liberation war essay composition

Ohio State nav bar

The Ohio State University website

BuckeyeLink
Find People
Search Ohio State

The Bangladesh Liberation War

Eric A. Strahorn

December 16, 1971 marked the end of the Bangladesh Liberation War, a short-lived conflict between India and Pakistan that established the People’s Republic of Bangladesh from the territory of the former province of East Pakistan.

Although the war is best remembered for its dramatic alteration of South Asia’s geopolitical landscape, it also bears a more complex and lesser-known set of legacies for how we think about Cold War international relations, twentieth-century genocidal and sexual violence , and the limits of international law in post-conflict societies.

Map of the 1947 partition of India, where orange represents India and green represents Pakistan.

The province East Pakistan was created during independence from the British empire in 1947 . At that time, the South Asian subcontinent was partitioned into two countries: India (including lands with a Hindu majority) and Pakistan (lands with a Muslim majority). The people and territory of East Bengal became East Pakistan.

East and West Pakistan were geographically, culturally, and ideologically distant and distinct. An independence movement for East Pakistan grew up based on Bengal ethnic concerns, the right to use the Bengali language, and a desire for local political control and self-rule.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman campaigning in East Pakistan.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (center with glasses) campaigning in East Pakistan for the 1970 general election.

The seeds of political crisis that led to the Liberation War were planted on December 7, 1970. The Awami League won a substantial victory in Pakistan’s elections. The League was a political party led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who had campaigned for autonomy for East Pakistan. However, they encountered immediate opposition from General Agha Muhammad Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of the Pakistan People’s Party, which attempted to prevent the Awami League from forming the next government.

After months of fruitless negotiations, the Pakistani army was deployed in East Pakistan on March 25, 1971. It pursued a policy of reprisal, targeting supporters of Bangladesh liberation and perceived enemies of the state like the significant Hindu minority.

Bangladesh nationalist poster depicting atrocities at the hands of the Pakistani army in 1971.

Deploying weapons such as fighter jets, tanks, and napalm—and creating radical religious militias to participate in the systematic murder and deportation of the populace—the army of Pakistan committed war crimes that reached the level of genocide.

What began as an internecine conflict soon became an international one. A Bangladesh independence militia called the Mukti Bahini, which drew support from the government of India , often engaged in guerilla operations in East Pakistan from bases on the Indian side of the border.

With as many as 15 million refugees crossing into its territory by autumn 1971, India decided to intervene militarily in the autumn for “purely humanitarian reasons” according to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. Pakistan preempted Indian action, however, by attacking northern India from West Pakistan on December 3.

On the left, map of Bangladesh Liberation War refugee and troop movements. On the right, text of the Instrument of Surrender.

Map of Bangladesh Liberation War refugee and troop movements in 1971 (left) . Text of the Instrument of Surrender, 1971 (right).

Although the fighting lasted for only two weeks before a Pakistani surrender, the war became a flashpoint within the wider Cold War. Fearing that an Indian victory would pave the way for Soviet domination in the region, the United States did what it could to buttress Pakistan from the outset.

The Nixon administration had, for example, dispatched the aircraft carrier Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal as a deterrent to Indian military intervention. It also refrained from criticizing the ongoing humanitarian crisis, publicly declaring between March and December that the conflict remained a Pakistani internal matter.

Even as American diplomats at the consulate in Dhaka futilely sounded the alarm over the ongoing “selective genocide,” the White House illegally transferred weapons to Pakistan in direct violation of a Congressional sanction. The U.S., in other words, was complicit in an unfolding humanitarian crisis of astounding magnitude.

Monument to the teachers and officials of Dhaka University who were killed during the Liberation War.

Estimates of the death toll vary, stretching from hundreds of thousands to some 3 million. Furthermore, the Pakistani army used rape as a weapon of war. At least 200,000 women were assaulted and some 25,000 children resulted from those attacks.

The memory of those events remains contested. The government of Pakistan has never acknowledged that any atrocities were committed during the war and continues to insist that only a few thousand people were killed. In the slim literature on the subject, scholars have debated whether the Pakistani army’s actions qualify as genocide and who should be held responsible.

Exhibition at the Liberation War Museum in Dhaka displaying human remains and war materials.

In Bangladesh, the political consequences of the Liberation War continue to resonate. Awami League governments led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (known as Mujib, 1973-75) and Sheikh Hasina (1996-2001; 2009-present) have sought to punish those who collaborated with Pakistan and enacted the 1973 International Crimes (Tribunal) Act and the 2009 International Crimes (Tribunals) (Amendment) Act (ICTAA). By 1975, some 752 people had been convicted and imprisoned.

But, despite their names, these tribunals remained solely Bangladeshi in scope and have never been affiliated with the International Criminal Court , leading some observers to claim that the trials have not met international standards.

At times, justice has appeared more distant than ever.

Individuals who aided the Pakistani army, or who were involved in the assassination of Mujib in 1975, have served in the governments of General Ziaur Rahman (1975-81), General Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982-90), and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party led by Khaleda Zia (1991-1996; 2001-2006). General Ziaur Rahman halted the war crimes trials and they did not resume until 2010 under the ICTAA.

Demonstrators in Dhaka, Bangladesh (2013) demanding the death penalty for Kader Molla and all other war criminals who committed atrocities during the Liberation War of Bangladesh.

The legacy of the Liberation War continues to shape civic life in Bangladesh today. As trials have been conducted in recent years, there have been violent protests by both their opponents and by those demanding harsher sentences for those convicted. Since 2013, there have been a series of murders of prominent secularists and human rights activists by Islamists in what appears to be retaliation for the trials.

 SEARCH -->  CONNECT  FACEBOOK  TWITTER  LINKED IN

Publications Research Dossiers

1971 liberation war, birth of bangladesh and comparison with present day pakistan, introduction.

The 1971 liberation war of Bangladesh against Pakistan continues shaping the mindset of Bangladeshi people until present day. This bloodstained historical event has constructed Bangladeshi sense of nationalism and has forged their contemporary Constitution. The Bangladesh we see today is essentially the fruit of the liberation war of 1971. In order to understand ongoing Bangladeshi politics and the socio-economic sphere, it is required to analyse the history of Pakistani colonialism and the events surrounding the 1971 liberation war that turned Bangladesh into an independent sovereign State. This research paper provides a profound overview of these historical narratives and draws a comparison between present day Bangladesh and Pakistan.

The Partition of the Indian Subcontinent and Creation of Pakistan

The liberation war of Bangladesh was not merely a war for independence fought by Bangladeshi nationalists - one of its main triggers was religion. The Pakistani government wanted to turn Bangladeshis into exemplary Muslims by alienating them from their Hindu background. This concept of religious division was also used as a root cause for the creation of Pakistan in the first place following British colonialism of the subcontinent. Ironically, religion brought together Bangladesh and Pakistan as one State during the partition of the subcontinent and later the very same religion separated the two. Comprehending the development of the liberation war of Bangladesh involves a meticulous retrospective look into the events leading to the partition of the Indian subcontinent. Following the devastating effects of the Second World War, the British colonialists gave up their control over the Indian subcontinent and the 1947 partition outlined two independent nations - India and Pakistan.

Lahore Resolution

The Partition

Discrimination and Exploitation by West-Pakistan

The Muslims of Bengal hoped that in the new Muslim state they would finally achieve a better standard of life. Given their past inferiority to Hindu landlords, Bengal Muslims were looking forward to the West-Pakistani government to ensure their fundamental rights. However, events did not unfold as the Bengali people had hoped. The West-Pakistani government proved even more discriminatory towards the people of East-Pakistan in all spheres of life - social, political and economic.

Political Discrimination

The government’s headquarters were established in the Western Wing. Besides, the political representation of the different ethnic groups was not equal in the Central Government. It was dominated by elite groups of West-Pakistan, mainly the Punjabis. Minority ethnic groups, such as the Bengali population, did not have significant representation in the government. Consequently, control over state-owned organizations, governmental mechanisms and the armed forces were in the hands of the dominant ethnic group. During the years of 1947 - 1971, Pakistan experienced prolonged phases of military rule, which made it more difficult for ethnic minorities to gain access to political power. The Bengali population did not even have satisfactory political representation in their own province. Even for higher government posts such as “Governor-General,” Bengalis were not considered good enough.

Such positions were awarded to people from West-Pakistan or migrants from India who assumed Pakistani citizenship. At the initial stages of the government’s creation, the West-Pakistanis sought various mechanisms to avoid handing over power to East Bengal, which harboured the majority in terms of population size. The elites of West-Pakistan tried several ways to capture the control and succeeded in their attempts to dominate East Bengal through the central government in West-Pakistan. However, the power struggle continued between different political parties and the Western elites were forced to accept the role of Bengalis in politics, through the process of creating and abandoning several drafts of the National Assembly, that gave Bengalis a satisfactory share of representation in the constitution of 1956. Before this could yield any positive outcome for the unification of the two wings of Pakistan, the country fell prey to military rule and previous assemblies were again dissolved.

Economic exploitation

The Six Points Movement is a significant turnover in the history of Bangladesh. Despite being initially rejected, it became a core component of the election campaign of Sheikh Mujib during the election of 1970. It embraced the Mujib’s campaign on yielding equal access to economic opportunities for everyone.

Social Exploitation

Since the very formation of Pakistan, the Western part branded the Eastern as inferior, because it considered the Muslims in the Eastern Wing subordinate due to their social and cultural affiliation with the Hindu population, which were powerful, rich and dominating in East-Pakistan before the partition of the subcontinent. As a result of the partition many influential Hindus left East-Pakistan to join India. Nonetheless, the Hindu population still counted as one of the major ethnic groups present in the Eastern Wing. Historically, people from various religions had always co-existed peacefully in the East Wing, as they were naturally adopting practices and customs from one another, while tolerating everyone’s traditions and beliefs. Even today, Muslim communities celebrate programs that hold a Hindu foundation and have barely no roots or relevance to Islam. The West-Pakistani government was critical about the intimacy between the Muslim and the Hindu population. Even though the Muslims of the East Wing supported the partition, they were not willing to give up their own culture or language for the sake of becoming a Pakistani as envisioned by the elite of West-Pakistan. The West-Pakistani government remained insensitive to the cultural sentiments of the East-Pakistani people. The selection of a national Pakistani language became a contentious issue since the onset of its genesis. The West-Pakistan government did not pay any heed to the language that predominated in East-Pakistan, namely Bengali. The number of Bengali speakers were higher in comparison with the number of Urdu speakers. Urdu was the language of the elite, used only by 7% of Pakistanis. In contrast, Bengali was spoken by 56% of Pakistanis. The West-Pakistani leaders did not consider this factor while choosing an official language. While arguing that Bengali can still remain a primary language for everyday use of the people in the Eastern Province, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan and the first Governor General, declared on the 24 th of March 1948 during a conference in Dhaka University that Urdu will become the State language. This declaration triggered a great outrage among the people of the Eastern Wing that became to be known as the Bengali Language Movement.

