to clinical case reports. The article begins with an overview of case study in the social and health sciences, including its definition, potential applications, historical background and core features. This is followed by a 10-step description of the process of conducting a case study project illustrated using a case study conducted about a teaching programme executed to teach international family medicine resident learners sensitive examination skills. Steps for conducting a case study include (1) conducting a literature review; (2) formulating the research questions; (3) ensuring that a case study is appropriate; (4) determining the type of case study design; (5) defining boundaries of the case(s) and selecting the case(s); (6) preparing for data collection; (7) collecting and organising the data; (8) analysing the data; (9) writing the case study report; and (10) appraising the quality. Case study research is a highly flexible and powerful research tool available to family medicine researchers for a variety of applications.

Significance statement

Given their potential for answering ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions about complex issues in their natural setting, case study designs are being increasingly used in the health sciences. Conducting a case study can, however, be a complex task because of the possibility of combining multiple methods and the need to choose between different types of case study designs. In order to introduce family medicine and community health researchers to the fundamentals of case study research, this article reviews its definition, potential applications, historical background and main characteristics. It follows on with a practical, step-by-step description of the case study process that will be useful to researchers interested in implementing this research design in their own practice.

Introduction

This article provides family medicine and community health researchers a concise resource to conduct case study research. The article opens with an overview of case study in the social and health sciences, including its definition, potential applications, historical background and core features. This is followed by a 10-step description of the process of conducting a case study project, as described in the literature. These steps are illustrated using a case study about a teaching programme executed to teach international medical learners sensitive examination skills. The article ends with recommendations of useful articles and textbooks on case study research.

Origins of case study research

Case study is a research design that involves an intensive and holistic examination of a contemporary phenomenon in a real-life setting. 1–3 It uses a variety of methods and multiple data sources to explore, describe or explain a single case bounded in time and place (ie, an event, individual, group, organisation or programme). A distinctive feature of case study is its focus on the particular characteristics of the case being studied and the contextual aspects, relationships and processes influencing it. 4 Here we do not include clinical case reports as these are beyond the scope of this article. While distantly related to clinical case reports commonly used to report unusual clinical case presentations or findings, case study is a research approach that is frequently used in the social sciences and health sciences. In contrast to other research designs, such as surveys or experiments, a key strength of case study is that it allows the researcher to adopt a holistic approach—rather than an isolated approach—to the study of social phenomena. As argued by Yin, 3 case studies are particularly suitable for answering ‘how’ research questions (ie, how a treatment was received) as well as ‘why’ research questions (ie, why the treatment produced the observed outcomes).

Given its potential for understanding complex processes as they occur in their natural setting, case study increasingly is used in a wide range of health-related disciplines and fields, including medicine, 5 nursing, 6 health services research 1 and health communication. 7 With regard to clinical practice and research, a number of authors 1 5 8 have highlighted how insights gained from case study designs can be used to describe patients’ experiences regarding care, explore health professionals’ perceptions regarding a policy change, and understand why medical treatments and complex interventions succeed or fail.

In anthropology and sociology, case study as a research design was introduced as a response to the prevailing view of quantitative research as the primary way of undertaking research. 9 From its beginnings, social scientists saw case study as a method to obtain comprehensive accounts of social phenomena from participants. In addition, it could complement the findings of survey research. Between the 1920s and 1960s, case study became the predominant research approach among the members of the Department of Sociology of the University of Chicago, widely known as ‘The Chicago School’. 10 11 During this period, prominent sociologists, such as Florian Znaniecki, William Thomas, Everett C Hughes and Howard S Becker, undertook a series of innovative case studies (including classical works such as The Polish peasant in Europe and America or Boys in White ), which laid the foundations of case study designs as implemented today.

In the 1970s, case study increasingly was adopted in the USA and UK in applied disciplines and fields, such as education, programme evaluation and public policy research. 12 As a response to the limitations of quasi-experimental designs for undertaking comprehensive programme evaluations, researchers in these disciplines saw in case studies—either alone or in combination with experimental designs—an opportunity to gain additional insights into the outcomes of programme implementation. In the mid-1980s and early 1990s, the case study approach became recognised as having its own ‘logic of design’ (p46). 13 This period coincides with the publication of a considerable number of influential articles 14–16 and textbooks 4 17 18 on case study research.

These publications were instrumental in shaping contemporary case study practice, yet they reflected divergent views about the nature of case study, including how it should be defined, designed and implemented (see Yazan 19 for a comparison of the perspectives of Yin, Merriam and Stake, three leading case study methodologists). What these publications have in common is that case study revolves around four key features.

First, case study examines a specific phenomenon in detail by performing an indepth and intensive analysis of the selected case. The rationale for case study designs, rather than more expansive designs such as surveys, is that the researcher is interested in investigating the particularity of a case, that is, the unique attributes that define an event, individual, group, organisation or programme. 2 Second, case study is conducted in natural settings where people meet, interact and change their perceptions over time. The use of the case study design is a choice in favour of ‘maintaining the naturalness of the research situation and the natural course of events’ (p177). 20

Third, case study assumes that a case under investigation is entangled with the context in which it is embedded. This context entails a number of interconnected processes that cannot be disassociated from the case, but rather are part of the study. The case study researcher is interested in understanding how and why such processes take place and, consequently, uncovering the interactions between a case and its context. Research questions concerning how and why phenomena occur are particularly appropriate in case study research. 3

Fourth, case study encourages the researcher to use a variety of methods and data types in a single study. 20 21 These can be solely qualitative, solely quantitative or a mixture of both. The latter option allows the researcher to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the case and improve the accuracy of the findings. The four above-mentioned key features of case study are shown in table 1 , using the example of a mixed methods case study evaluation. 22

Key features of case study as presented by Shultz et al 22

There are many potential applications for case study research. While often misconstrued as having only an exploratory role, case study research can be used for descriptive and explanatory research (p7–9). 3 Family medicine and community health researchers can use case study research for evaluating a variety of educational programmes, clinical programmes or community programmes.

Case study illustration from family medicine

In the featured study, Japanese family medicine residents received standardised patient instructor-based training in female breast, pelvic, male genital and prostate examinations as part of an international training collaboration to launch a new family medicine residency programme. 22 From family medicine residents, trainers and staff, the authors collected and analysed data from post-training feedback, semistructured interviews and a web-based questionnaire. While the programme was perceived favourably, they noted barriers to reinforcement in their home training programme, and taboos regarding gender-specific healthcare appear as barriers to implementing a similar programme in the home institution.

A step-by-step description of the process of carrying out a case study

As shown in table 2 and illustrated using the article by Shultz et al , 22 case study research generally includes 10 steps. While commonly conducted in this order, the steps do not always occur linearly as data collection and analysis may occur over several iterations or implemented with a slightly different order.

Ten steps for conducting a case study

SPI, standardised patient instructor.

Step 1. Conduct a literature review

During the literature review, researchers systematically search for publications, select those most relevant to the study’s purpose, critically appraise them and summarise the major themes. The literature review helps researchers ascertain what is and is not known about the phenomenon under study, delineate the scope and research questions of the study, and develop an academic or practical justification for the study. 23

Step 2. Formulate the research questions

Research questions critically define in operational terms what will be researched and how. They focus the study and play a key role in guiding design decisions. Key decisions include the case selection and choice of a case study design most suitable for the study. According to Fraenkel et al , 24 the key attributes of good research questions are (1) feasibility, (2) clarity, (3) significance, (4) connection to previous research identified in the literature and (5) compliance with ethical research standards.

Step 3. Ensure that a case study is appropriate

Before commencing the study, researchers should ensure that case study design embodies the most appropriate strategy for answering the study questions. The above-noted four key features—in depth examination of phenomena, naturalness, a focus on context and the use of a combination of methods—should be reflected in the research questions as well as subsequent design decisions.

Step 4. Determine the type of case study design

Researchers need to choose a specific case study design. Sometimes, researchers may define the case first (step 5), for example, in a programme evaluation, and the case may need to be defined before determining the type. Yin’s 3 typology is based on two dimensions, whether the study will examine a single case or multiple cases, and whether the study will focus on a single or multiple units of analysis. Figure 1 illustrates these four types of design using a hypothetical example of a programme evaluation. Table 3 shows an example of each type from the literature.

Examples of published studies using the four types of case study designs suggested by Yin 3

Types of case study designs. 3 21

In type 1 holistic single case design , researchers examine a single programme as the sole unit of analysis. In type 2 embedded single case design , the interest is not exclusively in the programme, but also in its different subunits, including sites, staff and participants. These subunits constitute the range of units of analysis. In type 3 holistic multiple case design , researchers conduct a within and cross-case comparison of two or more programmes, each of which constitutes a single unit of analysis. A major strength of multiple case designs is that they enable researchers to develop an in depth description of each case and to identify patterns of variation and similarity between the cases. Multiple case designs are likely to have stronger internal validity and generate more insightful findings than single case designs. They do this by allowing ‘examination of processes and outcomes across many cases, identification of how individual cases might be affected by different environments, and the specific conditions under which a finding may occur’ (p583). 25 In type 4 embedded multiple case design , a variant of the holistic multiple case design, researchers perform a detailed examination of the subunits of each programme, rather than just examining each case as a whole.

Step 5. Define the boundaries of the case(s) and select the case(s)

Miles et al 26 define a case as ‘a phenomenon of some sort occurring in a bounded context’ (p28). What is and is not the case and how the case fits within its broader context should be explicitly defined. As noted in step 4, this step may occur before choice of the case study type, and the process may actually occur in a back-and-forth fashion. A case can entail an individual, a group, an organisation, an institution or a programme. In this step, researchers delineate the spatial and temporal boundaries of the case, that is, ‘when and where it occurred, and when and what was of interest’ (p390). 9 Aside from ensuring the coherence and consistency of the study, bounding the case ensures that the planned research project is feasible in terms of time and resources. Having access to the case and ensuring ethical research practice are two central considerations in case selection. 1

Step 6. Prepare to collect data

Before beginning the data collection, researchers need a study protocol that describes in detail the methods of data collection. The protocol should emphasise the coherence between the data collection methods and the research questions. According to Yin, 3 a case study protocol should include (1) an overview of the case study, (2) data collection procedures, (3) data collection questions and (4) a guide for the case study report. The protocol should be sufficiently flexible to allow researchers to make changes depending on the context and specific circumstances surrounding each data collection method.

Step 7. Collect and organise the data

While case study is often portrayed as a qualitative approach to research (eg, interviews, focus groups or observations), case study designs frequently rely on multiple data sources, including quantitative data (eg, surveys or statistical databases). A growing number of authors highlight the ways in which the use of mixed methods within case study designs might contribute to developing ‘a more complete understanding of the case’ (p902), 21 shedding light on ‘the complexity of a case’ (p118) 27 or increasing ‘the internal validity of a study’ (p6). 1 Guetterman and Fetters 21 explain how a qualitative case study can also be nested within a mixed methods design (ie, be considered the qualitative component of the design). An interesting strategy for organising multiple data sources is suggested by Yin. 3 He recommends using a case study database in which different data sources (eg, audio files, notes, documents or photographs) are stored for later retrieval or inspection. See guidance from Creswell and Hirose 28 for conducting a survey and qualitative data collection in mixed methods and DeJonckheere 29 on semistructured interviewing.

Step 8. Analyse the data

Bernard and Ryan 30 define data analysis as ‘the search for patterns in data and for ideas that help explain why these patterns are there in the first place’ (p109). Depending on the case study design, analysis of the qualitative and quantitative data can be done concurrently or sequentially. For the qualitative data, the first step of the analysis involves segmenting the data into coding units, ascribing codes to data segments and organising the codes in a coding scheme. 31 Depending on the role of theory in the study, an inductive, data-driven approach can be used where meaning is found in the data, or a deductive, concept-driven approach can be adopted where predefined concepts derived from the literature, or previous research, are used to code the data. 32 The second step involves searching for patterns across codes and subsets of respondents, so major themes are identified to describe, explain or predict the phenomenon under study. Babchuk 33 provides a step-by-step guidance for qualitative analysis in this issue. When conducting a single case study, the within-case analysis yields an in depth, thick description of the case. When the study involves multiple cases, the cross-comparison analysis elicits a description of similarities and divergence between cases and may generate explanations and theoretical predictions regarding other cases. 26

For the quantitative part of the case study, data are entered in statistical software packages for conducting descriptive or inferential analysis. Guetterman 34 provides a step-by-step guidance on basic statistics. In case study designs where both data strands are analysed simultaneously, analytical techniques include pattern matching, explanation building, time-series analysis and creating logic models (p142–167). 3

Step 9. Write the case study report

The case study report should have the following three characteristics. First, the description of the case and its context should be sufficiently comprehensive to allow the reader to understand the complexity of the phenomena under study. 35 Second, the data should be presented in a concise and transparent manner to enable the reader to question, or to re-examine, the findings. 36 Third, the report should be adapted to the interests and needs of its primary audience or audiences (eg, academics, practitioners, policy-makers or funders of research). Yin 3 suggests six formats for organising case study reports, namely linear-analytic, comparative, chronological, theory building, suspense and unsequenced structures. To facilitate case transferability and applicability to other similar contexts, the case study report must include a detailed description of the case.