Continuous political, economic and social exploitation took part before Bangladesh could achieve its Independence. Following are certain major events that have contributed to the resolution of this national struggle and the creation of Bangladesh as an Independent country.

Agartala Conspiracy Case

Operation Searchlight

Operation Searchlight is the planned genocide that took place on the 25 th of March 1971 and was undertaken by the West-Pakistani government against its own citizens of the Eastern Wing. This plan was the result of the victory of Sheikh Mujib’s party in the General Election of Pakistan in 1970. The West-Pakistani rulers had no intention to convey the power to Sheikh Mujib and finally their National Assembly was dismissed. The dismissal brought fierce reactions among the people of East-Pakistan and Sheikh Mujib summoned a five day long strike and protests for an indefinite period. Following the five-day strike, he exhorted the East-Pakistani people to embark on an Independence struggle. Law and order collapsed as people broke curfews imposed by the West-Pakistani Government. The Bengalis occupied the streets demanding freedom and self-determination for Bangladesh. During this period, in a meeting of Awami League, the National Anthem of Bangladesh was chosen.

The Liberation War (March to December 1971)

Following the massacre of the 25 th of March 1971, Bengalis started fighting against the Pakistani military with every resource they had. Ordinary Bengalis, especially young people, who had no knowledge or training to fight in a war, risked their lives and the lives of their family members for the sake of making Bangladesh an independent country. Following the “Black Night” of 25 th of March, the atrocities of the Pakistani military aggravated. The operation was extended to the entire region of East-Pakistan.

The Bengali Nationalists assembled a shallow novice armed force called “Mukti Bahini” (The Force of Independence). The Bengali military officers of East-Pakistan took charge over the military operations of the Bengali nationalists. They divided East-Pakistan in 11 sectors in order to conduct their guerrilla operations against the West-Pakistani military. In the meantime, the Provisional Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh was created in Mujibnagar by some political leaders of East-Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who was a prisoner of the West-Pakistan government during that time was made the President and Tajuddin Ahmed was made the Prime Minister of Bangladesh. This event led to the official declaration of Bangladesh as an independent state.

Refugee Crisis

Military Support from India

After Pakistan launched several attacks on Indian territory on the 3 rd of December 1971, India joined Bangladesh in its military efforts against the Pakistani military. With the support of India as well as commands from the military officers of East-Pakistan, the West-Pakistani military was defeated. It eventually surrendered to the joint forces of Bangladesh and India leading to victory for Bangladesh on 16 th of December 1971.

The Rajakars

Atrocities Committed by the Pakistani Army

International Support

Bangladesh received continuous moral support from India since the beginning of the Liberation War. Indira Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India during that time, was able to secure support from the Soviet Union, The United Kingdom and France to ensure that there would be no directives in favour of Pakistan in the United Nations Security Council. In contrast, Pakistan received support from the United States and China. The United States provided ammunition while China provided moral advocacy. In spite of the protection and encouragement from the United States, Pakistan did not have high chances of winning the war because of the Soviet Union which played against the efforts of the United States during the war.

The Surrender of Pakistani Army and victory of Bangladesh

Comparison between Present Day Bangladesh and Pakistan

Bangladesh has walked a long way after its liberation from Pakistan. The following section of the article discusses the advancement of Bangladesh in terms of social, political and economic development in comparison to the evolution and growth of Pakistan. The analysis intends to construct a parallel that compares the levels of flourishment and deterioration between the two countries.

Political Development of Bangladesh

Rule of Law

Rule of law conveys the message that the law is equal for everyone and is above all. The rule of law is vital in ensuring protection for the citizens of a country against the abuse of power by governmental and public authorities. Despite the fact that Bangladesh is a democratic country, in reality Rule of law does not exist to the desired extent. One major issue with the principles of legitimacy in Bangladesh is that the judiciary is not completely independent. While the higher courts exercise independence, the Ministry of Justice controls the lower courts. In addition, derogating political opponents often implies the practice of misemploying the rule of law. Provisions, such as the Special Power Act of 1974 and Section 54 of the Criminal Code often insinuate such machinations. They are frequently used to justify arrests and detention of the opposition. The Bangladeshi armed forces, which were expected forgers of fundamental legal standards in favour of their citizens, have been frequently biased towards the ruling party. Furthermore, pervasive corruption among the criminal justice body, especially the police force has been widespread. The judicial system has been ineffective in terms of timely management of cases, ensuring fair trial and equal access for all citizens. Particularly for the poor and disadvantaged individuals, means of entry to adequate legal services were not only deficient, but also unbearably costly. Primary reasons for the inefficiency of the Judiciary system were the low salaries of legal authorities and consequently, corruption. Albeit Bangladesh requires significant improvements in its establishment of the rule of law, its performance is manifestly greater compared to that of Pakistan. According to the World Justice Project Ranking of 2016, the score of Bangladesh was 0.41, which placed it under number 103 among the 113 countries, where the scores ranged from 0 to 1. The closer the score to 0, the more disadvantageous the situation regarding impartiality and legitimacy of the judicial body. It is visible from the score of Bangladesh that it has a long way to go before it achieves a higher advanced standard of the rule of law. In comparison, Pakistan’s score was even lower - 0.38 and its global ranking - 106. Therefore, despite Pakistan’s historical influence and challenging aftermaths of the Liberation War, Bangladesh has managed to reach and implement legal principles of higher quality.

Accountability of Government

Government accountability refers to the obligation of official authorities to justify their actions in front of their citizens and maintain transparency and clarity of decision-making. It further encompasses a subjection to punitive measures in case of failure to liability. When mechanisms of legal responsibility are missing, corruption and abuse of power will thrive. Open, democratic and impartial election campaigns are a crucial device towards ensuring accountability. Although Bangladesh, like Pakistan, has been exposed to series of military coup d’états after gaining its independence, the country managed to extricate itself from this severe situation and establish a democratic governance system.

Political Stability

Control of Corruption

Corruption is one of the most problematic features of Bangladesh. It is a chronic and endemic problem, widespread across the entire social strata. Throughout the country nepotism has become a habitual conduct, a lifestyle, and it is disputable what circumstances have prompted it - the culture or the bureaucracy. Hence, it does not come as a surprise that public offices are run by nepotism and bribery. Recruitment and promotion hardly ever happen to be impartial procedures across sectors such as defense, transportation, education and health. Primary reasons for such chronic corruption among the Bangladeshi public officials are the meagre salaries and lack of labour privileges. Bribes have therefore become an alternative source of earning. The level of corruption has outspread on such a large scale that as a result the population has institutionalized and normalized this culture of bribery and nepotism. Public offices have started exploiting national funds in order to bypass and bend rules and regulations. Consequently, the gap between rich and poor has widened excessively, giving the already affluent upper-class more wealth and leaving the poor to suffer in greater misery. Even though some businesses succeeded in generating enormous profits by means of corruption, in reality this mechanism increases expenditures and therefore discourages the growth of new businesses. The enterprises usually resort to bribery for acquiring documents that facilitate the company’s legal registration, that provide license or permit for business operations or for utility connections. The adverse effects of corruption are endless. Especially within the law enforcement sector, which is responsible for social security, the effects of corruption are terribly deleterious. Police force agents fail to retain trust of the population due to their dishonourable and fraudulent reputation. Court cases miscarry in living up to the ideals of a fair trial since verdicts become manipulated and ruled by money. Despite that there is a national anti-corruption committee based in Bangladesh, it has not achieved any satisfactory results. Bangladesh might have reached a certain level of progress, yet corruption still remains a pervasive issue among the society. According to Transparency International Bangladesh, three out of four people in Bangladesh bribe officials while seeking services from law enforcement agencies or immigration services. In 2015, the amount of bribes paid to public officials was $1.1 billion USD. Even though brave efforts of digitalization are underway, the majority of public services are provided tête-à-tête, which renders bribing easier. Owing to corruption, power lays in the hands of the rich and dominant figures rather than in those who are qualified and suitable for running the country. According to the 2015 report of Transparency International, 56% of the members of the parliament were either businessmen or industrialists. When there is a lack of a check and balance system to control the financial activities of the public offices, public officials misuse governmental resources without being held accountable for it. Bangladesh has paid a hefty price for this politics-business nexus. In April 2013, an eight story building collapsed in Savar, Dhaka that hosted several garment factories. Around 1129 people, predominantly employees, lost their lives in the incident and 2500 people were severely injured. The owner of the building had a permit from the municipality to build a five story building, yet using his political connections he managed to enlarge it. Under the shadow of politics, various such fraudulent practices take place in the country. Regarding corruption, Bangladesh is in a more injurious situation in comparison to Pakistan. According to the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicator of Control of Corruption, the score of Bangladesh for 2015 was 18.3 whereas the score of Pakistan was 23.6.

Social Development

Regardless of the vast number of socio-economic and political obstacles existent in Bangladesh since independence, the state has achieved a remarkable progress in terms of social development. The Bangladeshi society has evolved impressively in terms of access to education and women empowerment, which are both vital requirements for its healthy social development.

Living Standard

The living standards of both countries can be compared through examining access to basic life necessities such as food, housing, water and sanitation, and health care facilities.

Water and Sanitation

Access to safe water and proper sanitation facilities have improved in both countries over the years. Bangladesh has notably developed its drinkable water provision, namely for 86.5% of its urban population and 87% of its rural population. Respectively, the statistics for Pakistan are 93.9% for the urban population and 89.9% for the rural population. Therefore, Bangladesh is still in need of amelioration. With regard to sanitation facilities, Bangladesh has ensured enhanced access for 57.7% of its urban population compared to 83.1% of Pakistan, which once again calls for improvements. Nevertheless, it has been able to secure means of entry to sanitation facilities for 62.1% of its rural population, whereas Pakistan for only 51.1%.

Food Security

Bangladesh has undergone a long way from being an aid dependent country, especially in terms of food aid, to becoming more self-sufficient in food production. However, this process of nourishment has not entirely curbed the issue of food security. Even though food production has increased, the equal distribution of food, especially nutritious food has not been ensured. Apart from the threat of overpopulation, the frequent natural calamities such as monsoon floods, river erosion and water contamination continue to impose challenges. Impoverished families remain the primary victims of undernourishment since food prices continue to increase. According to the 2016 Global Hunger Index, 16.4% of the population of Bangladesh are suffering from malnutrition. In Pakistan, 22% of the population suffers from malnutrition.

Basic Health care

Bangladesh invests slightly more in the healthcare sector compared to Pakistan - the World Health Organization’s 2014 database displays that Bangladesh has spent 2.8% of its GDP on the health industry whereas Pakistan spends 2.6% on healthcare. In 2015, the life expectancy at birth for both sexes for Bangladesh was 71.8 and for Pakistan - 66.4. According to the same year’s database, the number of neonatal deaths (in thousands) in Bangladesh was 74 whereas in Pakistan it was 245. This alarming difference is equally reflected in the neonatal mortality rate. In Bangladesh, the neonatal mortality rate (per 1000 live births) was 23.3% compared to Pakistan’s 45.5%. Awareness about reproductive health also seems to be more widespread in Bangladesh than in Pakistan. In 2012, the prevalence of contraception usage in Bangladesh was 61.2%, whereas in Pakistan it was only 35.4% in the following year. It is interesting to note, that despite having a lower gross national income per capita (PPP in $) as well as physicians density (per 1000 population), Bangladesh implements more effective strategies and performs in a higher standard regarding reducing child mortality, increasing life expectancy and raising awareness on reproductive health. According to estimates from 2011, Bangladesh had a physicians’ density of 0.356, while Pakistan had 0.827 in 2010.

Women Empowerment

Social Cohesiveness

A notable difference between Bangladesh and Pakistan is the aspect of social cohesiveness. People from different religious backgrounds live in peace and harmony in Bangladesh. The history of bloodshed of the Indian subcontinent seems to have had little impact on the Bangladeshi society since people with various religious affiliations succeed in achieving a balanced co-existence and mutually beneficent symbiosis. This atmosphere of congeniality and intimacy has evolved to the extent that individuals have even adopted each other’s religious practices and religious rituals. However, this situation is fully contrasting the one in Pakistan. Although, the latter is a Muslim majority country it still adopts a cast system among them in certain areas of Pakistan such as Punjab. As a general rule, in Islam there is no cast system since the faith proclaims that all Muslims are equal human beings. Strangely enough, Pakistan exercises a cast system determined by the professions of forefathers. In Punjab region cast titles such as Butt, Jatt, Mochi are assimilated, where each of these is referring to a particular profession of the forefathers. For example, even if a person is a doctor but he belongs to the cast of Mochi (Cobbler) because his predecessors were cobblers, he would still be considered a part of the Mochi cast and would be treated accordingly. The cast system is strictly followed and intermarriage between casts is discouraged. In Bangladesh, there is no such cast system among the Muslims, yet it exists among the Hindus. Nevertheless, Muslims and Hindus associate and mingle together, and maintain very peaceful relations altogether with other religious minorities. The incidents of violence against religious or ethnic minorities that happen in Bangladesh are mostly politically induced and are often condemned and protested against by the civil society.

Economic Development

Bangladesh has a very resilient economy. Despite its internal challenges and external pressure from international strain factors, it has maintained a consistent economic growth.

In 2015, the annual growth of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was 6.6% compared to 4.7% of Pakistan according to The World Bank database. Even though Bangladesh is progressing rapidly, it is behind Pakistan in terms of Gross National Income (GNI) per capita and Purchasing Power Parity (PPP). In 2015, the aforementioned indexes’ score for Bangladesh was USD 3560 whereas for Pakistan it was USD 5320. Although, Bangladesh is growing faster, it needs to catch up in ensuring a higher GNI. Interestingly, even with a lower GNI Bangladesh has a higher Gross National Savings (GNS) compared to that of Pakistan. According to the Central Intelligence Agency database, Bangladesh had a GNS of 28.6% of GDP whereas Pakistan had 14.3%.

Notwithstanding Bangladesh’s remarkably swift advancement and development, a significant percentage of the population still struggles with poverty. According to the 2010 World Bank Database estimates, the poverty headcount ratio at national poverty lines (% of population) for Bangladesh was 31.5%, whereas the conditions in Pakistan were even more deteriorating with 36.8% of population living in poverty.

Unemployment

Unemployment is a grave issue of concern for both countries. Although, access to education has increased and the number of educational institutions providing all levels of educations has skyrocketed, employment opportunities have not risen with the same pace. A paradox occurs where a large youth population receive an education, yet it remains stuck into an unemployment vicious circle. Nevertheless, Bangladesh still sustains slightly better circumstances in terms of employment compared to Pakistan. According to the 2016 Central Intelligence Agency database, the unemployment rate in Bangladesh was 4.9% and for Pakistan it was 6.7%.

Population Density

Industrialization

Inflation (Consumer Prices) and Exchange Rates

The wellbeing of an economy can be concluded from its inflation rate and exchange rates. Even though Bangladesh has a higher inflation (consumer prices) rate compared to Pakistan, the value of the Bangladeshi currency (Bangladeshi Taka) is higher than the Pakistani Rupee. The inflation rate of Bangladesh as per 2016 estimates was 5.6% and for Pakistan it was 3.7%. In contrast, the exchange rate against US dollar for Bangladeshi Taka was 78.5 (1 USD = 78.5 BDT) whereas for Pakistan rupee it was 105.1 (1 USD = 105.1 Pakistani Rupee). Additionally, Bangladeshi reserve of foreign exchange is larger compared to Pakistan. According to the 2016 Central Intelligence Agency statistics, Bangladesh had a reserve of foreign exchange and gold worth $29.77 billion, whereas Pakistan had $20.53 billion.

Foreign Aid and External Debt

Bangladesh has come the long way of being called the “basket case”, to be assigned with the label of a “promising economy.” The basket case referred to its huge aid dependency in the post-independence era. Many doubts were casted on whether Bangladesh would ever be able to escape its destitute situation caused by war and natural calamities. As a surprise to the international community, Bangladesh successfully came out of that phase and reduced its aid dependency significantly. During the early stages after gaining independence, a massive inflow of food and commodity aid took place. Over the years, Bangladesh was able to reduce that dependency to almost zero percentage, especially due to developments in agriculture, which helped the country to become self-sufficient in food supplies. Nevertheless, Bangladesh remains dependent regarding specialized assistance such as project aids. In relation to external debt, the state had an external debt of around $37.26 Billion USD compared to Pakistan’s $64.04 Billion USD, according to the 2016 Central Intelligence Agency’s data. One of the factors that assisted Bangladesh to rebuild its economy was the widespread presence of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO). The local and international NGOs work relentlessly throughout Bangladesh and especially in remote areas. One exclusive achievement was the success of micro credit finance in bringing people out of poverty and empowering women by making them financially independent, which significantly has contributed to economic and social development of Bangladesh.

Sustainable Development

Social, Economic and Political inferiority can never bring prosperity to a nation. Undoubtedly, Bangladesh has been substantially better off after its liberation from Pakistan. Developmental problems across all socio-economic and political sectors still exist. Nevertheless, a remarkable achievement is that Bangladesh has managed to acquire its sovereignty and independence, and therefore it has the power to resolve its problems without the domination or interference of a superior political authority, which was the case before the Liberation War. Bangladeshi people are able to proudly speak in Bengali, their mother tongue, without any fear of persecution and aggression. The Muslim population can mix freely with people from other religions without being judged and subjected to discrimination by being labelled inferior.

Pakistan started its journey as an independent and sovereign state in 1947, Bangladesh started its journey almost 24 years later, yet the latter has managed to outperform the former in the long run. Given the fact that the growth rate of the GDP of Bangladesh is currently higher than the Pakistani GDP, it could be projected that Bangladesh will continue outrunning Pakistan in regards with the various sustainable development indexes. However, regional cooperation is crucial for achieving peace and stability in the country; It is essential for South Asian countries, including Bangladesh and Pakistan, to improve and strengthen the bonds with their neighbours.

April 2017. © European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS), Amsterdam

The European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS): Committed to providing excellent, genuine & authentic research and advice on South Asia.

Subscribe to our newsletter.

Design: Scriptus Design

24/7 writing help on your phone

To install StudyMoose App tap and then “Add to Home Screen”

Liberation War of Bangladesh

Save to my list

Remove from my list

Genocide of Bangladesh

Liberation War of Bangladesh. (2016, Sep 28). Retrieved from https://studymoose.com/liberation-war-of-bangladesh-essay?fbclid=IwAR121FJses82srflv41dQvyJkepNxGN-5UaPmbv1-iSEj6Hm7B3IDMqKrss

"Liberation War of Bangladesh." StudyMoose , 28 Sep 2016, https://studymoose.com/liberation-war-of-bangladesh-essay?fbclid=IwAR121FJses82srflv41dQvyJkepNxGN-5UaPmbv1-iSEj6Hm7B3IDMqKrss

StudyMoose. (2016). Liberation War of Bangladesh . [Online]. Available at: https://studymoose.com/liberation-war-of-bangladesh-essay?fbclid=IwAR121FJses82srflv41dQvyJkepNxGN-5UaPmbv1-iSEj6Hm7B3IDMqKrss [Accessed: 15 Aug. 2024]

"Liberation War of Bangladesh." StudyMoose, Sep 28, 2016. Accessed August 15, 2024. https://studymoose.com/liberation-war-of-bangladesh-essay?fbclid=IwAR121FJses82srflv41dQvyJkepNxGN-5UaPmbv1-iSEj6Hm7B3IDMqKrss

"Liberation War of Bangladesh," StudyMoose , 28-Sep-2016. [Online]. Available: https://studymoose.com/liberation-war-of-bangladesh-essay?fbclid=IwAR121FJses82srflv41dQvyJkepNxGN-5UaPmbv1-iSEj6Hm7B3IDMqKrss. [Accessed: 15-Aug-2024]

Summary The Causes and Cost of War in Africa From Liberation Pages: 2 (423 words)
Liberation Theology and Matthew's Gospel Pages: 2 (325 words)
Porter's 'Flowering Judas': A Path to Liberation Pages: 6 (1695 words)
The Struggle for Liberation: Women's Representation in Patriarchal Society Pages: 5 (1378 words)
Peter Singer's Argument for Animal Liberation in All Animals Are Equal Pages: 7 (2030 words)
The Women's Liberation Movement Pages: 3 (822 words)
Women and Pornographic Movies: The Issue of Sexual Liberation Pages: 4 (980 words)
Confinement and self-liberation Pages: 4 (994 words)
Allegory in Power, Liberation, & Oppression Pages: 5 (1240 words)
Resilience Unveiled: Frederick Douglass and the Luminous Tapestry of Liberation Pages: 3 (641 words)

👋 Hi! I’m your smart assistant Amy!