Step 10. Appraise quality

Although presented as the final step of the case study process, quality appraisal should be considered throughout the study. Multiple criteria and frameworks for appraising the quality of case study research have been suggested in the literature. Yin 3 suggests the following four criteria: construct validity (ie, the extent to which a study accurately measures the concepts that it claims to investigate), internal validity (ie, the strength of the relationship between variables and findings), external validity (ie, the extent to which the findings can be generalised) and reliability (ie, the extent to which the findings can be replicated by other researchers conducting the same study). Yin 37 also suggests using two separate sets of guidelines for conducting case study research and for appraising the quality of case study proposals. Stake 4 presents a 20-item checklist for critiquing case study reports, and Creswell and Poth 38 and Denscombe 39 outline a number of questions to consider. Since these quality frameworks have evolved from different disciplinary and philosophical backgrounds, the researcher’s approach should be coherent with the epistemology of the study. Figure 2 provides a quality appraisal checklist adapted from Creswell and Poth 38 and Denscombe. 39

Checklist for evaluating the quality of a case study. 38 39

The challenges to conducting case study research include rationalising the literature based on literature review, writing the research questions, determining how to bound the case, and choosing among various case study purposes and designs. Factors held in common with other methods include analysing and presenting the findings, particularly with multiple data sources.

Other resources

Resources with more in depth guidance on case study research include Merriam, 17 Stake 4 and Yin. 3 While each reflects a different perspective on case study research, they all provide useful guidance for designing and conducting case studies. Other resources include Creswell and Poth, 38 Swanborn 2 and Tight. 40 For mixed methods case study designs, Creswell and Plano Clark, 27 Guetterman and Fetters, 21 Luck et al , 6 and Plano Clark et al 41 provide guidance. Byrne and Ragin’s 42 The SAGE Handbook of Case-Based Methods and Mills et al ’s 43 Encyclopedia of case study research provide guidance for experienced case study researchers.

Conclusions

Family medicine and community health researchers engage in a wide variety of clinical, educational, research and administrative programmes. Case study research provides a highly flexible and powerful research tool to evaluate rigorously many of these endeavours and disseminate this information.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to acknowledge the help of Dick Edelstein and Marie-Hélène Paré in editing the final manuscript.

Correction notice: This article has been corrected. Reference details have been updated.

Contributors: SF and MDF conceived and drafted the manuscript, and approved the final version of the manuscript.

Funding: The authors have not declared a specific grant for this research from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

Competing interests: None declared.

Patient consent for publication: Not required.

Provenance and peer review: Not commissioned; internally peer reviewed.

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Article contents

Family, culture, and communication.

• V. Santiago Arias V. Santiago Arias College of Media and Communication, Texas Tech University
•  and  Narissra Maria Punyanunt-Carter Narissra Maria Punyanunt-Carter College of Media and Communication, Texas Tech University
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.504
• Published online: 22 August 2017

Through the years, the concept of family has been studied by family therapists, psychology scholars, and sociologists with a diverse theoretical framework, such as family communication patterns (FCP) theory, dyadic power theory, conflict, and family systems theory. Among these theories, there are two main commonalities throughout its findings: the interparental relationship is the core interaction in the familial system because the quality of their communication or coparenting significantly affects the enactment of the caregiver role while managing conflicts, which are not the exception in the familial setting. Coparenting is understood in its broader sense to avoid an extensive discussion of all type of families in our society. Second, while including the main goal of parenting, which is the socialization of values, this process intrinsically suggests cultural assimilation as the main cultural approach rather than intergroup theory, because intercultural marriages need to decide which values are considered the best to be socialized. In order to do so, examples from the Thai culture and Hispanic and Latino cultures served to show cultural assimilation as an important mediator of coparenting communication patterns, which subsequently affect other subsystems that influence individuals’ identity and self-esteem development in the long run. Finally, future directions suggest that the need for incorporating a nonhegemonic one-way definition of cultural assimilation allows immigration status to be brought into the discussion of family communication issues in the context of one of the most diverse countries in the world.

• parental communication
• dyadic power
• family communication systems
• cultural assimilation

Introduction

Family is the fundamental structure of every society because, among other functions, this social institution provides individuals, from birth until adulthood, membership and sense of belonging, economic support, nurturance, education, and socialization (Canary & Canary, 2013 ). As a consequence, the strut of its social role consists of operating as a system in a manner that would benefit all members of a family while achieving what is considered best, where decisions tend to be coherent, at least according to the norms and roles assumed by family members within the system (Galvin, Bylund, & Brommel, 2004 ). Notwithstanding, the concept of family can be interpreted differently by individual perceptions to an array of cultural backgrounds, and cultures vary in their values, behaviors, and ideas.

The difficulty of conceptualizing this social institution suggests that family is a culture-bound phenomenon (Bales & Parsons, 2014 ). In essence, culture represents how people view themselves as part of a unique social collective and the ensuing communication interactions (Olaniran & Roach, 1994 ); subsequently, culture provides norms for behavior having a tremendous impact on those family members’ roles and power dynamics mirrored in its communication interactions (Johnson, Radesky, & Zuckerman, 2013 ). Thus, culture serves as one of the main macroframeworks for individuals to interpret and enact those prescriptions, such as inheritance; descent rules (e.g., bilateral, as in the United States, or patrilineal); marriage customs, such as ideal monogamy and divorce; and beliefs about sexuality, gender, and patterns of household formation, such as structure of authority and power (Weisner, 2014 ). For these reasons, “every family is both a unique microcosm and a product of a larger cultural context” (Johnson et al., 2013 , p. 632), and the analysis of family communication must include culture in order to elucidate effective communication strategies to solve familial conflicts.

In addition, to analyze familial communication patterns, it is important to address the most influential interaction with regard to power dynamics that determine the overall quality of family functioning. In this sense, within the range of family theories, parenting function is the core relationship in terms of power dynamics. Parenting refers to all efforts and decisions made by parents individually to guide their children’s behavior. This is a pivotal function, but the quality of communication among people who perform parenting is fundamental because their internal communication patterns will either support or undermine each caregiver’s parenting attempts, individually having a substantial influence on all members’ psychological and physical well-being (Schrodt & Shimkowski, 2013 ). Subsequently, parenting goes along with communication because to execute all parenting efforts, there must be a mutual agreement among at least two individuals to conjointly take care of the child’s fostering (Van Egeren & Hawkins, 2004 ). Consequently, coparenting serves as a crucial predictor of the overall family atmosphere and interactions, and it deserves special attention while analyzing family communication issues.

Through the years, family has been studied by family therapists, psychology scholars, and sociologists, but interaction behaviors define the interpersonal relationship, roles, and power within the family as a system (Rogers, 2006 ). Consequently, family scholarship relies on a wide range of theories developed within the communication field and in areas of the social sciences (Galvin, Braithwaite, & Bylund, 2015 ) because analysis of communication patterns in the familial context offers more ecological validity that individuals’ self-report measures. As many types of interactions may happen within a family, there are many relevant venues (i.e., theories) for scholarly analysis on this subject, which will be discussed later in this article in the “ Family: Theoretical Perspectives ” section. To avoid the risk of cultural relativeness while defining family, this article characterizes family as “a long-term group of two or more people related through biological, legal, or equivalent ties and who enact those ties through ongoing interactions providing instrumental and/or emotional support” (Canary & Canary, 2013 , p. 5).

Therefore, the purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the most relevant theories in family communication to identify frustrations and limitations with internal communication. Second, as a case in point, the United States welcomes more than 50 million noncitizens as temporary visitors and admits approximately 1 million immigrants to live as lawful residents yearly (Fullerton, 2014 ), this demographic pattern means that nearly one-third of the population (102 million) comes from different cultural backgrounds, and therefore, the present review will incorporate culture as an important mediator for coparenting, so that future research can be performed to find specific techniques and training practices that are more suitable for cross-cultural contexts.

Family: Theoretical Perspectives

Even though the concept of family can be interpreted individually and differently in different cultures, there are also some commonalities, along with communication processes, specific roles within families, and acceptable habits of interactions with specific family members disregarding cultural differences. This section will provide a brief overview of the conceptualization of family through the family communication patterns (FCP) theory, dyadic power theory, conflict, and family systems theory, with a special focus on the interparental relationship.

Family Communication Patterns Theory

One of the most relevant approaches to address the myriad of communication issues within families is the family communication patterns (FCP) theory. Originally developed by McLeod and Chaffee ( 1973 ), this theory aims to understand families’ tendencies to create stable and predictable communication patterns in terms of both relational cognition and interpersonal behavior (Braithwaite & Baxter, 2005 ). Specifically, this theory focuses on the unique and amalgamated associations derived from interparental communication and its impact on parenting quality to determine FCPs and the remaining interactions (Young & Schrodt, 2016 ).

To illustrate FCP’s focus on parental communication, Schrodt, Witt, and Shimkowski ( 2014 ) conducted a meta-analysis of 74 studies (N = 14,255) to examine the associations between the demand/withdraw family communication patterns of interaction, and the subsequent individual, relational, and communicative outcomes. The cumulative evidence suggests that wife demand/husband withdraw and husband demand/wife withdraw show similar moderate correlations with communicative and psychological well-being outcomes, and even higher when both patterns are taken together (at the relational level). This is important because one of the main tenets of FCP is that familial relationships are drawn on the pursuit of coorientation among members. Coorientation refers to the cognitive process of two or more individuals focusing on and assessing the same object in the same material and social context, which leads to a number of cognitions as the number of people involved, which results in different levels of agreement, accuracy, and congruence (for a review, see Fitzpatrick & Koerner, 2005 ); for example, in dyads that are aware of their shared focus, two different cognitions of the same issue will result.

Hereafter, the way in which these cognitions are socialized through power dynamics determined socially and culturally by roles constitutes specific interdependent communication patterns among family members. For example, Koerner and Fitzpatrick ( 2006 ) provide a taxonomy of family types on the basis of coorientation and its impact on communication pattern in terms of the degree of conformity in those conversational tendencies. To wit, consensual families mostly agree for the sake of the hierarchy within a given family and to explore new points of view; pluralistic families allow members to participate equally in conversations and there is no pressure to control or make children’s decisions; protective families maintain the hierarchy by making decisions for the sake of achieving common family goals; and laissez-faire families, which are low in conversation and conformity orientation, allow family members to not get deeply involved in the family.

The analysis of family communication patterns is quintessential for family communication scholarly work because it influences forming an individual’s self concept in the long run. As a case in point, Young and Schrodt ( 2016 ) surveyed 181 young adults from intact families, where conditional and interaction effects between communication patterns and conformity orientation were observed as the main predictors of future romantic partners. Moreover, this study concluded that FCPs and interparental confirmation are substantial indicators of self-to-partner confirmation, after controlling for reciprocity of confirmation within the romantic relationship. As a consequence, FCP influences children’s and young adults’ perceptions of romantic behavior (e.g., Fowler, Pearson, & Beck, 2010 ); the quality of communication behavior, such as the degree of acceptation of verbal aggression in romantic dyads (e.g., Aloia & Solomon, 2013 ); gender roles; and conflict styles (e.g., Taylor & Segrin, 2010 ), and parental modeling (e.g., Young & Schrodt, 2016 ).

This suggests three important observations. First, family is a very complex interpersonal context, in which communication processes, specific roles within families, and acceptable habits of interactions with specific family members interact as subsystems (see Galvin et al., 2004 ; Schrodt & Shimkowski, 2013 ). Second, among those subsystems, the core interaction is the individuals who hold parenting roles (i.e., intact and post divorced families); the couple (disregarding particular sexual orientations), and, parenting roles have a reciprocal relationship over time (Le, McDaniel, Leavitt, & Feinberg, 2016 ). Communication between parenting partners is crucial for the development of their entire family; for example, Schrodt and Shimkowski ( 2013 ) conducted a survey with 493 young adult children from intact (N = 364) and divorced families (N = 129) about perceptions of interparental conflict that involves triangulation (the impression of being in the “middle” and feeling forced to display loyalty to one of the parents). Results suggest that supportive coparental communication positively predicts relational satisfaction with mothers and fathers, as well as mental health; on the other hand, antagonist and hostile coparental communication predicted negative marital satisfaction.

Consequently, “partners’ communication with one another will have a positive effect on their overall view of their marriage, . . . and directly result[ing in] their views of marital satisfaction” (Knapp & Daly, 2002 , p. 643). Le et al. ( 2016 ) conducted a longitudinal study to evaluate the reciprocal relationship between marital interaction and coparenting from the perspective of both parents in terms of support or undermining across the transition to parenthood from a dyadic perspective; 164 cohabiting heterosexual couples expecting their first child were analyzed from pregnancy until 36 months after birth. Both parents’ interdependence was examined in terms of three variables: gender difference analysis, stability over time in marriage and coparenting, and reciprocal associations between relationship quality and coparenting support or undermining. The findings suggest a long-term reciprocal association between relationship quality and coparenting support or undermining in heterosexual families; the quality of marriage relationship during prenatal stage is highly influential in coparenting after birth for both men and women; but, coparenting is connected to romantic relationship quality only for women.

Moreover, the positive association between coparenting and the parents’ relationship relates to the spillover hypothesis, which posits that the positive or negative factors in the parental subsystem are significantly associated with higher or lower marital satisfaction in the spousal subsystem, respectively. Ergo, overall parenting performance is substantially affected by the quality of marital communication patterns.

Dyadic Power

In addition, after analyzing the impact of marital interaction quality in families on marital satisfaction and future parental modeling, it is worth noting that marital satisfaction and coparenting are importantly mediated by power dynamics within the couple (Halstead, De Santis, & Williams, 2016 ), and even mediates marital commitment (e.g., Lennon, Stewart, & Ledermann, 2013 ). If the quality of interpersonal relationship between those individuals who hold parenting roles determines coparenting quality as well, then the reason for this association lies on the fact that virtually all intimate relationships are substantially characterized by power dynamics; when partners perceive more rewards than costs in the relationship, they will be more satisfied and significantly more committed to the relationship (Lennon et al., 2013 ). As a result, the inclusion of power dynamics in the analysis of family issues becomes quintessential.

For the theory of dyadic power, power in its basic sense includes dominance, control, and influence over others, as well as a means to meet survival needs. When power is integrated into dyadic intimate relationships, it generates asymmetries in terms of interdependence between partners due to the quality of alternatives provided by individual characteristics such as socioeconomic status and cultural characteristics such as gender roles. This virtually gives more power to men than women. Power refers to “the feeling derived from the ability to dominate, or control, the behavior, affect, and cognitions of another person[;] in consequence, this concept within the interparental relationship is enacted when one partner who controls resources and limiting the behavioral options of the other partner” (Lennon et al., 2013 , p. 97). Ergo, this theory examines power in terms of interdependence between members of the relationship: the partner who is more dependent on the other has less power in the relationship, which, of course, directly impact parenting decisions.

As a case in point, Worley and Samp ( 2016 ) examined the balance of decision-making power in the relationship, complaint avoidance, and complaint-related appraisals in 175 heterosexual couples. Findings suggest that decision-making power has a curvilinear association, in which individuals engaged in the least complaint avoidance when they were relatively equal to their partners in terms of power. In other words, perceptions of one another’s power potentially encourage communication efficacy in the interparental couple.

The analysis of power in intimate relationships, and, to be specific, between parents is crucial because it not only relates to marital satisfaction and commitment, but it also it affects parents’ dyadic coping for children. In fact, Zemp, Bodenmann, Backes, Sutter-Stickel, and Revenson ( 2016 ) investigated parents’ dyadic coping as a predictor of children’s internalizing symptoms, externalizing symptoms, and prosocial behavior in three independent studies. When there is a positive relationship among all three factors, the results indicated that the strongest correlation was the first one. Again, the quality of the marital and parental relationships has the strongest influence on children’s coping skills and future well-being.

From the overview of the two previous theories on family, it is worth addressing two important aspects. First, parenting requires an intensive great deal of hands-on physical care, attention to safety (Mooney-Doyle, Deatrick, & Horowitz, 2014 ), and interpretation of cues, and this is why parenting, from conception to when children enter adulthood, is a tremendous social, cultural, and legally prescribed role directed toward caregiving and endlessly attending to individuals’ social, physical, psychological, emotional, and cognitive development (Johnson et al., 2013 ). And while parents are making decisions about what they consider is best for all family members, power dynamics play a crucial role in marital satisfaction, commitment, parental modeling, and overall interparental communication efficacy in the case of postdivorce families. Therefore, the likelihood of conflict is latent within familial interactions while making decisions; indeed, situations in which family members agree on norms as a consensus is rare (Ritchie & Fitzpatrick, 1990 ).

In addition to the interparental and marital power dynamics that delineates family communication patterns, the familial interaction is distinctive from other types of social relationships in the unequaled role of emotions and communication of affection while family members interact and make decisions for the sake of all members. For example, Ritchie and Fitzpatrick ( 1990 ) provided evidence that fathers tended to perceive that all other family members agree with his decisions or ideas. Even when mothers confronted and disagreed with the fathers about the fathers’ decisions or ideas, the men were more likely to believe that their children agreed with him. When the children were interviewed without their parents, however, the majority of children agreed with the mothers rather than the fathers (Ritchie & Fitzpatrick, 1990 ). Subsequently, conflict is highly present in families; however, in general, the presence of conflict is not problematic per se. Rather, it is the ability to manage and recover from it and that could be problematic (Floyd, 2014 ).

One of the reasons for the role of emotions in interpersonal conflicts is explained by the Emotion-in-Relationships Model (ERM). This model states that feelings of bliss, satisfaction, and relaxation often go unnoticed due to the nature of the emotions, whereas “hot” emotions, such as anger and contempt, come to the forefront when directed at a member of an interpersonal relationship (Fletcher & Clark, 2002 ). This type of psychophysical response usually happens perhaps due to the different biophysical reactive response of the body compared to its reaction to positive ones (Floyd, 2014 ). There are two dimensions that define conflict. Conflict leads to the elicitation of emotions, but sometimes the opposite occurs: emotions lead to conflict. The misunderstanding or misinterpretation of emotions among members of a family can be a source of conflict, as well as a number of other issues, including personality differences, past history, substance abuse, mental or physical health problems, monetary issues, children, intimate partner violence, domestic rape, or maybe just general frustration due to recent events (Sabourin, Infante, & Rudd, 1990 ). In order to have a common understanding of this concept for the familial context in particular, conflict refers to as “any incompatibility that can be expressed by people related through biological, legal, or equivalent ties” (Canary & Canary, 2013 , p. 6). Thus, the concept of conflict goes hand in hand with coparenting.

There is a myriad of everyday family activities in which parents need to decide the best way to do them: sometimes they are minor, such as eating, watching TV, or sleeping schedules; others are more complicated, such as schooling. Certainly, while socializing and making these decisions, parents may agree or not, and these everyday situations may lead to conflict. Whether or not parents live together, it has been shown that “the extent to which children experience their parents as partners or opponents in parenting is related to children’s adjustment and well-being” (Gable & Sharp, 2016 , p. 1), because the ontology of parenting is materialized through socialization of values about every aspect and duty among all family members, especially children, to perpetuate a given society.

As the findings provided in this article show, the study of family communication issues is pivotal because the way in which those issues are solved within families will be copied by children as their values. Values are abstract ideas that delineate behavior toward the evaluation of people and events and vary in terms of importance across individuals, but also among cultures. In other words, their future parenting (i.e., parenting modeling) of children will replicate those same strategies for conflict solving for good or bad, depending on whether parents were supportive between each other. Thus, socialization defines the size and scope of coparenting.

The familial socialization of values encompasses the distinction between parents’ personal execution of those social appraisals and the values that parents want their children to adopt, and both are different things; nonetheless, familial socialization does not take place in only one direction, from parents to children. Benish-Weisman, Levy, and Knafo ( 2013 ) investigated the differentiation process—or, in other words, the distinction between parents’ own personal values and their socialization values and the contribution of children’s values to their parents’ socialization values. In this study, in which 603 Israeli adolescents and their parents participated, the findings suggest that parents differentiate between their personal values and their socialization values, and adolescents’ values have a specific contribution to their parents’ socialization values. As a result, socialization is not a unidirectional process affected by parents alone, it is an outcome of the reciprocal interaction between parents and their adolescent children, and the given importance of a given value is mediated by parents and their culture individually (Johnson et al., 2013 ). However, taking power dynamics into account does not mean that adolescents share the same level of decision-making power in the family; thus, socialization take place in both directions, but mostly from parents to children. Finally, it is worth noticing that the socialization of values in coparenting falls under the cultural umbrella. The next section pays a special attention to the role of culture in family communication.

The Role of Culture in Parenting Socialization of Values

There are many individual perceived realities and behaviors in the familial setting that may lead to conflict among members, but all of them achieve a common interpretation through culture; indeed, “all family conflict processes by broad cultural factors” (Canary & Canary, 2013 , p. 46). Subsequently, the goal of this section is to provide an overview of the perceived realities and behaviors that exist in family relationships with different cultural backgrounds. How should one approach the array of cultural values influencing parental communication patterns?

An interesting way of immersing on the role of culture in family communication patterns and its further socialization of values is explored by Schwartz ( 1992 ). The author developed a value system composed of 10 values operationalized as motivational goals for modern society: (a) self-direction (independence of thought and action); (b) stimulation (excitement, challenge, and novelty); (c) hedonism (pleasure or sensuous gratification); (d) achievement (personal success according to social standards); (e) power (social status, dominance over people and resources); (f) conformity (restraint of actions that may harm others or violate social expectations); (g) tradition (respect and commitment to cultural or religious customs and ideas); (h) benevolence (preserving and enhancing the welfare of people to whom one is close); (i) universalism (understanding, tolerance, and concern for the welfare of all people and nature); and (j) security (safety and stability of society, relationships, and self).

Later, Schwartz and Rubel ( 2005 ) applied this value structure, finding it to be commonly shared among over 65 countries. Nevertheless, these values are enacted in different ways by societies and genders about the extent to which men attribute more relevance to values of power, stimulation, hedonism, achievement, and self-direction, and the opposite was found for benevolence and universalism and less consistently for security. Also, it was found that all sex differences were culturally moderated, suggesting that cultural background needs to be considered in the analysis of coparental communication when socializing those values.

Even though Schwartz’s work was more focused on individuals and societies, it is a powerful model for the analysis of the role of culture on family communication and parenting scholarships. Indeed, Schwartz et al. ( 2013 ) conducted a longitudinal study with a sample of 266 Hispanic adolescents (14 years old) and their parents that looked at measures of acculturation, family functioning, and adolescent conduct problems, substance use, and sexual behavior at five time points. Results suggest that higher levels of acculturation in adolescents were linked to poorer family functioning; however, overall assimilation negatively predicted adolescent cigarette smoking, sexual activity, and unprotected sex. The authors emphasize the role of culture, and acculturation patterns in particular, in understanding the mediating role of family functioning and culture.

Ergo, it is crucial to address the ways in which culture affects family functioning. On top of this idea, Johnson et al. ( 2013 ) observed that Western cultures such as in the United States and European countries are oriented toward autonomy, favoring individual achievement, self-reliance, and self-assertiveness. Thus, coparenting in more autonomous countries will socialize to children the idea that achievement in life is an outcome of independence, resulting in coparenting communication behaviors that favor verbal praise and feedback over physical contact. As opposed to autonomy-oriented cultures, other societies, such as Asian, African, and Latin American countries, emphasize interdependence over autonomy; thus, parenting in these cultures promotes collective achievement, sharing, and collaboration as the core values.

These cultural orientations can be observed in parents’ definitions of school readiness and educational success; for Western parents, examples include skills such as counting, recognizing letters, or independently completing tasks such as coloring pictures, whereas for more interdependent cultures, the development of obedience, respect for authority, and appropriate social skills are the skills that parents are expecting their children to develop to evaluate school readiness. As a matter of fact, Callaghan et al. ( 2011 ) conducted a series of eight studies to evaluate the impact of culture on the social-cognitive skills of one- to three-year-old children in three diverse cultural settings such as Canada, Peru, and India. The results showed that children’s acquisition of specific cognitive skills is moderated by specific learning experiences in a specific context: while Canadian children were understanding the performance of both pretense and pictorial symbols skillfully between 2.5 and 3.0 years of age, on average, Peruvian and Indian children mastered those skills more than a year later. Notwithstanding, this finding does not suggest any kind of cultural superiority; language barriers and limitations derived from translation itself may influence meanings, affecting the results (Sotomayor-Peterson, De Baca, Figueredo, & Smith-Castro, 2013 ). Therefore, in line with the findings of Schutz ( 1970 ), Geertz ( 1973 ), Grusec ( 2002 ), Sotomayor-Peterson et al. ( 2013 ), and Johnson et al. ( 2013 ), cultural values provide important leverage for understanding family functioning in terms of parental decision-making and conflict, which also has a substantial impact on children’s cognitive development.

Subsequently, cultural sensitivity to the analysis of the familial system in this country needs to be specially included because cultural differences are part of the array of familial conflicts that may arise, and children experience real consequences from the quality of these interactions. Therefore, parenting, which is already arduous in itself, and overall family functioning significantly become troublesome when parents with different cultural backgrounds aim to socialize values and perform parenting tasks. The following section provides an account of these cross-cultural families.

Intercultural Families: Adding Cultural Differences to Interparental Communication

For a country such as the United States, with 102 million people from many different cultural backgrounds, the presence of cross-cultural families is on the rise, as is the likelihood of intermarriage between immigrants and natives. With this cultural diversity, the two most prominent groups are Hispanics and Asians, particular cases of which will be discussed next. Besides the fact that parenting itself is a very complex and difficult task, certainly the biggest conflict consists of making decisions about the best way to raise children in terms of their values with regard to which ethnic identity better enacts the values that parents believe their children should embrace. As a result, interracial couples might confront many conflicts and challenges due to cultural differences affecting marital satisfaction and coparenting.

Assimilation , the degree to which a person from a different cultural background has adapted to the culture of the hostage society, is an important phenomenon in intermarriage. Assimilationists observe that children from families in which one of the parents is from the majority group and the other one from the minority do not automatically follow the parent from the majority group (Cohen, 1988 ). Indeed, they follow their mothers more, whichever group she belongs to, because of mothers are more prevalent among people with higher socioeconomic status (Gordon, 1964 ; Portes, 1984 ; Schwartz et al., 2013 ).