Don’t know where to start? Type your requirements and I’ll connect you to an academic expert within 3 minutes.

10 Minute Madrasah - Seeking Knowledge is mandatory.

বাংলা ২য় পত্র
_ভাবসম্প্রসারণ
_সারাংশ
_দরখাস্ত
_প্রতিবেদন
_প্রবাদ-প্রবচন
_রচনা
_অনুচ্ছেদ
English Grammar
_English Writing
_International News
✅ Guest Post 📝

Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition/Essay for SSC & HSC

Liberation war of bangladesh composition / essay for ssc & hsc , liberation war of bangladesh for ssc students , introduction:.

The Liberation War of Bangladesh, also known as the Bangladesh War of Independence, was a significant armed conflict that took place in 1971. It led to the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent and sovereign nation. The war was fought between East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) and West Pakistan (present-day Pakistan) and remains a defining moment in the history of Bangladesh. This composition aims to provide an overview of the Liberation War of Bangladesh for SSC students.

Background:

The root causes of the Liberation War can be traced back to the partition of India in 1947, which led to the creation of two separate nations: India and Pakistan. East Pakistan, despite being geographically distant from West Pakistan, was politically dominated by the West. This power disparity, along with economic and cultural differences, caused discontent among the people of East Pakistan. The struggle for autonomy and recognition of Bengali identity gained momentum over the years.

The Agitation and Repression:

The people of East Pakistan faced widespread discrimination and neglect from the West Pakistani government. The language movement of 1952, which demanded recognition of Bengali as a national language, became a turning point in the fight for autonomy. However, the ruling establishment responded with forceful repression, leading to numerous casualties.

Election of 1970 and the Liberation War:

In 1970, general elections were held in Pakistan, and the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a majority of seats in the National Assembly. However, the West Pakistani establishment refused to hand over power to the Awami League, leading to widespread protests and strikes in East Pakistan. On March 25, 1971, the Pakistani military launched Operation Searchlight, a brutal crackdown aimed at suppressing the movement for independence.

The Struggle and Resistance:

The people of East Pakistan, undeterred by the military's oppression, organized themselves into armed resistance groups. The Mukti Bahini, composed of freedom fighters from various backgrounds, played a crucial role in the liberation struggle. They engaged in guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and other acts of resistance against the Pakistani forces.

International Support and Humanitarian Crisis:

The Liberation War gained international attention, and countries like India, which shared a border with East Pakistan, provided support to the Bangladeshi freedom fighters. On December 16, 1971, the Pakistani forces surrendered to the joint forces of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army, marking the end of the war. The conflict resulted in a massive humanitarian crisis, with millions of refugees fleeing to neighboring India to escape violence and persecution.

The Birth of Bangladesh:

The Liberation War of Bangladesh resulted in the emergence of an independent nation. On March 26, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared Bangladesh's independence, and the country began its journey as a sovereign state. The sacrifices made by the freedom fighters and the resilience of the Bangladeshi people in the face of adversity remain an integral part of the nation's history and identity.

Conclusion:

The Liberation War of Bangladesh was a pivotal event that shaped the destiny of the nation. It was a struggle for self-determination, justice, and recognition of the rights of the Bengali people. The war serves as a reminder of the indomitable spirit and sacrifices made by the freedom fighters who fought for the ideals of freedom, democracy, and equality. Understanding and appreciating this historic event is essential for SSC students to develop a deeper sense of national identity and pride.

Victory Day Composition for All Class Students, Click Here!

Liberation War of Bangladesh for HSC Students

_________________________________________________________________

The Liberation War of Bangladesh, also known as the Bangladesh War of Independence, was a monumental armed conflict that took place in 1971. It marked a significant chapter in the history of Bangladesh, leading to the emergence of the nation as an independent and sovereign entity. This composition aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of the Liberation War of Bangladesh for HSC students, exploring its background, key events, and the lasting impact it had on the nation.

The roots of the Liberation War can be traced back to the partition of India in 1947, which resulted in the creation of two separate nations: India and Pakistan. East Pakistan, located geographically distant from West Pakistan, faced political, economic, and cultural marginalization. The dominant West Pakistani establishment perpetuated discrimination and neglect towards the people of East Pakistan, which fueled a growing sense of discontent and demands for autonomy.

Agitation and Repression:

The quest for autonomy and recognition of Bengali identity gained momentum through various movements. The Language Movement of 1952, which demanded the recognition of Bengali as a national language, became a pivotal event in the struggle for autonomy. The ruling establishment responded with brutal repression, using force to suppress the demands of the people. The sacrifices made during this period laid the foundation for the subsequent liberation movement.

In 1970, general elections were held in Pakistan, and the Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, secured an overwhelming majority of seats in the National Assembly. However, the West Pakistani establishment refused to hand over power to the Awami League, disregarding the democratic mandate of the people. This led to widespread protests and strikes in East Pakistan, further aggravating the already tense situation.

The Pakistani military, under the leadership of General Yahya Khan, launched Operation Searchlight on March 25, 1971. It was a brutal crackdown aimed at suppressing the movement for independence. The military's actions included mass killings, rape, arson, and widespread human rights abuses. This marked the beginning of the Liberation War, with the people of East Pakistan rising up against the oppressive regime.

Struggle and Resistance:

The people of East Pakistan, undeterred by the military's repression, organized themselves into various armed resistance groups. The Mukti Bahini, meaning "Freedom Fighters," played a crucial role in the liberation struggle. Composed of individuals from different backgrounds, including students, intellectuals, and ordinary citizens, they engaged in guerrilla warfare, sabotage, and other acts of resistance against the Pakistani forces.

Best 05 Folk Music Paragraph

The Liberation War gained international attention, with countries like India providing crucial support to the Bangladeshi freedom fighters. Indian intervention in the war turned the tide in favor of the liberation forces. On December 16, 1971, the Pakistani forces surrendered to the joint forces of the Mukti Bahini and the Indian army. The conflict resulted in a massive humanitarian crisis, with millions of refugees fleeing to neighboring India to escape violence and persecution.

The culmination of the Liberation War led to the birth of the independent nation of Bangladesh. On March 26, 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared Bangladesh's independence, marking the end of a long and arduous struggle. The sacrifices made by the freedom fighters and the resilience of the Bangladeshi people in the face of adversity remain etched in the nation's history and collective memory.

Legacy and Impact:

The Liberation War of Bangladesh had a profound and lasting impact on the nation. It not only secured Bangladesh's independence but also shaped its identity as a country founded on the principles of democracy, freedom, and social justice. The war serves as a reminder of the sacrifices made by the freedom fighters and the price paid for the nation's sovereignty. It is an integral part of the Bangladeshi national identity, inspiring generations to uphold the values of independence, unity, and progress.

The Liberation War of Bangladesh stands as a testament to the indomitable spirit and sacrifices of the Bangladeshi people in their quest for freedom and self-determination. It was a struggle against oppression, discrimination, and the denial of basic rights. Understanding and appreciating the significance of this historic event is crucial for HSC students, as it provides a deeper understanding of their nation's history, instilling a sense of pride, and inspiring a commitment to upholding the ideals of freedom, democracy, and social justice.

For more Paragraphs, Click Here !

Please visit Our Website Regularly.

10 Minute Madrasah ফেসবুক গ্রুপে যোগ দিয়ে প্রযুক্তি বিষয়ক যেকোনো প্রশ্ন করুনঃ এখানে ক্লিক করুন ।
10 Minute Madrasah ফেসবুক পেইজ লাইক করে সাথে থাকুনঃ এই পেজ ভিজিট করুন ।
10 Minute Madrasah ইউটিউব চ্যানেল সাবস্ক্রাইব করতে এখানে ক্লিক করুন এবং দারুণ সব ভিডিও দেখুন ।
গুগল নিউজে 10 Minute Madrasah সাইট ফলো করতে এখানে ক্লিক করুন তারপর ফলো করুন ।
10 Minute Madrasah সাইটে বিজ্ঞাপন দিতে চাইলে যোগাযোগ করুন এই লিংকে ।
প্রযুক্তির সব তথ্য জানতে ভিজিট করুন www.10minutesmadrasah.com সাইট।

একটি মন্তব্য পোস্ট করুন

Be alert before spamming comments.

Responsive Ad

Our website uses cookies to improve your experience. Learn more

যোগাযোগ ফর্ম

Skip to primary navigation
Skip to main content

Free English Study Materials

Composition on The Victory Day of Bangladesh

Introduction: freedom is the birthright of a man. Every man has an inherent instinct to live a free life in a free country. He can express himself well, discover his latent faculties fully and stand upright with an undaunted spirit in a free country. However, 16 December is our victory day . It is the day of emancipation from the shackled life of long 25 years under the brutal rulers of West Pakistan.

Pangs of subjugation: it goes without saying that there is none who wants to live a subjugated life nor does he want to wear the shackles of slavery round his feet or does he want to live a sub-human life with dishonour and humiliation. But as ill-luck would have been, we had to suffer under the shackles of slavery for long 190 years under the British colonial rule and about 25 years under the barbaric domination of the Pakistani rulers. Then we had been groaning extremely under the untold pangs and atrocities of these two autocratic rulers. The British colonial rule ended up in 1947 with the birth of two independent states called India and Pakistan. Bangladesh becomes a province of Pakistan under the name of East Pakistan. Since the dawn of Pakistan, the Pakistani rulers began to rule the Bengalese with an iron had with the very cruel attitudes of a stepmother.