In an interracial marriage, the structural and interpersonal barriers inhibiting the interaction between two parents will be reduced significantly if parents develop a noncompeting way to communicate and solve conflicts, which means that both of them might give up part of their culture or ethnic identity to reach consensus. Otherwise, the ethnic identity of children who come from interracial marriages will become more and more obscure (Saenz, Hwang, Aguirre, & Anderson, 1995 ). Surely, parents’ noncompeting cultural communication patterns are fundamental for children’s development of ethnic identity. Biracial children develop feelings of being outsiders, and then parenting becomes crucial to developing their strong self-esteem (Ward, 2006 ). Indeed, Gordon ( 1964 ) found that children from cross-racial or cross-ethnic marriages are at risk of developing psychological problems. In another example, Jognson and Nagoshi ( 1986 ) studied children who come from mixed marriages in Hawaii and found that the problems of cultural identification, conflicting demands in the family, and of being marginal in either culture still exist (Mann & Waldron, 1977 ). It is hard for those mixed-racial children to completely develop the ethnic identity of either the majority group or the minority group.

The question of how children could maintain their minority ethnic identity is essential to the development of ethnic identity as a whole. For children from interracial marriage, the challenge to maintain their minority ethnic identity will be greater than for the majority ethnic identity (Waters, 1990 ; Schwartz et al., 2013 ) because the minority-group spouse is more likely to have greater ethnic consciousness than the majority-group spouse (Ellman, 1987 ). Usually, the majority group is more influential than the minority group on a child’s ethnic identity, but if the minority parent’s ethnicity does not significantly decline, the child’s ethnic identity could still reflect some characteristics of the minority parent. If parents want their children to maintain the minority group’s identity, letting the children learn the language of the minority group might be a good way to achieve this. By learning the language, children form a better understanding of that culture and perhaps are more likely to accept the ethnic identity that the language represents (Xin & Sandel, 2015 ).

In addition to language socialization as a way to contribute to children’s identity in biracial families, Jane and Bochner ( 2009 ) indicated that family rituals and stories could be important in performing and transforming identity. Families create and re-create their identities through various kinds of narrative, in which family stories and rituals are significant. Festivals and rituals are different from culture to culture, and each culture has its own. Therefore, exposing children to the language, rituals, and festivals of another culture also could be helpful to form their ethnic identity, in order to counter problems of self-esteem derived from the feeling of being an outsider.

To conclude this section, the parenting dilemma in intercultural marriages consists of deciding which culture they want their children to be exposed to and what kind of heritage they want to pass to children. The following section will provide two examples of intercultural marriages in the context of American society without implying that there are no other insightful cultures that deserve analysis, but the focus on Asian-American and Hispanics families reflects the available literature (Canary & Canary, 2013 ) and its demographic representativeness in this particular context. In addition, in order to acknowledge that minorities within this larger cultural background deserve more attention due to overemphasis on larger cultures in scholarship, such as Chinese or Japanese cultures, the Thai family will provide insights into understanding the role of culture in parenting and its impact on the remaining familial interaction, putting all theories already discussed in context. Moreover, the Hispanic family will also be taken in account because of its internal pan-ethnicity variety.

An Example of Intercultural Parenting: The Thai Family

The Thai family, also known as Krob Krua, may consist of parents, children, paternal and maternal grandparents, aunts, uncles, grandchildren, in-laws, and any others who share the same home. Thai marriages usually are traditional, in which the male is the authority figure and breadwinner and the wife is in charge of domestic items and the homemaker. It has been noted that Thai mothers tend to be the major caregivers and caretakers in the family rather than fathers (Tulananda, Young, & Roopnarine, 1994 ). On the other hand, it has been shown that Thai mothers also tend to spoil their children with such things as food and comfort; Tulananda et al. ( 1994 ) studied the differences between American and Thai fathers’ involvement with their preschool children and found that American fathers reported being significantly more involved with their children than Thai fathers. Specifically, the fathers differed in the amount of socialization and childcare; Thai fathers reported that they obtained more external support from other family members than American fathers; also, Thai fathers were more likely to obtain support for assisting with daughters than sons.

Furthermore, with regard to the family context, Tulananda and Roopnarine ( 2001 ) noted that over the years, some attention has been focused on the cultural differences among parent-child behaviors and interactions; hereafter, the authors believed that it is important to look at cultural parent-child interactions because that can help others understand children’s capacity to socialize and deal with life’s challenges. As a matter of fact, the authors also noted that Thai families tend to raise their children in accordance with Buddhist beliefs. It is customary for young Thai married couples to live with either the wife’s parents (uxorilocal) or the husband’s parents (virilocal) before living on their own (Tulananda & Roopnarine, 2001 ). The process of developing ethnicity could be complicated. Many factors might influence the process, such as which parent is from the minority culture and the cultural community, as explained in the previous section of this article.

This suggests that there is a difference in the way that Thai and American fathers communicate with their daughters. As a case in point, Punyanunt-Carter ( 2016 ) examined the relationship maintenance behaviors within father-daughter relationships in Thailand and the United States. Participants included 134 American father-daughter dyads and 154 Thai father-daughter dyads. The findings suggest that when quality of communication was included in this relationship, both types of families benefit from this family communication pattern, resulting in better conflict management and advice relationship maintenance behaviors. However, differences were found: American fathers are more likely than American daughters to employ relationship maintenance behaviors; in addition, American fathers are more likely than Thai fathers to use relationship maintenance strategies.

As a consequence, knowing the process of ethnic identity development could provide parents with different ways to form children’s ethnic identity. More specifically, McCann, Ota, Giles, and Caraker ( 2003 ), and Canary and Canary ( 2013 ) noted that Southeast Asian cultures have been overlooked in communication studies research; these countries differ in their religious, political, and philosophical thoughts, with a variety of collectivistic views and religious ideals (e.g., Buddhism, Taoism, Islam), whereas the United States is mainly Christian and consists of individualistic values.

The Case of Hispanic/Latino Families in the United States

There is a need for including Hispanic/Latino families in the United States because of the demographic representativeness and trends of the ethnicity: in 2016 , Hispanics represent nearly 17% of the total U.S. population, becoming the largest minority group. There are more than 53 million Hispanics and Latinos in the United States; in addition, over 93% of young Hispanics and Latinos under the age of 18 hold U.S. citizenship, and more than 73,000 of these people turn 18 every month (Barreto & Segura, 2014 ). Furthermore, the current Hispanic and Latino population is spread evenly between foreign-born and U.S.-born individuals, but the foreign-born population is now growing faster than the number of Hispanic children born in the country (Arias & Hellmueller, 2016 ). This demographic trend is projected to reach one-third of the U.S. total population by 2060 ; therefore, with the growth of other minority populations in the country, the phenomenon of multiracial marriage and biracial children is increasing as well.

Therefore, family communication scholarship has an increasing necessity to include cultural particularities in the analysis of the familial system; in addition to the cultural aspects already explained in this article, this section addresses the influence of familism in Hispanic and Latino familial interactions, as well as how immigration status moderates the internal interactions, reflected in levels of acculturation, that affect these families negatively.

With the higher marriage and birth rates among Hispanics and Latinos living in the United States compared to non-Latino Whites and African American populations, the Hispanic familial system is perhaps the most stereotyped as being familistic (Glick & Van Hook, 2008 ). This family trait consists of the fact that Hispanics place a very high value on marriage and childbearing, on the basis of a profound commitment to give support to members of the extended family as well. This can be evinced in the prevalence of extended-kind shared households in Hispanic and Latino families, and Hispanic children are more likely to live in extended-family households than non-Latino Whites or blacks (Glick & Van Hook, 2008 ). Living in extended-family households, most likely with grandparents, may have positive influences on Hispanic and Latino children, such as greater attention and interaction with loving through consistent caregiving; grandparents may help by engaging with children in academic-oriented activities, which then affects positively cognitive educational outcomes.

However, familism is not the panacea for all familial issues for several reasons. First, living in an extended-family household requires living arrangements that consider adults’ needs more than children’s. Second, the configuration of Hispanic and Latino households is moderated by any immigration issues with all members of the extended family, and this may cause problems for children (Menjívar, 2000 ). The immigration status of each individual member may produce a constant state of flux, whereas circumstances change to adjust to economic opportunities, which in turn are limited by immigration laws, and it gets even worse when one of the parents isn’t even present in the children’s home, but rather live in their home country (Van Hook & Glick, 2006 ). Although Hispanic and Latino children are more likely to live with married parents and extended relatives, familism is highly affected by the immigration status of each member.

On the other hand, there has been research to address the paramount role of communication disregarding the mediating factor of cultural diversity. For example, Sotomayor-Peterson et al. ( 2013 ) performed a cross-cultural comparison of the association between coparenting or shared parental effort and family climate among families from Mexico, the United States, and Costa Rica. The overall findings suggest what was explained earlier in this article: more shared parenting predicts better marital interaction and family climate overall.

In addition, parenting quality has been found to have a positive relationship with children’s developmental outcomes. In fact, Sotomayor-Peterson, Figueredo, Christensen, and Taylor ( 2012 ) conducted a study with 61 low-income Mexican American couples, with at least one child between three and four years of age, recruited from a home-based Head Start program. The main goal of this study was to observe the extent that shared parenting incorporates cultural values and income predicts family climate. The findings suggest that the role of cultural values such as familism, in which family solidarity and avoidance of confrontation are paramount, delineate shared parenting by Mexican American couples.

Cultural adaptation also has a substantial impact on marital satisfaction and children’s cognitive stimulation. Indeed, Sotomayor-Peterson, Wilhelm, and Card ( 2011 ) investigated the relationship between marital relationship quality and subsequent cognitive stimulation practices toward their infants in terms of the actor and partner effects of White and Hispanic parents. The results indicate an interesting relationship between the level of acculturation and marital relationship quality and a positive cognitive stimulation of infants; specifically, marital happiness is associated with increased cognitive stimulation by White and high-acculturated Hispanic fathers. Nevertheless, a major limitation of Hispanic acculturation literature has been seen, reflecting a reliance on cross-sectional studies where acculturation was scholarly operationalized more as an individual difference variable than as a longitudinal adaptation over time (Schwartz et al., 2013 ).

Culture and Family Communication: the “so what?” Question

This article has presented an entangled overview of family communication patterns, dyadic power, family systems, and conflict theories to establish that coparenting quality plays a paramount role. The main commonality among those theories pays special attention to interparental interaction quality, regardless of the type of family (i.e., intact, postdivorce, same-sex, etc.) and cultural background. After reviewing these theories, it was observed that the interparental relationship is the core interaction in the familial context because it affects children from their earlier cognitive development to subsequent parental modeling in terms of gender roles. Thus, in keeping with Canary and Canary ( 2013 ), no matter what approach may be taken to the analysis of family communication issues, the hypothesis that a positive emotional climate within the family is fostered only when couples practice a sufficient level of shared parenting and quality of communication is supported.

Nevertheless, this argument does not suggest that the role of culture in the familial interactions should be undersold. While including the main goal of parenting, which is the socialization of values, in the second section of this article, the text also provides specific values of different countries that are enacted and socialized differently across cultural contexts to address the role of acculturation in the familial atmosphere, the quality of interactions, and individual outcomes. As a case in point, Johnson et al. ( 2013 ) provided an interesting way of seeing how cultures differ in their ways of enacting parenting, clarifying that the role of culture in parenting is not a superficial or relativistic element.

In addition, by acknowledging the perhaps excessive attention to larger Asian cultural backgrounds (such as Chinese or Japanese cultures) by other scholars (i.e., Canary & Canary, 2013 ), an insightful analysis of the Thai American family within the father-daughter relationship was provided to exemplify, through the work of Punyanunt-Carter ( 2016 ), how specific family communication patterns, such as maintenance relationship communication behaviors, affect the quality of familial relationships. Moreover, a second, special focus was put on Hispanic families because of the demographic trends of the United States, and it was found that familism constitutes a distinctive aspect of these families.

In other words, the third section of this article provided these two examples of intercultural families to observe specific ways that culture mediates the familial system. Because one of the main goals of the present article was to demonstrate the mediating role of culture as an important consideration for family communication issues in the United States, the assimilationist approach was taken into account; thus, the two intercultural family examples discussed here correspond to an assimilationist nature rather than using an intergroup approach.

This decision was made without intending to diminish the value of other cultures or ethnic groups in the country, but an extensive revision of all types of intercultural families is beyond the scope of this article. Second, the assimilationist approach forces one to consider cultures that are in the process of adapting to a new hosting culture, and the Thai and Hispanic families in the United States comply with this theoretical requisite. For example, Whites recognize African Americans as being as American as Whites (i.e., Dovidio, Gluszek, John, Ditlmann, & Lagunes, 2010 ), whereas they associate Hispanics and Latinos with illegal immigration in the United States (Stewart et al., 2011 ), which has been enhanced by the U.S. media repeatedly since 1994 (Valentino et al., 2013 ), and it is still happening (Dixon, 2015 ). In this scenario, “ask yourself what would happen to your own personality if you heard it said over and over again that you were lazy, a simple child of nature, expected to steal, and had inferior blood? . . . One’s reputation, whether false or true, cannot be hammered, hammered, hammered, into one’s head without doing something to one’s character” (Allport, 1979 , p. 142, cited in Arias & Hellmueller, 2016 ).

As a consequence, on this cultural canvas, it should not be surprising that Lichter, Carmalt, and Qian ( 2011 ) found that second-generation Hispanics are increasingly likely to marry foreign-born Hispanics and less likely to marry third-generation or later coethnics or Whites. In addition, this study suggests that third-generation Hispanics and later were more likely than in the past to marry non-Hispanic Whites; thus, the authors concluded that there has been a new retreat from intermarriage among the largest immigrant groups in the United States—Hispanics and Asians—in the last 20 years.

If we subscribe to the idea that cultural assimilation goes in only one direction—from the hegemonic culture to the minority culture—then the results of Lichter, Carmalt, and Qian ( 2011 ) should not be of scholarly concern; however, if we believe that cultural assimilation happens in both directions and intercultural families can benefit both the host and immigrant cultures (for a review, see Schwartz et al., 2013 ), then this is important to address in a country that just elected a president, Donald Trump, who featured statements racially lambasting and segregating minorities, denigrating women, and criticizing immigration as some of the main tenets of his campaign. Therefore, we hope that it is clear why special attention was given to the Thai and Hispanic families in this article, considering the impact of culture on the familial system, marital satisfaction, parental communication, and children’s well-being. Even though individuals with Hispanic ancentry were in the United States even before it became a nation, Hispanic and Latino families are still trying to convince Americans of their right to be accepted in American culture and society.

With regard to the “So what?” question, assimilation is important to consider while analyzing the role of culture in family communication patterns, power dynamics, conflict, or the functioning of the overall family system in the context of the United States. This is because this country is among the most popular in the world in terms of immigration requests, and its demographics show that one out of three citizens comes from an ethnic background other than the hegemonic White culture. In sum, cultural awareness has become pivotal in the analysis of family communication issues in the United States. Furthermore, the present overview of family, communication, and culture ends up supporting the idea of positive associations being derived from the pivotal role of marriage relationship quality, such that coparenting and communication practices vary substantially within intercultural marriages moderated by gender roles.

Culture is a pivotal moderator of these associations, but this analysis needs to be tethered to societal structural level, in which cultural differences, family members’ immigration status, media content, and level of acculturation must be included in family research. This is because in intercultural marriages, in addition to the tremendous parenting role, they have to deal with cultural assimilation and discrimination, and this becomes important if we care about children’s cognitive development and the overall well-being of those who are not considered White. As this article shows, the quality of familial interactions has direct consequences on children’s developmental outcomes (for a review, see Callaghan et al., 2011 ).

Therefore, the structure and functioning of family has an important impact on public health at both physiological and psychological levels (Gage, Everett, & Bullock, 2006 ). At the physiological level, the familial interaction instigates expression and reception of strong feelings affecting tremendously on individuals’ physical health because it activates neuroendocrine responses that aid stress regulation, acting as a stress buffer and accelerating physiological recovery from elevated stress (Floyd & Afifi, 2012 ; Floyd, 2014 ). Robles, Shaffer, Malarkey, and Kiecolt-Glaser ( 2006 ) found that a combination of supportive communication, humor, and problem-solving behavior in husbands predicts their wives’ cortisol and adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH)—both physiological factors are considered as stress markers (see 2006 ). On the other hand, the psychology of individuals, the quality of family relationships has major repercussions on cognitive development, as reflected in educational attainment (Sohr-Preston et al., 2013 ), and highly mediated by cultural assimilation (Schwartz et al., 2013 ), which affects individuals through parenting modeling and socialization of values (Mooney-Doyle, Deatrick, & Horowitz, 2014 ).

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Fundamentals of case study research in family medicine and community health

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• 1 Department of Psychology and Education, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain.
• 2 Department of Family Medicine, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, USA.
• PMID: 32148705
• PMCID: PMC6910739
• DOI: 10.1136/fmch-2018-000074

The aim of this article is to introduce family medicine researchers to case study research, a rigorous research methodology commonly used in the social and health sciences and only distantly related to clinical case reports. The article begins with an overview of case study in the social and health sciences, including its definition, potential applications, historical background and core features. This is followed by a 10-step description of the process of conducting a case study project illustrated using a case study conducted about a teaching programme executed to teach international family medicine resident learners sensitive examination skills. Steps for conducting a case study include (1) conducting a literature review; (2) formulating the research questions; (3) ensuring that a case study is appropriate; (4) determining the type of case study design; (5) defining boundaries of the case(s) and selecting the case(s); (6) preparing for data collection; (7) collecting and organising the data; (8) analysing the data; (9) writing the case study report; and (10) appraising the quality. Case study research is a highly flexible and powerful research tool available to family medicine researchers for a variety of applications.

Keywords: Case study research; family practice; general practice; mixed methods; primary care; research design.

© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2019. Re-use permitted under CC BY-NC. No commercial re-use. See rights and permissions. Published by BMJ.

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Competing interests: None declared.

Types of case study designs.

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Checklist for evaluating the quality of a case study.

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Utilisation of rondavel space by amaXhosa people: a case of Mbhashe local municipality, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa

• Africa Ndude 1 &
• Sinenhlanhla Memela 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  1122 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Anthropology

Traditional rondavel building patterns, designs and materials have changed due to urbanisation, economic status, globalisation, and modernisation. There is limited understanding of how the architectural change has impacted the utilisation of rondavel space. This study uses the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design of traditional rondavels has influenced their utilisation, based on a case study of the Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape province, South Africa. The data was collected using semi-structured interviews. The findings reveal the habitus of the AmaXhosa people on how they utilise traditional rondavels (family house) for childbirth, placing a deceased’s coffin, sleeping, seating, food preparation, serving and storage, keeping the spear, hosting ceremonies, communicating with ancestors, and interacting with the living. While the influence of contemporary architecture has changed the construction of rondavels, the inhabitants have not resisted changes to the architecture or cultural values as they have found different ways to adapt. Certain old dispositions are adaptable to contemporary structures, but some people are uninterested in adapting elements to the contemporary rondavel. Some habits of utilising traditional rondavels cannot be adapted to the contemporary rondavel because of health and medical innovations.

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Discovering the meaning of contemporary urban squares for its users—a case study of Poznan, Poland

Introduction.

Based on archaeological evidence, rondavels have existed since pre-colonial times as a prime settlement form in homesteads in much of South Africa and other African countries, including Botswana, Kenya, Lesotho and Eswatini (Schoenauer 2000 ; Steyn 2006 ). The rondavel is considered as a vernacular architecture: it is built using locally sourced material and forms part of a region’s culture and heritage (OpenHeritage 2016 ). Steyn ( 2006 :1) describes the rondavel as a “drum”, often built with mud and grass-thatched roofs (Fig. 1A ). They are popular indigenous settlements which are still prevalent in the rural areas. While most households have more than one rondavels (Fig. 1B ), some indigenous settlements are now roofed with zinc materials (Fig. 1B ). Going forward, this article refers to indigenous settlements as traditional rondavels.

A traditional rondavel with grass-thatched roof and ( B ) household two rondavels with zinc roof.

Traditional rondavels were used for dwelling and hosting important customary rituals and celebrations in Africa (Steyn 2006 ). Modern day rondavels exist with flat-roofed rectangular buildings or structures built using cement and zinc roofs, which will be referred to as contemporary rondavel design henceforth (Van Vuuren 2017 ).

Steyn ( 2006 ) argues that the change is a result of urbanisation and economic status because people admire urban architecture and can afford their desired building materials. A study by Aikpehae et al. ( 2016 ) reveals that globalisation, urbanisation and modernisation transformed building patterns, designs and materials used for construction. They illustrate how Nigerian building patterns and housing have transformed because of the influence of colonisation (Aikpehae et al. 2016 ). Guerrieri ( 2020 ) adds that migration has allowed the export of architecture and urban planning models from one country to another; hence, we see the same style across countries. The global intercultural contact led to the change in dwellings in southern Africa (Frescura 1981 , 2015 ) where traditional dwellings were constructed using mud, wattle and thatch grass. Missionaries introduced contemporary building constructed using sun brick and mortar with corrugated iron sheet for roofing as well as highveld and parapet housing styles, the contemporary building is illustrated in Fig. 2 .

Illustration of the contemporary building under construction.

Tapiero et al. ( 2024 ) indicates that in Montesinho Natural Park, north-east of Portugal, residents had vernacular buildings constructed using locally available wood, slate stone tiles, lime mortar, schist and granite. The availability of industrialised material and decreasing traditional labour posed a threat vernacular buildings.

The following section discusses the evolution of the traditional and modern rondavel followed by the utilisation of rondavels by amaXhosa people, detailing the study area, research methods, results, discussion and conclusion.

Traditional and modern rondavel evolution

Early African dwellings were caves, stone-walled iron shelters or houses quickly erected and dismantled as nomadic societies followed herds of animals (Frescura, 1981 ; Moremoholo, 2021 ). Frescura ( 1981 ) explains the historical development of dwelling types, presented in Fig. 3 . The earliest traditional dwelling was a beehive hut also known as ngqu-phantsi . It was made up of stakes organised in a circle with their tops arched inward to a point. The stakes were then bound together by hoops and the frame was insulated with thatched grass (Walton, 1949 ). It is possible that the need for more living space resulted in the rondavel, which is a cone-on-cylinder rondavel with a wall and roof. Although its doorway was raised higher compared to the beehive hut, it was still lower than the height of a man. The material used to construct traditional rondavel was either a thatch roof with stones and mud bricks or sticks mixed clay and dung mortar or mud and wattle (Walton 1949 ; Frescura 1981 ; Oliver 2006 ; Moremoholo 2021 ; Onyejegbu et al. 2023 ). These vernacular dwellings were constructed using locally available materials (Tapiero et al. 2024 ).

This figure is covered by Creative Commons licence.

The third iteration of dwelling development was influenced by Western ideas of hipped-on-cone, which had a linear floor plan, rooms divided into rows and triangulation of the thatch roof. The fourth dwelling type was an introduction of the highveld style with iron-sheet roofing and sun brick (Frescura 1981 ).

Western ideas influenced the cone-on-cylinder rondavel design and materials used which included the use of iron-sheet roofing and sun brick. Despite the Western influences, the traditional rondavel still exists while others have modernised (Moremoholo 2021 ; Onyejegbu et al. 2023 ). Vellinga ( 2006 ) notes that the traditional vernacular architecture has not vanished, but has rather merged with modern styles to suit the current circumstances. Tapiero et al. ( 2024 ) argue that the use of modern materials in construction does not compromise the values of the dwelling in the community. They also note that conserving vernacular architecture plays an essential role in the preservation of culture and sustainable practises by optimising energy usage (Tapiero et al. 2024 ). Onyejegbu et al. ( 2023 ) argue that some Nigerian households still have traditional mud huts that were built by their forefathers in commemoration of their culture, tradition and prowess.

Moremoholo ( 2021 ) used a case study of the Sotho community in Makgabeng, a rural area in Limpopo to investigate how indigenous values have been incorporated or retained on houses built using brick and mortar. The findings show that both traditional rondavel and modern dwellings exist and residents were able to adapt values of indigenous rondavel to modern dwellings, including practising ancestral ceremonies.

Smith ( 2022 ) suggests that the modernisation of the traditional rondavel design into contemporary sensibilities reflects the development of awareness of the diverse heritage that connects South Africa to the rest of the African continent and its people. Thus, the integration and adaptation of indigenous values into modernisation promotes self-definition for many South Africans. Moreover, it encourages a deeper appreciation of the connections between South Africa and the rest of the world. Bianco ( 2022 ) states that this hybrid form of building reflects the evolution of local culture and ways of life so that one can imagine new development aspects entrenched in the culture and environment (Bianco 2022 ). Thus, currently, vernacular architecture can be understood as the foundation of the contemporary architectural type that is rooted in integrating local building traditions (Naude 2010 ; Bianco 2022 ). The current study focuses on the amaXhosa people and intends to understand whether the changing design of traditional rondavels has influenced their utilisation.

The utilisation of rondavels by amaXhosa people

The amaXhosa people are predominantly located in the Eastern Cape province (Nyamende 1994 ; Mokhoathi 2021 ). A rondavel in a Xhosa home ( umzi ) typically exists in a cluster of other structures. Umzi , plural imizi , is a collection of physical, social and organic elements constituting a settlement component known as homestead. It typically comprises several rondavels or huts (the family house, with middle huts reserved for children and visitors as well as a traditional dispensary and consultation), an adjacent garden and a kraal with tools and equipment often used in various ways (Perry 2013 ).

The family house ( indlu enkulu ) is the main hut where everyone meets to socialise and prepare, store and eat food (McAllister 2004 ). It is a space where all rituals take place and people communicate with their ancestors (McAllister 2004 ; Mlisa 2009 ). In the past, following the birth of a child in the family house, children and men were prohibited from using the space (Kobo 2016 ). McAllister ( 2004 ) illustrates how the family house is divided, as shown in Fig. 4 .

This figure was reproduced with permission: Ethnology, Department of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh.