A sky-high disparity was created by them in all the spheres political, economic, social and cultural. This deprivation and exploitation of the Pakistani rulers created serious governance and resentment among the Bengalese. At one time, they lost the truck of their patients of rose up and revolted against them. A lot of blood was shed in different movements against them on different issues. At last, came up the general election in 1970. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman won an overwhelming majority in the parliament. But as there goes a wise saying, ‘black will take on others hue.’ So did they do? They denied recognizing the landslide victory of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He then roared up like a lion and made a clarion call to the people to stand up and fight for liberating Bangladesh from the grip of the brutal. This declaration was made on the 7 th march in the race course ground before an overwhelming crowd. He declared in a thundering voice,

“This time’s struggle is for freedom, this time’s struggle is for independence”

The result was that he was arrested and taken the prisoner to West Pakistan. As a result, the whole nation got plunged into a darkness of uncertainty. Then Ziaur Rahman, an army officer, came forward and declared independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahaman from Kalurghat radio Kendra. People from all walks of life joined the liberation war of their own accord. This war continued for long nine months which ultimately turned into a bloody one. More than 30 lacks people were killed in the war. At last, came down our long expected victory. The Pakistani occupation forces surrendered to the allied forces at the racecourse ground on 16 December 1971. This is how we achieved our glorious victory. A new Free and sovereign nation ushered in on the world map. The people got wild with a world of joy and excitement and danced in the streets madly. The sky and the air were ringing with the patriotic song of Tagore.

“My Bengal of gold, I love you.”

How observed: the victory day is a colourful day of the most memorable days of Bangladesh. We observe the day with great honour, jubilation, and patriotic zeal. This day is a public holiday. Our national flag is kept flying on the top of private and public houses, offices and educational institution. We offer floral wreaths at the victory monuments. Government’s offices and buildings are decorated and illuminated on this day. Various social and cultural programmes are held throughout the country. The president of the prime minister receives the salute in the march past of the defence forces. Various theatre groups old street drama containing the themes of the liberation war. Some film clubs sow films made on the liberation war. Bangladesh postal department releases new stamps. Children and student organizations bring out colourful processions carrying placards and posters. Painting exhibitions by children are held. Ames and sports are held across the country. Special prayers are offered for the martyrs in all mosques, temples, and churches of the country. As the evening sets in, the air is filled with patriotic sons of the liberation war. A nit, the buildings, and other important sites beam wit neon and coloured lights. People from all walks of life attend these programmes with great joy and enthusiasm, the whole atmosphere remains jubilant throughout our day.

The significance of the day: it is needless to speak of the significance of the victory day in our life. We had to suffer deadly for long for lack of freedom and live quite a sub-human life. We had no other alternative than to fit out the oppressors from the land, we rose up and scattered the shackles of slavery and won victory on the 16 December 1971. This victory is undoubtedly a landslide event in our national history. This day is not merely day of the yearly calendar. It is a day of the great trill. It is a day of great sensation. It is a day of great victory a victory of justice over injustice, truth over falsehood, lit over darkness, freedom over slavery and humanity over inhumanity. It is a day of learning the lessons that the will of people prevails for man is born to be free and that the weapons be defeated and that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.

Conclusion: Bangladesh is our pride, our dreams, our life-blood and our victory day is our greatest achievement as a nation. We have got a flag, a country and an identity trout is victory day. But it is a matter of great sorrow that though we have got political freedom. We have not yet been able to achieve economic freedom. This is why we must take an oat on this day to make our country Independent in all respects. It is only ten that our victory will be achieved in the truest sense of the term.

Bangladesh war: The article that changed history

Published 16 December 2011

Anthony Mascarenhas' article in the Sunday Times

On 13 June 1971, an article in the UK's Sunday Times exposed the brutality of Pakistan's suppression of the Bangladeshi uprising. It forced the reporter's family into hiding and changed history.

Abdul Bari had run out of luck. Like thousands of other people in East Bengal, he had made the mistake - the fatal mistake - of running within sight of a Pakistani patrol. He was 24 years old, a slight man surrounded by soldiers. He was trembling because he was about to be shot.

So starts one of the most influential pieces of South Asian journalism of the past half century.

Written by Anthony Mascarenhas, a Pakistani reporter, and printed in the UK's Sunday Times, it exposed for the first time the scale of the Pakistan army's brutal campaign to suppress its breakaway eastern province in 1971.

Nobody knows exactly how many people were killed, but certainly a huge number of people lost their lives. Independent researchers think that between 300,000 and 500,000 died. The Bangladesh government puts the figure at three million.

The strategy failed, and Bangladeshis are now celebrating the 40th anniversary of the birth of their country. Meanwhile, the first trial of those accused of committing war crimes has recently begun in Dhaka.

There is little doubt that Mascarenhas' reportage played its part in ending the war. It helped turn world opinion against Pakistan and encouraged India to play a decisive role.

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi told the then editor of the Sunday Times, Harold Evans, that the article had shocked her so deeply it had set her "on a campaign of personal diplomacy in the European capitals and Moscow to prepare the ground for India's armed intervention," he recalled.

Not that this was ever Mascarenhas' intention. He was, Evans wrote in his memoirs, "just a very good reporter doing an honest job".

He was also very brave. Pakistan, at the time, was run by the military, and he knew that he would have to get himself and his family out of the country before the story could be published - not an easy task in those days.

"His mother always told him to stand up and speak the truth and be counted," Mascarenhas's widow, Yvonne, recalled (he died in 1986). "He used to tell me, put a mountain before me and I'll climb it. He was never daunted."

A map of Pakistan before the 1971 war

When the war in what was then East Pakistan broke out in March 1971, Mascarenhas was a respected journalist in Karachi, the main city in the country's dominant western wing, on good terms with the country's ruling elite. He was a member of the city's small community of Goan Christians, and he and Yvonne had five children.

The conflict was sparked by elections, which were won by an East Pakistani party, the Awami League, which wanted greater autonomy for the region.

While the political parties and the military argued over the formation of a new government, many Bengalis became convinced that West Pakistan was deliberately blocking their ambitions.

The situation started to become violent. The Awami League launched a campaign of civil disobedience, its supporters attacked many non-Bengali civilians, and the army flew in thousands of reinforcements.

On the evening of 25 March it launched a pre-emptive strike against the Awami League, and other perceived opponents, including members of the intelligentsia and the Hindu community, who at that time made up about 20% of the province's 75 million people.

In the first of many notorious war crimes, soldiers attacked Dhaka University, lining up and executing students and professors.

Their campaign of terror then moved into the countryside, where they battled local troops who had mutinied.

Initially, the plan seemed to work, and the army decided it would be a good idea to invite some Pakistani reporters to the region to show them how they had successfully dealt with the "freedom fighters".

Foreign journalists had already been expelled, and Pakistan was also keen to publicise atrocities committed by the other side. Awami League supporters had massacred tens of thousands of civilians whose loyalty they suspected, a war crime that is still denied by many today in Bangladesh.

Eight journalists, including Mascarenhas, were given a 10-day tour of the province. When they returned home, seven of them duly wrote what they were told to.

But one of them refused.

Yvonne Mascarenhas remembers him coming back distraught: "I'd never seen my husband looking in such a state. He was absolutely shocked, stressed, upset and terribly emotional," she says, speaking from her home in west London.

"He told me that if he couldn't write the story of what he'd seen he'd never be able to write another word again."

Clearly it would not be possible to do so in Pakistan. All newspaper articles were checked by the military censor, and Mascarenhas told his wife he was certain he would be shot if he tried.

Pretending he was visiting his sick sister, Mascarenhas then travelled to London, where he headed straight to the Sunday Times and the editor's office.

Pro-independence Mukti Bahini fighters on their way to the front line in East Pakistan during the 1971 conflict

Indians and Bengali guerrillas fought in support of East Pakistan

Evans remembers him in that meeting as having "the bearing of a military man, square-set and moustached, but appealing, almost soulful eyes and an air of profound melancholy".

"He'd been shocked by the Bengali outrages in March, but he maintained that what the army was doing was altogether worse and on a grander scale," Evans wrote.

Mascarenhas told him he had been an eyewitness to a huge, systematic killing spree, and had heard army officers describe the killings as a "final solution".

Evans promised to run the story, but first Yvonne and the children had to escape Karachi.

They had agreed that the signal for them to start preparing for this was a telegram from Mascarenhas saying that "Ann's operation was successful".

Yvonne remembers receiving the message at three the next morning. "I heard the telegram man bang at my window and I woke up my sons and I was: 'Oh my gosh, we have to go to London.' It was terrifying. I had to leave everything behind.

"We could only take one suitcase each. We were crying so much it was like a funeral," she says.

To avoid suspicion, Mascarenhas had to return to Pakistan before his family could leave. But as Pakistanis were only allowed one foreign flight a year, he then had to sneak out of the country by himself, crossing by land into Afghanistan.

The day after the family was reunited in their new home in London, the Sunday Times published his article, under the headline "Genocide".

'Betrayal'

It is such a powerful piece of reporting because Mascarenhas was clearly so well trusted by the Pakistani officers he spent time with.

I have witnessed the brutality of 'kill and burn missions' as the army units, after clearing out the rebels, pursued the pogrom in the towns and villages.

I have seen whole villages devastated by 'punitive action'.

And in the officer's mess at night I have listened incredulously as otherwise brave and honourable men proudly chewed over the day's kill.

'How many did you get?' The answers are seared in my memory.

His article was - from Pakistan's point of view - a huge betrayal and he was accused of being an enemy agent. It still denies its forces were behind such atrocities as those described by Mascarenhas, and blames Indian propaganda.

However, he still maintained excellent contacts there, and in 1979 became the first journalist to reveal that Pakistan had developed nuclear weapons.

In Bangladesh, of course, he is remembered more fondly, and his article is still displayed in the country's Liberation War Museum.

"This was one of the most significant articles written on the war. It came out when our country was cut off, and helped inform the world of what was going on here," says Mofidul Huq, a trustee of the museum.

His family, meanwhile, settled into life in a new and colder country.

"People were so serious in London and nobody ever talked to us," Yvonne Mascarenhas remembers. "We were used to happy, smiley faces, it was all a bit of a change for us after Karachi. But we never regretted it."

The Historic 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

"The Historic 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman" was delivered by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7th March, 1971 who led the people of Bangladesh to independence in 1971. At that time when the Pakistani military rulers refused to transfer power to the Bengali nationalist leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, whose party Awami League gained majority in the National Assembly of Pakistan in the general election held in 1970. The speech effectively declared the independence of Bangladesh. The speech constitutes a faithful documentation of how the failure of post-colonial nation-states to develop inclusive, democratic society alienates their population belonging to different ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious groups. The speech was extempore and there was no written script. However, the speech survived in the audio as well as AV versions.