The upper part, called entla , is associated with ancestors; an appointed person will commune with the ancestors, and it serves a storage space for meat and beer if there is a ritual planned (McAllister 2004 ; Reeve 2011 ). The right side is the sitting area for men while the left is reserved women. Older people sit next to the door on either side, while the youngest generation often sits next to the upper part of the rondavel (McAllister 2004 ). At the centre is a hearth ( eziko ), where they make fire for cooking (McAllister, 2004 ; Brocious 2021 ). Kobo ( 2016 ) identifies the hearth as a pedagogical space for the girl child to learn food preparation. The way the amaXhosa people utilise the traditional family house can be purported as a gendered space.

A gendered space is “…more attractive for women than for men; men and women use the same space in different ways: some spaces give feelings of comfort and belonging to men, while women feel excluded; in some spaces, women have authority, while other spaces are under male authority” (Fortuijn et al. 2004 : 215). This is a gendered space because of how a spatial order of seating and gender roles in the utilisation of the space is enforced (McAllister 2004 ; Kobo 2016 ).

It should be noted that the number of rondavels in a homestead depends on the family’s needs. In addition to the family house, a rondavel may be reserved as a bedroom for younger family members and to accommodate visitors (Mlisa 2009 ). Moreover, a rondavel may be used by traditional healers for consultations and storing dispensary (umrawule) items. Certain people are often excluded from using such a space. Menstruating women are prohibited from accessing this space while on their cycle because of a belief that they will defile the herbs (Mlisa, 2009 ). The dispensary is only built once a rondavel has been revealed to a potential traditional healer in a dream, and a ritual is performed to officially open the rondavel and the dispensary prior to consultations being held (Mlisa, 2009 ).

Literature is ambiguous as to whether the recorded rondavel uses are performed in traditional or contemporary rondavels and whether the uses are adaptable to current rondavel designs (McAllister 2004 ; Mlisa 2009 ; Perry 2013 ; Kobo 2016 ; Brocious 2021 ). The available literature focuses on understanding traditional rondavel architecture, its utilisation, history and the changes in the design and structure (Schoenauer 2000 ; Steyn 2006 ). Vellinga ( 2006 ) also notes that publications on vernacular architecture are rarely featured and those that are available focus on drawings, forms and material. The impact of changing building designs and structures in traditional space utilisation is inadequately understood. It is against this backdrop that this study uses the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design and structure of rondavels has influenced the traditional utilisation of rondavel spaces, based on a case study of the Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Eastern Cape province of South Africa.

Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist who was concerned with what motivates social action and behaviour (Navarro 2006 ), developed the concept of habitus, which refers to the norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviour of a particular group. Each society has its own habitus. Habitus can then guide how a particular group feels, thinks, acts and uses the space (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Habitus can be a product of past experiences and practices learned from parents, family experiences, and society (Hong and Zhao 2015 ). It is created and reproduced by the structures and practices of society (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). People with similar backgrounds (social class, religion, nationality, ethnicity, education and profession) usually share habitus which shapes how individuals perceive or receive the world. It is not fixed; it changes due to circumstances (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). However, when change occurs, some within the group may resist the change while others adapt to a new style of doing things. Often, others combine the traits of new and old habitus. Therefore, the theory seeks to provide an in-depth understanding of how people adapt in a changing world and circumstances resulting to change.

Bourdieu used this concept to study how the Algerian habitus changed during the liberation struggle in the 1950s (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). He analysed their norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviour before and after colonisation. He defined Algerian peasantry as a traditional society which believed in:

the importance of group solidarity;

kinship based on patriarchal and patrilineal relationships;

patriarchal division of labour;

marriage as the primary concern of the family; and

an economy governed by pre-capitalist methods such as

subsistence farming,

products not sold but shared by the community

goods exchanged for social capital (i.e. a neighbour will lend you an ox in exchange for fresh produce).

The economy was governed by strict reciprocity and non-payment. The blacksmith was expected to provide each peasantry with all repairs in exchange for goods and services (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Their habitus was passed from generation to generation. As determined by Bourdieu, habitus changes over time due to circumstances. The change in the Algerian habitus was a result of French colonial imposition which introduced a capitalist economy leading to a decline in agricultural activities and the establishment of factories in urban areas (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Due to this increased urbanisation, people started working for wages, which resulted in the development of social classes (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Subsequently, women were granted access to receiving an education and earning a living. Likewise, society was introduced to the concept of bachelorhood, with marriage being an individual choice. Communal living with neighbours sharing their fresh produce evolved into neighbours selling their produce for cash (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Ultimately, the culture of group solidarity was destroyed, and the focus was on individualism.

Bourdieu argues that change can be adopted or resisted, as evidenced in Algeria (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Certain Algerian norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours were influenced by innate traditions of peasantry and colonial imposition (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). Most older people resisted the change and continued to be trapped in the old way of life.

This study focuses on the traditional family house rondavel with the users’ social activities derived from the norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours of amaXhosa. Premised on the concept of habitus used by Bourdieu et al. ( 2000 ) and Navarro ( 2006 ) in the analysis of Algerian peasantry, this study unpacks the utilisation of the traditional family house rondavel before the introduction of contemporary architecture and design changes. Before the introduction of the contemporary architecture, the traditional family house rondavel was spatially divided based on gender and used for childbirth, communicating with ancestors and hosting rituals, serving and storing food and igniting a fire for warmth (McAllister 2004 ; Kobo 2016 ; Brocious 2021 ). This paper intends to understand whether the changing design and structure of rondavels has influenced its utilisation, using the case of Mbhashe Local Municipality.

Mbhashe local municipality

The Mbhashe Local Municipality extends over a geographic area of over 3200 km² and is situated within the Amathole District Municipality in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2016 ; 2023 a). The municipality is named after the Mbhashe River, which tracks between the municipality’s major urban regions of Willowvale (Gatyane), Xhorha and Dutywa, the latter being the administrative centre or municipal headquarters. The municipality has a total population of approximately 240 020 people (Municipalities of South Africa 2023 ), 94% of whom speak the isiXhosa language (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2016 ; 2023 b). It is a rural region facing various challenges, including poor road infrastructure, high unemployment and inadequate access to essential services such as water and electricity (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2016 ; 2023 a). It finds significant economic leverage from tourism nodes through coastal, inland and historic or heritage site attractions.

Rondavel structures are prominent in every homestead. Over 66% of households in the municipality are traditional dwellings Footnote 1 , followed by 21 and 5% of households living in brick or concrete block structures and flat blocks, respectively (Mbhashe Local Municipality IDP, 2021 ). However, some households have a modernised rondavel and, more commonly, an octagonal-shape veranda structure, sometimes with an attached garage. Others tend not to have a rondavel at all albeit infrequently. In rural areas, the process of domestic building is not influenced by planning schemes and policies (Oliver 2006 ). Instead, rural architecture is enriched by the surrounding natural environment, local economy and livelihood of villagers (Pirzad and Moghaddam 2023 ). This offers villagers free will to build the type and design of house they desire.

Figure 5 represents the spatial location and geographical extent of Mbhashe Local Municipality in the Amathole District Municipality, with reference to the Eastern Cape Province and South Africa, respectively. The points of interest indicated in the map are examples of homesteads and places across the municipality where:

contemporary rondavels at the Village Lodge in the Dutywa urban region,

rondavel clusters in the homestead of Nqadu great place (Komkhulu ) in rural Willowvale,

Emanzothweni , a multitype dwelling homestead in Bende location, rural Dutywa (Photo: Lilitha Breakfast), and

Kwa-Nonyameko, a multitype dwelling homestead in the Mbhangcolo administration area in rural Willowvale (Photo: Luyanda Ndude).

A map representing a study area—Mbhashe Local Municipality.

Methodology

Ethical clearance was received from Rhodes University. Purposive sampling was used to select a sample population, which included participants of amaXhosa descent with a rondavel structure in their homesteads and residing within the Mbhashe Local Municipality. Ten participants, aged 24–48 years old, were interviewed; they are referred to as Participants 1 to 10 (P01–P10).

Data was collected using participatory mapping and semi-structured interviews consisting of open-ended questions. The interview schedule was developed with a purpose of obtaining an in-depth understanding of the utilisation of rondavels and changes that occurred over time because of the new architectural style. The interviews were conducted face-to-face at the participants’ residences. The participants were also given a rondavel diagram to illustrate the spatial ordering of how the rondavel family house was utilised in the Mbhashe Local Municipality. The results are presented in Fig. 6 .

Spatial ordering of how the amaXhosa family house rondavel was utilized in the Mbhashe Municipality.

The information from the participants' drawings were then used to create Fig. 6 diagram, which was constructed using ArcMap 10.7.1 software for visualisation of the activities undertaken in the family house. The circle represents a typical rondavel floorplan with a diameter of 6 m (3 m radius). The diameter of the rondavel intersects the doorway and therefore dictates the gendered sides. The points in the diagram do not represent actual geometric values, instead they are ordinal representations of circular living in the AmaXhosa family house. Data was analysed and presented using thematic analysis. The concept of habitus guided the development of the themes presented. The first theme related to the amaXhosa habitus and the utilisation of traditional rondavels in the Mbhashe Local Municipality and the second was the amaXhosa habitus and the changing rondavel design in the Mbhashe Local Municipality

In both themes, specialised quotations to highlight some pertinent statements and demonstrate how the participants make sense of the rondavels and their utilisation, using their exact words.

amaXhosa habitus and the utilisation of traditional rondavel in the Mbhashe municipality

The section of findings only focus on the traditional family house rondavel before the introduction of the contemporary architecture. Adapted from McAllister ( 2004 ), the participants were given a circle to explain the use of each space and its purpose. They also revealed some uses that were not presented in earlier sections. First, the spatial division of the family house based on gender was discussed, followed by how the Mbhashe people utilised the family house. Figure 6 illustrates the spatial division between men (right) and women (left) inside the family house. Women married into the family ( makoti ) are forbidden to access the men’s side. The mud bench, known as soze , is built on the men’s side by the door for seating.

Women sit on the floor on handcrafted mats woven from reeds or grass known as ikhukho . Behind the door on the women’s side is a place for childbirth. The participants also alluded to the statement made by Kobo ( 2016 ) that during the birthing process, children and men are prohibited from using the space. They revealed that there was no cultural significance in giving birth at home. Instead, the inaccessibility of health facilities necessitated home births. Booysen ( 2003 ) argues that, in South African rural areas, women give birth at home because health facilities are located remotely to the homesteads and they do not have the means to access them.

Regarding funeral rites, the deceased’s coffin will arrive at the homestead the day before the funeral and a night vigil – a ceremony to honour the deceased—will be held in the family house. The coffin is usually placed on the women’s side and senior women will gather to sleep next to the coffin until the funeral. An elderly family member will burn impepho (incense) and request the ancestors to welcome the deceased. It is believed that if this ritual is not performed, the deceased will not rest in peace.

In households that use the family house for sleeping, designated spaces will be allocated for men and women. A handcrafted mat is used as a base for the foam mattress on both sides. The seating arrangement in the family house is based on seniority, with younger members of the household placed toward the upper layer, as noted by McAllister ( 2004 ). The participants further explained that seniority was not based on age: married women were regarded as senior and women who were not related by blood or matrimony would occupy the upper end of the women’s side. Men’s seating arrangements depend on when one was initiated, with the youngest (the last to go to the bush) towards the upper layer.

McAllister ( 2004 ) and Reeve ( 2011 ) reveal that an appointed person will commune with the ancestors, and store meat and beer in the upper part of the rondavel if there is a ritual. Their findings concur with how the Mbhashe people utilise the space, further indicating that the upper layer is divided into A and B, as shown in Fig. 6 . On the right (men’s side) is where slaughtered meat and beer is stored. It is the responsibility of the men to serve both the meat and beer; hence, it is located on their side. Section B in Fig. 6 is a space in the uppermost end of the rondavel on the women’s side. It contains domestic essentials such as a table and cupboard, crockery, and cutlery and ilitye lokuguba , which is a flat rock which is used to grind food.

In the centre of the family house is a hearth. Kobo ( 2016 ) argues that this is where women are taught to prepare food. The findings of this study also reveal that men also use the space to roast corn. So, there are no gender-based restrictions on the use of this space. The centre also has a pole called intsika , which supports the roof structure. The door is positioned in the lower part of the family house. Section C, illustrated in Fig. 6 , is where the spear ( umkhonto) is kept by sticking it on the roof above the doorway on the men’s side. The spear is used for the slaughter of traditional animals if there is a ritual or ceremony. The spear is believed to obstruct lightning during a storm and is placed in the doorway.

The participants also utilised the rondavel for interacting with each other and the ancestors. Interaction takes place through song and dance during ceremonies. People also interact through spoken word to communicate with or appease ancestors, to socialize with each other by telling stories of love, horror, fiction, and the past, and to play games. The study’s participants expressed clearly how the family house is used which they learned from growing up in rural areas and passed from generation to generation. They have the duty to continue passing this information to the younger members of the family.

amaXhosa habitus and the changing rondavel design in the Mbhashe local municipality

People in the rural areas of the Mbhashe Local Municipality were inclined to architectural change and desire contemporary architecture and luxury, including those who did not currently own it. The contemporary rondavel design was considered progressive, cognisant of the times and, for that matter, the contemporary way of life to which there was a strong inclination to conform: “I too [wish to have a modern house] because these are the houses that are built nowadays, and they make the home beautiful” (P 01).

Notwithstanding, there was a strong consensus to preserve conventional ways of using space and adapt to the contemporary design, including the structure and shape (multi-room), the material used (no longer a thatched roof or mud walls), or hard surfaces (tiles/concrete). The respondents preferred contemporary structures because of their aesthetic and convenience: “…contemporary houses have better aesthetical value, spacious and are functional (e.g., energy consumption, natural lighting)” ( P 09).

Other uses were not adopted in the contemporary house design such as utilising the family house for childbirth because modern women mostly give birth in hospitals and clinics. Statistics South Africa ( 2020 ) revealed that the number of home deliveries has decreased from 14% in 1998 to 4% in 2016 while health facility deliveries have increased from 83.4% in 1998 to 96.7% in 2016 (Statistics South Africa 2020 ). Both 1998 and 2016 home deliveries statistics are indicative of the national level (Statistics South Africa 2020 ).

Placing the deceased’s coffin in the upper part of the family house (section B in Fig. 6 ) was adopted in contemporary rondavel utilisation until the Covid-19 pandemic when people became sceptical of disease transmission. Before the pandemic, the deceased’s body would arrive at home a day before burial, and people would gather for a final ceremony the night before the funeral (night vigil) inside the family house to honour the deceased (Bambalele 2020 ). A South African Covid-19 restriction prohibited corpses being sent home prior to the funeral and the hosting of night vigils (Bambalele 2020 ). This practice has continued since Covid-19 restrictions were relaxed, while others have stopped. However, once the deceased’s coffin arrives on the funeral day, it is taken to the upper part of the family house and a ritual will still be performed where incense is burnt and a request is made to the ancestors to welcome the deceased. Therefore, the cultural significance of the whole process does not rest with the placement of the deceased’s body a day before the funeral but the performance of the ritual.

The presence of mud benches on the men’s side no longer exists. Although the traditional rondavel structure is diminishing in the physical environment, modernisation has certainly swayed people’s sense of feeling, thinking, acting and their use of space. Admittedly, modernisation has not entirely appropriated the Xhosa people’s habitus. Some people were uninterested in adapting to some elements of the contemporary rondavel and house design: “A traditional rondavel must be present in a home. You can make fire, but it is difficult to do that on floor tiles. Still, you perform customs in traditional rondavel” (P 03).

These people continue to use traditional rondavels for the above purposes while also adapting the contemporary rondavel or house design for other uses such as sleeping, unless there is a ceremony when there is no space: “ People do not want to sleep on the floor in the rondavel, and there is no privacy and tile, or cemented floor is cold” (P 04).

While other participants preferred to continue performing traditional ceremonies and communicating with ancestors in the traditional rondavel structure, there were respondents who were open to communicating with ancestors and interacting with the living, and divide space based on gender in the contemporary rondavel – as indicated in Fig. 6 . The cultural strongholds continued to be practiced regardless of the house structure. Therefore, in the absence of a traditional rondavel structure in a homestead, any other house design such as butterfly or flat-roof corner houses can be used for traditional ceremonies: “any house structure can be used as a rondavel; it does not change the culture. It is the same” (P01).

Regarding food preparation, serving and storage, some people used the contemporary rondavel with slight changes for cooking. For example, food is prepared in the family house’s upper part (B section in Fig. 6 ) using a gas or electric stove instead of a hearth at the centre. Others will prepare food and store it in the kitchen of the main house, but people will be served in the contemporary rondavel.

This paper used the concept of habitus to understand whether the changing design and structure of rondavels has influenced its utilisation. Habitus refers to the norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours of a particular group, which can then guide how they feel, think, act, and use the space. Habitus can be a product of past experiences and practices learned from parents, family experiences, and society (Hong and Zhao 2015 ). It is created and reproduced by structures and practices of society; it is not fixed and changes over time due to particular circumstances (Bourdieu et al. 2000 ; Navarro 2006 ). The study discussed the amaXhosa people’s habitus on the utilisation of the traditional family house rondavel and how it has been influenced by the introduction of contemporary architectural designs. It is noted that architectural change brought by society does not change cultural norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours attached to rondavels but results in finding ways to accommodate and preserve its utilisation in new architectural developments and selectively choosing ideas to be transmitted to the contemporary house design. The cultural norms, values, habits, dispositions, and behaviours attached to rondavels have also been influenced by advancements in health and medical innovation, as well as Covid-19.

The findings revealed the habitus of the amaXhosa people at the Mbhashe Local Municipality. The utilisation of the traditional family house rondavel includes childbirth, placement of the deceased’s coffin, sleeping, seating, food preparation, serving and storage, keeping the spear, hosting ceremonies, communicating with ancestors, and interacting with the living. The amaXhosa habitus is acquired by growing up in the Xhosa society, being taught by parents, and observing how things are done, which has been passed down from generation to generation. The influence of contemporary architecture brought changes in the construction of rondavel.

Home births are no longer practised because of advancements in health and medicine. The placement of the deceased’s coffin in the upper part of the rondavel a day prior to the funeral has been adopted in the use of a contemporary rondavel; however, it is no longer prevalent because of the Covid-19 restrictions. However, on the day of the funeral, the deceased’s coffin is placed in the upper part of the rondavel for a shorter period and a ritual burning incense and asking the ancestors to welcome the deceased is performed because it is a critical cultural practice.

People also do not opt to sleep on the floor unless there is a ceremony. The preparation of food, its serving and storage differs in that there is no hearth in the new contemporary house; so food is prepared in the main house or the upper part of the rondavel. The gendered division of space, hosting ceremonies, communicating and interacting with ancestors has been adopted in contemporary houses too. However, some still prefer to host ceremonies and communicate with the ancestors in traditional rondavels instead.

People have not resisted new architectural designs or changing cultural norms, values, habits, dispositions and behaviours but have found ways to adapt. Certain old dispositions are adaptable to contemporary structures. Also, a study conducted by Moremoholo ( 2021 ) reveals that some indigenous values such as practising ancestral ceremonies can be incorporated or retained in modern house structure. However, some people are not interested in adapting elements to the contemporary rondavel. They would rather have two structures – the current rondavel design and a traditional rondavel to be utilised for uses that cannot be adapted to the contemporary rondavel. The presence of traditional rondavel in modern times is also witnessed even in Nigeria (Onyejegbu et al. 2023 ).

Some cultural norms, values, old habits, dispositions, and behaviours of utilising traditional rondavels were not adapted to the contemporary rondavel because of health and medical innovations such as childbirth and placing the deceased’s coffin in the rondavel. Clearly, some amaXhosa cultural practices are modified but not completely forgotten.

Future studies can focus on profiling architectural designs found in the Mbhashe Local Municipality and investigate their origins and influencing factors. Others could also focus on rondavels utilised by traditional healers to understand how they have been impacted by architectural changes to space utilisation. It will be also interesting to understand why people still opt for traditional rondavels despite the existence of beautiful modern buildings.

Data availability

All data generated or analysed during this study are included in this published article and additional information is available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

A traditional dwelling has walls made of less durable material, such as dried clay, sun-dried bricks, bamboo or latticework, with the roof made of reeds, palm fronds or straw (World bank, 2018).

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Ndude, A., Memela, S. Utilisation of rondavel space by amaXhosa people: a case of Mbhashe local municipality, Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 1122 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03649-3

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Top Ten Family Law Cases from the Last Ten Years

To help celebrate family lawyer magazine’s tenth anniversary, here is a top ten list of the most important/influential family law cases over the last decade..

To help celebrate Family Lawyer Magazine’s tenth anniversary, here is a top 10 list of the most important/influential family law cases over the last decade.

By Laura W. Morgan , Family Law Consultant

It was also difficult to decide which state cases to include. Sometimes, a state supreme court will issue a decision that is decidedly influential, because other states adopt the reasoning of the ruling. Tropea v. Tropea , 87 N.Y.2d 727, 665 N.E.2d 145, 642 N.Y.S.2d 575 (1996), which set out the standard for considering the relocation of the custodial parent, comes to mind. It can be hard, however, to predict if a recent state supreme court will be influential because influence takes time. We may not know if a decision issued by a state supreme court today is truly influential until years from now.

With these caveats in mind, here is my top ten list of important/influential family law cases over the last ten years. Reasonable minds may differ.

Top 10 Family Law Cases from the Last 10 Years

United states supreme court cases.

• Fulton v. City of Philadelphia , 141 S. Ct. 1868 (June 17, 2021). The City of Philadelphia contracts with private agencies to certify and support foster parents. City contracts and ordinances prohibited these agencies from discriminating on the basis of sexual orientation. When Catholic Social Services refused to commit to certifying same-sex foster parents, Philadelphia refused to renew its contract. Catholic Social Services sued, arguing the city violated the First Amendment by forcing CSS to either espouse support for same-sex marriage or abandon its charitable mission. Philadelphia argued CSS could not claim a right to serve as a City contractor while refusing to follow anti-discrimination rules designed to meet the City’s duty to protect LGBTQ children and parents in the foster care system. The Supreme Court held that the city violated CSS’s right to free exercise. The Court reasoned that the Philadelphia law was not neutral and generally applicable because it allowed for exceptions to the anti-discrimination requirement at the sole discretion of the Commissioner. Additionally, CSS’s actions do not fall within public accommodations laws because certification as a foster parent is not “made available to the public” in the usual sense of the phrase. Thus, the non-discrimination requirement is subject to strict scrutiny, which requires that the government show the law is necessary to achieve a compelling government interest. The government failed in that showing. www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/19-123_new_9olb.pdf
• Monasky v. Taglieri, 140 S. Ct. 719 (February 25, 2020). The first question presented concerned the standard for habitual residence: Is an actual agreement between the parents on where to raise their child categorically necessary to establish an infant’s habitual residence? The Supreme Court held that the determination of habitual residence does not turn on the existence of an actual agreement. The second question was: What is the appropriate standard of appellate review of an initial adjudicator’s habitual-residence determination? The Court held that neither the Convention nor ICARA prescribed modes of appellate review, other than the directive to act “expeditiously.” The first-instance habitual-residence determination under the Hague Convention was subject to deferential appellate review for “clear error.” Thus, under the Hague Convention, a child’s “habitual residence”  depends on the totality of the circumstances specific to the case, not on categorical requirements such as an actual agreement between the parties, and such a determination is subject to review for clear error. www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/18-935_new_fd9g.pdf
• Sveen v. Melin , 138 S. Ct. 1815 (June 11, 2018). Mark A. Sveen and Kaye L. Melin were married in 1997. Sveen purchased a life insurance policy that year, and the following year he named Melin the primary beneficiary, and his children the contingent beneficiaries. Sveen and Melin divorced in 2007, and Sveen died in 2011. Meanwhile, Minnesota had changed its probate code in 2002 to apply a revocation-upon-divorce statute to life insurance beneficiary designations. Sveen had never changed the designation on his life insurance policy, and Melin was therefore still listed as the primary beneficiary at the time of his death. The Supreme Court held that Minnesota’s automatic-revocation-on-divorce statute did not substantially impair pre-existing contractual arrangements, and thus, application of the statute to revoke the ex-wife’s primary beneficiary designation under life insurance policy that was made before statute’s enactment did not violate the Contracts Clause of the Constitution. www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-1432_7j8b.pdf
• Sessions v. Morales-Santana , 137 S. Ct. 1678 (June 12, 2017). In this case, the Supreme Court cured the unequal treatment of children born to unwed U.S.-citizen fathers by extending a burden to children of unwed U.S.-citizen mothers. The particular statute at issue in the case regulates the transmission of citizenship from American parents to their foreign-born children at birth, a form of citizenship known today as derivative citizenship. When those children are born outside marriage, the derivative citizenship statute makes it more difficult for American fathers, as compared with American mothers, to transmit citizenship to their foreign-born children. Morales-Santana’s constitutional challenge required the Justices to grapple with two crucial and contested issues: the extent to which constitutional gender equality principles govern regulation and recognition of family relationships and the nature of the judiciary’s role in the enforcement of the Constitution at the border. The Supreme Court declared that the law governing the acquisition of citizenship violates equal protection principles. They remedied the equal protection violation by “leveling down”: that is, rather than giving unmarried fathers and their children the benefit of the more generous standard in the citizenship statute, the Court nullified that standard for unmarried American mothers and their children. www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/16pdf/15-1191_2a34.pdf
• Howell v. Howell , 137 S. Ct. 1400 (May 15, 2017). A veteran’s ex-wife filed a motion to enforce the divorce decree’s division of military retirement pay after the veteran waived a portion of such pay in order to collect nontaxable service-related disability benefits. The Supreme Court held that states were prohibited from increasing, pro rata, the amount a divorced spouse received each month from his/her veteran’s retirement pay in order to indemnify the divorced spouse to restore that portion of retirement pay lost due to veteran’s post-divorce waiver of retirement pay to receive service-related disability benefits. The Court did not rule out the parties agreeing to such indemnification, although later cases have misinterpreted Howell to so hold. The Court also did not rule out increasing alimony to account for the lost property benefit. www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/16pdf/15-1031_hejm.pdf
• Obergefell v. Hodges , 576 U.S. 644, 135 S. Ct. 2584 (June 26, 2015). The Supreme Court held that the Constitution entitles same-sex couples to civil marriage “on the same terms and conditions as opposite-sex couples.” As we all know, the game-changing nature of this decision cannot be overstated. This decision led to Pavan v. Smith, ___ U.S. ___, 137 S. Ct. 2075 (June 16, 2017), which held that an Arkansas statute that denied married same-sex couples access to the constellation of benefits that Arkansas linked to marriage was unconstitutional to the extent that the statute treated same-sex couples differently from opposite-sex couples. (The Arkansas statute generally required the name of the mother’s male spouse to appear on the child’s birth certificate when the mother conceived the child by means of artificial insemination, but allowed omission of the mother’s female spouse from her child’s birth certificate.) www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/14-556_3204.pdf
• U.S. v. Windsor , 570 U.S. 744, 133 S. Ct. 2675 (June 26, 2013). In many ways, this case teed up Obergefell. The Supreme Court ruled that Section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) is unconstitutional and that the federal government cannot discriminate against married lesbian and gay couples for the purposes of determining federal benefits and protections. In a nutshell, Edie Windsor and Thea Spyer were married in Canada. New York state, where the parties lived, recognized their marriage as valid. When Thea died, the federal government refused to recognize their marriage and taxed Edie’s inheritance from Thea as though they were strangers. Edie challenged DOMA, alleging that DOMA violates the Equal Protection principles of the U.S. Constitution because it recognizes existing marriages of heterosexual couples, but not of same-sex couples, despite the fact that New York State treats all marriages the same. On June 26, 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that Section 3 of DOMA is unconstitutional and that the federal government cannot discriminate against married lesbian and gay couples for the purposes of determining federal benefits and protections. www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-307_6j37.pdf