Collection locations

Media gallery.

Still photograph of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman delivering speech on 7 March 1971

The Spirit of the Liberation War

Published on The Daily Sta r

Bangladesh At 40: Looking Back And Moving Forward-part I

Professor Rehman Sobhan, one of the earliest proponents of economic justification for independent Bangladesh, and a member of its first Planning Commission, delivered a commemoration lecture yesterday at the National Museum on “40 years of Bangladesh: Looking back and moving forward.” We publish its full text in a four-part series starting today, in which the author expounds the historical genesis and narrates the struggle that led to the Liberation War and discusses the strength and weaknesses of democracy in Bangladesh, the first of four founding principles of the nation.

OVER the last year we have been commemorating the 40th year of Bangladesh’s independence. In these 40 years Bangladesh has registered many gains for which we should feel proud. We have established a globally competitive garment industry moved ahead of India in particular areas of human development and gender parity, extended micro-credit to 25 million women and drastically reduced aid dependence through an explosive growth in remittances by our hard working migrants. We have furthermore held four reasonably free and fair elections where incumbent regimes have been replaced by opposition parties through the ballot box. These are not inconsiderable achievements for a country once written off as a basket case.

But these achievements also remind us how much more we could have made of ourselves where Bangladesh could have fulfilled the promise which inspired our struggle for nationhood. My presentation today addresses the unfulfilled expectation of the generation which shared the privilege of participating in the liberation struggle. Had we been able to live up to these expectations Bangladesh would have been a very different place today. I will therefore explore this chasm which separates the hopes of yesterday from the reality of today and will then move on to offer some suggestions on what we may attempt to do to build a society which restores meaning to the spirit which sustained our struggle for liberation. In looking ahead we will need to recognize that both Bangladesh and the world around us have experienced seismic changes. We will accordingly need to calibrate our dreams of yesteryear to the world we live in today.

Bangladesh was not born because of an historical accident. Nor was it the gift of a departing colonial power grown weary of bearing its imperial burden. Our nationhood emerged out of a long process of struggle which culminated in a bloody war of liberation. To move large numbers of ordinary people to pledge their lives for a separate existence we needed to inspire them with a vision for a better world than the one they were repudiating. This inspiration was what came to be known as the spirit which inspired the liberation war, what we popularly term Muktijuddher-chetona. This is a phrase which is used so frequently and so casually as to be rendered almost devoid of meaning. We invoke this spirit as a ritual incantation and rarely bother to ask ourselves what this spirit embodies. I would argue that the spirit of the liberation war is adequately captured in the four principles which have guided our constitution: Democracy, Nationalism, Secularism and Socialism (which has later been elaborated to mean social justice). In my presentation before you, I will discuss why these pillars of our constitution capture the spirit of the liberation struggle, how far we have departed from these guiding principles and where we need to travel in order to restore meaning to the spirit of the liberation war.

Our emergence as a separate nation-state was the direct outcome of the persistent denial of democratic rights to the people of Bangladesh by the Pakistani ruling class. In 24 years of shared nationhood never once was central power in Pakistan exercised through the outcome of a free and fair election. The first such election in December 1970, 23 years after the emergence of Pakistan, led to the Awami League, under the leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, capturing a majority of seats in the National Parliament, with an electoral mandate from the people of Bangladesh to establish self-rule. It was the attempt by the Pakistani military junta to frustrate this democratic mandate, through the instrument of genocide, which inspired the liberation war. The liberation war was, thus, the final phase of our democratic struggle when the Bangali people had to come to terms with the reality that democracy could never be realised within the Pakistani nation state.

It is a tragedy for Bangladesh that our nationhood emerged out of our quest for democracy yet we have spent most of our national existence frustrating its realisation. We have lived through long episodes of martial rule and civilian autocracy. In 1990 when the Ershad autocracy was overthrown through a mass mobilisation the nation experienced the excitement of a second rebirth of democracy. But who would have imagined that within 17 years of this renewal of democracy our confrontational style of politics would have reached a point where the military were once again provided with an opportunity to intervene in the political process through the process of Emergency Rule. The military may have overstayed their welcome and overtaxed their mandate. But, fortunately for democracy and quite exceptionally in our historical context, the military, as promised, returned to the barracks within two years after helping to engineer a universally recognised free and fair election which enabled the incumbent government to return to power with a large plurality of seats in parliament.

There is no evidence that we have learnt the right lessons from our most recent malfunction of the democratic process. The politics of confrontation and intolerance appears to be once again permeating our political culture. The political opposition, over successive regimes, has been marginalised, partly as a result of its own political immaturity in boycotting parliament thereby violating its democratic mandate. As a result of these endemic boycotts four successive parliaments have been rendered virtually dysfunctional in their incapacity to discharge their primary mandate of keeping the executive accountable to the will of the voters.

The malfunctioning of our democratic institutions remains compounded by the continuing inability to strengthen democracy in our principal political parties. The principal political parties, in turn, reflect the gradual ascendance of money and muscle power as the driving force in democratic politics. Whilst some effort was made by the current ruling alliance to induct some candidates of modest means into parliament, politics in Bangladesh has remained largely a rich man’s game where both women and the financially deprived have been effectively disenfranchised.

The proliferation of violence, which becomes more pernicious when it is patronised by the state, continues to be deployed to further political and personal objectives. The purveyors of violence, the mastaans, have served to undermine our public educational institutions, interfere with the working of the administration, challenge the credibility of our institutions of law enforcement and compromise the vitality of our investment climate.

In such a distortion of the democratic process every institution of governance tends to be compromised. Our administration has become ineffective where both recruitment and advancement have been politicised and divorced from performance or norms. As a result virtually all public services as well as law enforcement have become partisanised and commoditised to a point where the machinery of government has lost virtually all capacity for functioning as an instrument of public service. The last remaining bastion of the rule of law, the judiciary, is now under threat. Over the years, the lower judiciary has degenerated into a politicised instrument of the ruling party. The once independent upper judiciary, which served as a bastion of our democratic freedom, is being exposed to a process of creeping politicisation.

The appointments to the Election Commission (EC) had been similarly politicised upto the tenure of the last elected government. It remains to be seen how far the new appointments to the EC, who are expected to preside over the next round of elections to parliament in 2014, will be selected on the basis of merit and consensus. The integrity of the very institutions to safeguard the democratic credentials of our electoral process needs to be protected.

However, the independence and credibility of the EC may not be enough of a guarantor of free and fair elections. Experience over the last three decades has established that prior to a national election all recruitment and postings in the police force, upazilla administration, schools, and now the armed forces, which can in any way influence the direction of the national elections, have tended to be politicised. In such circumstance, the scope for a free and fair election, where the role of money and ruling party patronised mastaans could be contained, have compromised the freedom of action of the EC. It was this exposure to the influence exercised by a partisan administration which inspired the Awami League and its allies in 1995 to initiate the campaign for institutionalising the system of holding elections under a non-partisan caretaker government. This system was incorporated in the constitution in 1996 and has, with some limitations, ensured three relatively free and fair elections over the last 15 years. The logic and wisdom of the present government’s decision to do away with the very system it had politically sponsored remains questionable and is unlikely to be compensated by a strong EC. The history of electoral politics in Bangladesh, going back to the period of Pakistani rule, indicates that in the absence of a non-partisan caretaker government no incumbent government has ever vacated office through defeat at the polls.

The last recourse of democracy, the free media, is demonstrating considerable resilience. But the security of journalists has been periodically endangered and the independent press itself faces a constant struggle to secure itself from both state pressure and private terror. Here again, people with money and state patronage are making inroads into the media and are investing both in the print and electronic media with the expectation of “managing” the news in the service of partisan and private gain. That our institutions of democracy and governance should have degenerated to a level where the very sustainability of the democratic process is endangered is particularly distressing when we consider our long and painful struggle for democracy.

House 40/C, Road No 11 (new) Dhanmondi, Dhaka – 1209 Bangladesh Phone: (+88 02) 55001185 E-mail: [email protected]

Quick Access

IRBD Programme
Video Gallery
CPD Annual Reports
Management and Implementation Committee (MIC)

Online Earning

Subscribe Our Channel

Composition

Composition | The Liberation War Of Bangladesh

Bangladesh is a proud nation as it emerged through a glorious freedom fight. Though we have got the freedom the spirit of the freedom fight is yet to be established.

Bangladesh lost her independence to the British when Nawab Serajuddola was defeated in the battle of Palassey in 1757. In 1947, the British divided India into two sovereign states, India and Pakistan. Pakistan was created but the people of Bangladesh were in majority in Pakistan, They were deprived of all the powers Bangladesh was made o colony of West Pakistan. As a result the people of Bangladesh could not tolerate this and started a strong movement for their release.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some patriot of Bangladesh raised their voice of protest. In 1968, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some other Bengalese were charged with a false case known as Agartola Conspiracy Case, but the people of Bangladesh started a strong movement against this case. Ayub Khan was compelled to release them. Then came Yahia Khan and he declared general election in 1970. The party of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman got absolute majority in the National assembly. But Yahia did not hand over the power and he stopped National Assembly. As a result, Sheikh Mujib started non-violent, non-co-operation movement. Yahia started a false dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and he began to increase the strength of army.

March 25 is a black day in the history of Bangladesh. On that night the army began to attack in the unarmed people of Bangladesh. Sheik Mujib was arrested and taken to West Pakistan. The independence of Bangladesh was declared. As the liberation war started, freedom fighters took birth overnight and faced the well-trained occupying forces to Pakistan fearlessly. At Mujib Nagar the government of the people republic of Bangladesh was formed on 17th April, 1971. But the Pakistan went on committing genocide to horror of the world. Women were raped and killed. The world press believed the atrocity of the of the occupying forces exceeded all limits. Millions of innocent Bengalese fled across the border in fear of their loves. So when their crimes were full, the Pakistanis came under direct attack of the combined forces of India and Bangladesh. The 16th December: The final stage of the war took a couple of days only. On the glorious day of 16th December, the Pakistani army surrendered. Our victory day confirmed the birth of Bangladesh on the world map.

Though we achieved our independence through much bloodshed, we still are not emerging as a powerful nation. We seem to have forgotten the supreme sacrifice we made in 1971. So our main duty should be to build up the country.

besssi boro

ইংরেজি কালেকশন

Popular posts, cricket in bangladesh paragraph [for all class], facebook paragraph [for all class].