Cases from the Federal Court of Appeals

• Brackeen v. Haaland , 994 F.3d 249 (5th Cir. April 6, 2021). I have included this case because the United States Supreme Court granted certiorari on February 28, 2022. In this case, Texas, Indiana, Louisiana, and individual plaintiffs sued the federal government, contending that the Indian Child Welfare Act is unconstitutional. The Cherokee Nation, Oneida Nation, Quinault Indian Nation, and Morongo Band of Mission Indians intervened in the case. The Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals, hearing the case en banc, held that parts of the law were constitutional and parts were unconstitutional: 1) ICWA’s mandatory placement preferences violated equal protection; 2) provision of ICWA granting Indian tribes authority to reorder congressionally enacted adoption placement preferences violated non-delegation doctrine; 3) ICWA provision requiring states to apply federal standards to state-created claims commandeered the states in violation of the Tenth Amendment; 4) Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) exceeded its statutory authority in promulgating regulations, in violation of the Administrative Procedure Act (APA); 5) BIA regulations were not entitled to Chevron deference; and 6) prospective and adoptive parents whose adoptions were open to collateral attack under ICWA had no fundamental right to care, custody, and control of children in their care. Look for the Supreme Court decision in the future. www.ca5.uscourts.gov/opinions/pub/18/18-11479-CV2.pdf
• Andochick v. Byrd , 709 F.3d 296 (4th Cir. March 4, 2013), cert. denied, 134 S. Ct. 235 (2013). In Kennedy v. Plan Administrator for DuPont Savings & Investment Plan, 555 U.S. 285, 129 S. Ct. 865, 172 L. Ed.2d 662 (2009), the Supreme Court held that an ERISA plan administrator must distribute benefits to the beneficiary named in the plan, notwithstanding the fact that the named beneficiary signed a waiver disclaiming her right to the benefits. The Kennedy Court left open the question of whether, once the benefits were distributed by the administrator, the plan participant’s estate could enforce the named beneficiary’s waiver against her. In Andochick, the Fourth Circuit took up the question left open by Kennedy and held that ERISA does not preempt “post- distribution suits to enforce state-law waivers“ against ERISA beneficiaries. Thus, wife number one and wife number two are free to duke it out with each other. www.ca4.uscourts.gov/opinions/121728.P.pdf

State Supreme Court Cases

• Stone v. Thompson , 428 S.C. 79, 82, 833 S. E.2d 266, 267 (July 24, 2019), reh’g denied (Oct. 16, 2019). A wave of statutes across the country in the 1960s and 1970s abolished common law marriage. One of the last holdouts was South Carolina. This decision abolished common law marriage in South Carolina. “Our review in this case has prompted us to take stock of common-law marriage as a whole in South Carolina. We have concluded the institution’s foundations have eroded with the passage of time, and the outcomes it produces are unpredictable and often convoluted. Accordingly, we believe the time has come to join the overwhelming national trend and abolish it.“ This decision may be the bellwether for the remaining holdouts to abolish common law marriage. www.sccourts.org/opinions/HTMLFiles/SC/27908.pdf

Laura W. Morgan, Esq., is the owner/operator of Family Law Consulting in Amherst, Massachusetts. She provides legal research, writing, and advocacy services; legal memoranda; precis of transcripts; and other written products for trial or appellate court advocacy to family lawyers nationwide. www.famlawconsult.com

Related Article:

Defining “Habitual Residence” in the Hague Convention SCOTUS defined “habitual residence” and proclaimed a uniform legal standard for the first time – altering the trajectory of U.S. Hague Convention jurisprudence on this issue.

A Tale of Two Family Law Appeals For the family lawyer, these cases illustrate the importance of creating and “protecting” the record in the course of a trial or other evidentiary hearing.

U.S. Supreme Court Tackles Discrimination Against Same-Sex Couples Laura W. Morgan, the owner of Family Law Consulting, sums up the constitutional developments in the cases of discrimination against same-sex couples.

About the Author

Diana Shepherd, CDFA®

Diana Shepherd has over 30 years of experience as a marketing, branding, SEO, copywriting, editing, and publishing expert. As Content Director for Family Lawyer Magazine, Divorce Magazine , and Divorce Marketing Group , she oversees all corporate content development and frequently creates SEO-friendly videos, podcasts, and copy for family law and financial firms. The Co-Founder of Divorce Magazine and Divorce Marketing Group, Diana is an award-winning editor, published author, and a nationally recognized expert on divorce, remarriage, finance, and stepfamily issues. She has written hundreds of articles geared towards both family law professionals and divorcing people, and she has both performed and taught on-page SEO for 20+ years. Diana spent eight years as the Marketing Director for the Institute for Divorce Financial Analysts® (IDFA®), and she has been a Certified Divorce Financial Analyst® since 2006. While at IDFA, she wrote, designed, and published  The IDFA Marketing Guide , and she also created seminars for CDFA professionals to present to family lawyers (approved for CLE), as well as to separated and divorcing individuals. She has represented both DMG and IDFA at industry conferences and events across North America, and she has given marketing as well as divorce financial seminars at many of those conferences.

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Case Study – A Family Divided

Print this case study here:  Case Study – A Family Divided

Case Study: A Family Divided

A Case Study by Robert L. Potter Discussion Questions by Rosemary Flanigan

A forty-five-year-old man with a three-year history of cardiovascular disease has entered the hospital with a stroke that has paralyzed his right side and caused him to aspirate food of any consistency. His mental status is clouded and there is disagreement as to whether he has decisional capacity. His language capacity is only “yes” and “no,” and his responses are inconsistent. The attending physician is convinced that the patient has lost decisional capacity while two family members are equally convinced that he has decisional capacity. The patient’s wife and two other children are ambivalent about his competency to make decisions. The prognosis for recovery of safe swallowing and speech approaches zero because of the dense damage to the cerebral cortex visible on brain imaging. Two neurological consultants have verified that recovery is likely to be minimal and that permanent, severe disability will be the outcome.

The patient does not have an advance directive. The patient’s wife says that they never did discuss his preferences about life-sustaining treatment. She is convinced that he would not want to live in this disabled condition but is uncertain whether to request the placement of a feeding tube. Two of her four adult children are strongly opposed to the tube placement, while the other two insist that not to do so would be to “kill our father.” The patient’s wife is torn between these two positions, but finally requests that the tube be placed.

The attending physician and the rest of the treatment team are opposed to placing the feeding tube. Their argument is that the patient has “minimal consciousness” and will not improve. They define this as a futile situation with no reasonable expectation of recovery. Furthermore, two nurses claim that during previous hospitalizations for episodes of cardiovascular events the patient told them that he would not want to be sustained by artificial means — not by ventilators, renal dialysis, or tube feeding. It is their position that the patient has expressed his preference to not be kept alive in a futile situation.

The family requests an ethics consultation.

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. The judgment of futility should be a conclusion of a communications process, not a beginning. How would you propose beginning the communication?

• Who should be present?
• What information should be shared?
• What alternatives are on the table?
• What is your goal in participating in the discussion?

2. The family is divided over whether their husband/father should be placed on a feeding tube. Consider and discuss the following statements:

• The effectiveness of the feeding tube is a clinical matter.
• The benefits of the feeding tube for the patient depend on the patient’s wishes and quality of life, which the patient or the patient’s surrogate and family must determine.
• The burdens the treatment (feeding tube) imposes are a consideration for both parties.

3. Role play the discussion. Express your assumptions and loyalties and listen attentively to the other speakers.

4. Evaluate the role-playing experience. Did it affect your view of the case? If yes, how will you advise the family and the healthcare providers? If not, what is to be done now?

5. How would this case have been different if the attending physician had been the one asking for a consultation?

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A Family Case Study

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The Promise of Mediation: The Transformative Approach to Conflict, Revised Edition

ISBN: 978-0-787-97483-1

October 2004

Jossey-Bass

Digital Evaluation Copy

Robert A. Baruch Bush , Joseph P. Folger

In this new edition, the authors draw on a decade of work in theory development, training, practice, research, and assessment to present a thoroughly revised and updated account of the transformative model of mediation and its practical application, including

• a compelling description of how the field has moved toward increasing acceptance of the transformative model
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• a new case study that provides a vivid picture of the model in practice, with a commentary full of new information about how to use it effectively
• clarifications of common misconceptions about the model
• a vision for the future that shows how the model can coexist with other approaches and where the "market" for transformative mediation is emerging

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Robert A. Baruch Bush and Joseph P. Folger are the acknowledged originators of the transformative model of mediation and its best-known exponents. They are cofounders of the Institute for the Study of Conflict Transformation. Bush is the Rains Distinguished Professor of Alternative Dispute Resolution Law at Hofstra University School of Law. He has authored more than two dozen articles and books on mediation and alternative dispute resolution. Folger is professor of adult and organizational development at Temple University. He has published extensively on mediation and conflict and is coauthor of the award-winning text Working Through Conflict: Strategies for Relationships, Groups and Organizations.

Former UTV Broadcaster shares blood cancer story to highlight importance of medical research in Northern Ireland

Giving hope for 60 years: Leukaemia & Lymphoma NI's legacy in the fight against blood cancer - As we celebrate 60 years of Leukaemia & Lymphoma NI's tireless work in the fight against blood cancer, we are honoured to share the powerful stories of those who have been directly touched by this disease. Through a series of compelling case studies, patients, family members and researchers open up about their personal journeys, offering a poignant look at the challenges they’ve faced, the resilience they’ve shown and the hope that continues to drive them forward.

• 18:13, 1 SEP 2024
• Updated 13:06, 2 SEP 2024

A former UTV broadcaster has been sharing the story of his battle with Chronic Lymphocytic Leukemia, a type of blood cancer, to highlight the importance of supporting local medical research funded by Leukaemia & Lymphoma NI.

Ken Reid joined UTV in 1994 and climbed the ranks to become Political Editor, a position he held until his retirement in 2021. After developing pain in his foot in 2016, Ken visited his doctor and was referred to Antrim Area Hospital.

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"But everything changed in an instant, when the very professional and caring young doctor there broke the news to me that I did, in fact, have Leukaemia."

After receiving his diagnosis, Ken agreed to take part in a clinical trial, testing the efficacy of a new drug treatment.

He added: "The trial opened my eyes to a world of medical science which I was not previously aware of. I was regularly monitored through appointments at Belfast City Hospital, but the trial was being conducted through partnerships with other cancer centres, the lead facility being in Leeds.

"It wasn’t always easy. Whilst the drugs I was taking did improve the prognosis on my Leukaemia, I experienced some strong side effects which took a toll. Last year I was in hospital for a two-month period, developed an infection and at one stage, caught coronavirus .

"But I’m glad to say that eight years on from my original diagnosis, I am feeling better than I have in a long time. That’s thanks to the cutting-edge treatment I’ve received."

Ken established strong links with Leukaemia & Lymphoma NI through the team of medical professionals with whom he was meeting regularly.

"What you begin to realise is that the Patrick G Johnston Centre at Queen’s University is part of a global network of research institutes, all devoted to establishing better outcomes for patients like me," he continued.

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Leukaemia and Lymphoma NI recently announced a special programme of activities to mark the 60th year of the charity and raise funds for the fight against blood cancer. Alongside this, the charity is calling for those who have experienced Leukaemia, Lymphoma or Myeloma and their loved ones to share their experiences online via the LLNI website.

The photos and extended captions gathered will form part of a special online canvas presented online where members of the public can read the stories of people affected by blood cancer across the region.

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