Dialogue | Between You And Your Friend Sohel About A Birthday Party

Dialogue | Between You And Your New Friend About Your School

Dialogue | between you and your friend rajia about mobile phone.

Application [386]
Bangla Grammar [48]
Common Mistakes [22]
Composition [435]
CV Writing [45]
Dialogue [554]
Easy To Pass [6]
Email [251]
Essay [135]
Exam Strategy [10]
Grammar [50]
Graph N Chart [34]
Letter [489]
Old Historical Photos [91]
Online Earning [35]
Paragraph [1414]
Paragraph+ [19]
Report [71]
Spoken English [35]
Story [659]
Vocabulary [104]
ভেষজ উদ্ভিদ [241]

Social Sciences
History and Anthropology

The Liberation War of Bangladesh

23 Dec 2022

Format: APA

Academic level: College

Paper type: Essay (Any Type)

Downloads: 0

Geeta Kar fought against the Pakistanis in the Liberation War otherwise known as War of Independence. She recalls the events of those days even though she was only 15 years old when it begun. The fateful day was on May 5, 1971 when her father was brutally taken away from her by the Pak army. This was a shocking event that led her to leave her mother and siblings to seek solace in in their neighbor country India. During these events her mind was focused in liberating her country from their enemies, the Pakistanis. The only way to be actively involved was to join a freedom movement. The Bangali people were already crossing the borders in to her country and were making plans to wage war against the Pakistanis. She only had to forward her name to the Mukti Bahini which she did. On July 2, 1972, she was lucky to join the others in training. She train in the art of guerilla warfare and skills in offering first aid. In her training camp, they were a group of over 200 women. Their ultimate goal was taking revenge as most of the women there had already lost their family members. Even though they were feed on paltry, this was not a bother to the focused women in the camp. They were determined to drive out the Pak army at all costs.

Soon the training was over. Only Geeta and other fourteen women were given consent to join the actual war. A guide was added to this group of beginners. Their big challenge was communication as the guide could neither speak English nor Bangla. As if that was not enough a challenge, on one fateful day, the guide vanished without a word. The determined women could not allow them themselves to be brought down by missing a guide. With willpower, they carried on without the guide. They still faced food problems as they went on without proper food for ten days. They had to survive on the only available foods, bananas and water. They fortunately were able to reach the Sylhet border. It was difficult to persuade the Indians at the borders. Makhon Shom, a man at the refugee camp, offered to help them. He feed them and keep them under the warmth of a fire lit for them. Through the help of this man, they were able to proceed to Agartala. To their surprise, they were not allowed to go to the warzones, their only target.

Delegate your assignment to our experts and they will do the rest.

They were sent to Bangladesh Hospital. This was a 480-bed hospital that attended to the injured. These women were determined to help. They offered their undivided effort to the hospital services as medical attendants. Geeta can never forget those days as she meet the freedom fighters. Most of them were not in good shape and were brought in with serious injuries. She and her friends were contented in their services as they believed their services were as important as fighting in the battlefield. They both had similar outcomes after all.

Finally, the victorious day came. They stayed on for other five weeks attending to the injured in the hospital. On the last week of January, she, her friends and the wounded Muktijoddhas finally returned to Bangladesh. They spent a week in Comilla. Later on they returned to Dhaka. Most of her co-workers had immediately left for their homes on arrival at Dhaka. It was difficult for Geeta because she had no place to go. Her father was already dead and she did not know the whereabouts of her other family members.

People from Greek, Hindu, and Cuban Heritage
Fascism, Communism, Totalitarian Systems, and the WWII

Select style:

StudyBounty. (2023, September 14). The Liberation War of Bangladesh . https://studybounty.com/the-liberation-war-of-bangladesh-essay

Hire an expert to write you a 100% unique paper aligned to your needs.

Related essays

We post free essay examples for college on a regular basis. Stay in the know!

Tracing Nationalist Ideology across the Decades

Pectoral of princess sithathoryunet and gold bracteate.

Words: 1986

Plato and Pericles

The yalta conference: what happened and why it matters, paganism in european religion.

Words: 1185

The Louisiana Purchase: One of the Most Significant Achievements of President Thomas Jefferson

Words: 1253

Running out of time ?

Entrust your assignment to proficient writers and receive TOP-quality paper before the deadline is over.

The Declaration of Independence

“This may be my last message, from today Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your fight must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of Bangladesh and final victory is achieved.”

Bangabandhu spread the declaration and was reached to many. The wife of M.R. Siddiqi was given an urgent message over telephone from Bangabandhu received through the wireless operators of Chittagong. [ Sheikh Mujib: Triumph and Tragedy by S. A. Karim]

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE FROM KALURGHAT (March 26, 1971):

Soon after the Pakistani army crackdown on the night of March 25, 1971,the first declaration of independence was made over the radio by M. A. Hannan.

According to the English language newspapers from around the flashed around the world on news wires on the evening of March 26, 1971 and the world came to know about the independence of Bangladesh from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s original message received in Calcutta on the morning of March 26 and from broadcasts from Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendro on the evening of March 26.

The following world press also reported on 26th March: The Statesman and The Times of India from India; Buenos Aires Herald from Argentina; The Age, The Sydney Morning Herald from Australia; The Guardian from Burma; The Globe and Mail from Canada; Hong Kong Standard from Hong Kong; The Jakarta Times from Indonesia; Asahi Evening News from Japan; The Rising Nepal from Nepal; The Manila Times from the Philippines; The Straits Times from Singapore; The Pretoria News from South Africa; The Bangkok Post from Thailand; The Daily Telegraph, The Guardian, The Times of London from the United Kingdom; and, Baltimore Sun, The Boston Globe, Chicago Tribune, Christian Science Monitor, Los Angeles Times, The New York Times, The Philadelphia Inquirer, San Francisco Chronicle and The Washington Post from the United States.

The Kalurghat Radio Station’s transmission capability was limited, but the message was picked up by a Japanese ship in Bay of Bengal. It was then re-transmitted by Radio Australia and later by the British Broadcasting Corporation.

Announcement of the declaration of independence: Awami League leader M.A. Hannan aired the declared the independence on behalf of Bangabandhu : (Signed by Bangabandhu): Abul Kashem Sandeep translated the message to broadcast.

“Today Bangladesh is a sovereign and independent country. On Thursday night West Pakistani armed forces suddenly attacked the police barracks at Razarbagh and the EPR headquarters at Pilkhana in Dhaka. Many innocent and unarmed have been killed in Dhaka city and other places of Bangladesh. Violent clashes between EPR and Police on the one hand and the armed forces of Pindi on the other, are going on. The Bengalis are fighting the enemy with great courage for an independent Bangladesh. May God aid us in our fight for freedom. Joy Bangla.”

Pakistani sources: Siddiq Salik had written that he heard about Mujibor Rahman’s message on the radio while Operation Searchlight was going on. [ “Witness to Surrender” ]

The Statesman published from New Delhi on March 27, 1971 and explained the two messages received on March 26: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made two broadcasts on Friday following the Pakistani troops move to crush his movement, says UNI. Announcement of the declaration of independence by Major Zia on behalf of Bangabandhu, There are Major Zia declared the independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

# Maj. Gen. Hakeem A. Qureshi in his book The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A Soldier’s Narrative, gives the date of Zia’s speech as 27 March 1971. # MASSACRE by Robert Payne, Publisher : The McMillan Company New York. # J. S. Gupta The History of the Liberation Movement in Bangladesh # India, Pakistan, and the United States: Breaking with the Past By Shirin R. Tahir-Kheli ISBN 0-87609-199-0, 1997, Council on Foreign Relations. pp 37 Major Zia’s declaration of independence on behalf of Bangabandhu was made controversial over an Very few people heard this declaration and Major Zia’s famous “Ami Major Zia Bolchhi”.

“Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence.” The speech is regarded as the de facto declaration of independence although a formal declaration came on March 26, 1971

Our history has undergone huge twist at the hands of vested quarters. Some people claim that Zia declared himself as provisional commander in chief. In fact Zia made two speeches. When this unauthorized speech created confusion among the people, the Awami League leaders asked Zia to read out a text prepared by A. K. Khan.

Zia followed the suggestion, and made a second speech, where he mentioned that he was speaking on behalf of our great national leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Announcement The government of theSoverignStateon behalf of our great national leader, the supreme commander ofBangladeshSheikh Mujibur Rahman, do hereby proclaim the independence ofBangladesh. And that the government headed by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has already been formed. It is further proclaimed that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is the sole leader of the elected representatives of seventy five million people ofBangladesh, and the government headed by him is the only legitimate government of the people of the independent soverign state ofBangladesh….

It was impractical to think of the declaration of independence without mentioning name of Bangabandhu. His name carries more value than any political party. The sky is the limit to measure the popularity of Sheikh Mujib and the landslide victory of 70’s election was its reflection only.

Zia read out the declaration on behalf of Bangbanandhu. Formation of Mujib Nagar Government carries the historic significance.

Bangabandhu’s Declaration of Independence. (Reserved in Liberation War Museum, Segun Bagicha, Dhaka) Telex Copy of Bangabandhu’s Declaration of Independence

Contact RonZ at [email protected]

L A T E S T

The Day make the victory complete
“Bangabandhu” – An illustrious leader
Unesco recognises Bangabandhu’s 7th March speech
National Mourning Day observed
National Mourning Day today
Indira called KGB to verify ‘Chinese’ hands in Bangabandhu killing
Bangabandhu had no illusions about Pakistanis

Political Career

M e m o i r s

Contents on Education Travel Tourism Law Government

Search this blog, video article preposition phrase clause, an essay on liberation war of bangladesh বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ, an essay on liberation war of bangladesh বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ। , dr maleka college, the liberation war of bangladesh.

Bangladesh is a proud nation as it emerged through a glorious freedom fight. Though we have got the freedom the spirit of the freedom fight is yet to be established. Previous history of freedom fight: Bangladesh lost her independence to the British when Nawab Serajuddola was defeated in the battle of Palassey in 1757. In 1947, the British divided India into two sovereign states, India and Pakistan. Pakistan was created but the people of Bangladesh were in majority in Pakistan, They were deprived of all the powers Bangladesh was made o colony of West Pakistan. As a result the people of Bangladesh could not tolerate this and started a strong movement for their release. Background of the Liberation War: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some patriot of Bangladesh raised their voice of protest. In 1968, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some other Bengalese were charged with a false case known as Agartola Conspiracy Case, but the people of Bangladesh started a strong movement against this case. Ayub Khan was compelled to release them. Then came Yahia Khan and he declared general election in 1970. The party of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman got absolute majority in the National assembly. But Yahia did not hand over the power and he stopped National Assembly. As a result, Sheikh Mujib started non-violent, non-co-operation movement. Yahia started a false dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and he began to increase the strength of army. Freedom struggle of 1971: March 25 is a black day in the history of Bangladesh. On that night the army began to attack in the unarmed people of Bangladesh. Sheik Mujib was arrested and taken to West Pakistan. The independence of Bangladesh was declared. As the liberation war started, freedom fighters took birth overnight and faced the well-trained occupying forces to Pakistan fearlessly. At Mujib Nagar the government of the people republic of Bangladesh was formed on 17th April, 1971. But the Pakistan went on committing genocide to horror of the world. Women were raped and killed. The world press believed the atrocity of the of the occupying forces exceeded all limits. Millions of innocent Bengalese fled across the border in fear of their loves. So when their crimes were full, the Pakistanis came under direct attack of the combined forces of India and Bangladesh. The 16th December: The final stage of the war took a couple of days only. On the glorious day of 16th December, the Pakistani army surrendered. Our victory day confirmed the birth of Bangladesh on the world map.

Conclusion: Though we achieved our independence through much bloodshed, we still are not emerging as a powerful nation. We seem to have forgotten the supreme sacrifice we made in 1971. So our main duty should be to build up the country.

Video An Essay on Liberation War Of Bangladesh বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধ

Sample details

Government,
Bangladesh,
International Relations,
Words: 2518

An assignment on liberation war

The birth of Bangladesh in 1971 is a significant historical event in this region. It represents the culmination of the Bengali nation’s long-term socio-political and economic struggle, allowing them to establish themselves as a nation-state after a thousand years of quest for recognition. This paper will explore the theoretical aspects of Bangladesh’s birth, specifically focusing on the nine-month-long liberation war.

This study aims to explore the causes and key figures involved in the liberation war of Bangladesh, which took place from March to December 1971. It also aims to assess the historical significance and consequences of this war. The initial segment of the investigation will analyze the political and economic factors that contributed to this major conflict. Furthermore, a concise summary of the struggle for independence will be presented.

ready to help you now

Without paying upfront

This paper will discuss the importance, significance, and outcome of the liberation war. It will also analyze this historical event using a theory of conflict described by a famous scholar. We have observed a significant challenge for novice researchers and observers in regards to the abundance of literature on the liberation war. This overflow of information primarily focuses on describing the event as a historical event, with very few addressing the socio-political aspects.

Choosing the correct information about the history of the liberation war can be challenging due to numerous instances of manipulation by different political parties over different regimes. It is also time-consuming to find the most insightful analysis from the extensive collection of literature. However, it is crucial to understand that the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971 holds immense significance. It marked the birth of the world’s last large populated country, granted the United Nations its 33rd member state, and introduced another player in the region of South Asia.

By the liberation war in 1971, freedom-loving people were finally free from Pakistan’s domination, marking the end of Bangladesh’s long struggle for freedom. The liberation war played a significant role in establishing an independent identity for the people of Bangladesh and the Bengali nation. Various actors and factors contributed to this war, and this paper aims to delve into its causes and highlight its importance in the life of Bangladesh.

The Conflict Profile of Bangladesh includes historical events that are just as significant as the liberation war, through which Bangladesh gained independence. These events are described below:

1948 March 21: During a civic reception in Dacha, the founder of Pakistan, Mohammad All Zinnia, declared that “Urdu and only Urdu will remain as the state language of Pakistan.” In response to this declaration, the students of Dacha University protested in front of Zinnia.
1952 February 21: Language…

Movement – International Mother Language Day: The government of Pakistan forcefully suppressed the Bengali people’s demand for “Bangle” to become one of Pakistan’s official languages. This resulted in the deaths of protesters and a large-scale street protest, which played a significant role in igniting Bangladesh nationalism during the movement.

1966 March 23: Sheikh Maximum Raman fought for Binnacle’s right to live through his 6-Point Formula.

1968 January: Sheikh Maximum Raman was arrested due to his involvement in the Garland Conspiracy Case.

969 January – February: Violent clashes erupted across Pakistan between those protesting Baby Khan’s martial law regime and the police. In an effort to restore peace, the Garland Conspiracy Case was dismissed and Sheikh Music was released by the GOP. However, during a procession against Baby Khan’s rule, police fired upon it, resulting in the deaths of Sad (a student leader) and high-school student Matter Raman. This incident fueled resentment among Bengalis and triggered the Mass Uprising of 1969 (goon-Pythagorean) in East Pakistan.

970 December 7: Despite winning the election, Miami League denied Sheikh Music from becoming Prime Minister.

In 1970, Miami League achieved a landslide victory in national elections by securing 167 out of 169 seats designated for East Pakistan and a majority of the 313 seats in National Assembly.The Miami League obtained the constitutional right to establish a government, while the Qualifier All Bout of APP secured second place with 81 seats in the National Assembly.

The war lasted from 26th March to 16th December 1971, for a total of 2 weeks and 2 days. It took place in various locations including Bangladesh (formerly East Pakistan), the Bay of Bengal, the West Pakistan Border, and the Arabian Sea. The outcome was the collapse of the Pakistan Eastern Command and the independence of East Pakistan, which became Bangladesh.

The parties involved were Bangladesh led by Must Bambini, India who joined on 3rd December, and Pakistan represented by e-lilacs and Pakistani Armed Forces. The paramilitary forces included Jamaica-Shanty Committee and AY-Shams. The forces had the following strengths: Bangladesh – 175,000 troops; India – 500,000 troops in East Pakistan; Pakistan – armed forces with a strength of 25,000 for paramilitary forces.

Significant casualties occurred during the war. Bangladesh suffered around 300,000 to 500,000 casualties among its forces and civilians. India had official figures of 1,426 dead and 3,611 wounded. Civilian deaths numbered at least56 ,694 including those from armed forces (12 ,192), paramilitary forces (24 ,114),and civilians(20 ,388).

Table1 provides an overview ofthe liberation warof1971[1].This text does not mentionthe root causesofthiswar.

The economic causes of discontent in East Pakistan stemmed from government actions that left the people feeling deprived of their needs. This feeling of deprivation arose from the perception of discrimination by the central government of Pakistan, leading to a sense of relative deprivation. These discriminations can be categorized into three distinct areas.

Sense of Relative Deprivation in Inter-region Economic Practices
Sense of Relative Deprivation in Inter-region Economic Policies
Discrimination in East Pakistan: Bengali vs.. Non-Bengali
These categories are described below with a nonchalant aspect of analysis.

According to numerous historians, the sense of relative deprivation played a vital role in Bangladesh’s history, specifically during the liberation war. They argue that the government of Pakistan at that time failed to address and alleviate this feeling among the people of East Pakistan. It is believed that while Bengali sectionalism was the main ideological basis for the war, its root cause lied in economic deprivation and the resulting sense of relative deprivation felt by East Pakistani citizens. The discrepancy in per-capita income between East and West Pakistan was largely due to discriminatory government policies, limited job opportunities, industrialization disparities, and unequal access to state resources.

The table below showcases the difference in per-capita income between East and West Pakistan, highlighting a significant disparity. Initially, the gap was minimal but by 1970, it had risen to 61%. The discrepancy in income can be attributed to discriminatory policies and unequal distribution enforced by the central government of Pakistan[2].

The life standards of Pakistani people in both East and West Pakistan were affected by this disparity, resulting in a common impact. Consequently, people in West Pakistan had a higher consumption of goods compared to those in East Pakistan, who lacked purchasing power to afford essential items. Consequently, the distribution crisis led to poverty among the people of East Pakistan. Discrimination in government expenditure is evident from 1959 to 1970, whereby only 23% of total government expenditure was allocated to East Pakistan, with the remaining 77% going to West Pakistan.

The reason for this discrimination is that, in professional administration at the time, the statistics of 1966 showed that only 30% of officers were from East Pakistan while the remaining 70% were from West Pakistan. Additionally, there was discrimination in the business sector within united Pakistan, where the government failed to provide a safe and healthy environment in East Pakistan, resulting in the inability for a national capitalist class to emerge. Historical evidence reveals that 43 families controlled the entire economy of Pakistan. Furthermore, discrimination also existed at the policy level, particularly in economic policy, which was a crucial sector facing discrimination in Pakistan.

The discrimination against East Pakistani people resulted in various discriminatory policies. One such policy, known as the Trade and Commerce Policy, had a negative impact on the jute industry in East Pakistan. During that time, East Pakistan was a renowned producer of jute and India served as its largest market. However, trade between Pakistan and India came to a halt in 1949 due to the devaluation of Pakistani currency. This decision severely affected jute businessmen and led to a significant crisis. By 1950, the jute price index dropped to 71% from its original value of 100%. Another discriminatory policy was the Exchange Rate Policy implemented by the central government of Pakistan, which ultimately caused inflation.

East Pakistani businessmen faced two problems. Firstly, the importer of West Pakistan received government subsidiary, which created a trade imbalance with the East Pakistani business community. Secondly, businessmen from East Pakistan received comparatively low prices for their imported goods. As a result, the economy of East Pakistan suffered severely from this policy. Additionally, there was a disparity in the non-governmental sectors of East Pakistan, with non-Bengalis dominating. Prior to 1957, only 42.2% of loans in DIP and PICK were allocated to Bengali people, despite them being the majority in this region.

Foreign direct investment in East Pakistan, prior to 1969, allocated only 38% of total funds from Pakistan Development Foreign Investment (PDA) to the Bengali people. The remaining 62% was given to non-Bengali individuals. The trade sector of East Pakistan saw a similar trend, with 93% of the largest importers being non-Bengali. Furthermore, the industrial sector of East Pakistan was largely controlled by non-Bengali individuals, with 47% of the total industries falling under their ownership. In terms of shipping, both ship-yards in East Pakistan were owned by non-Bengali owners. Additionally, non-Bengali owners controlled 28 tea gardens in the tea forest industry and produced and exported 19% of the total tea production. In the export sector, Bengalis only controlled 33% of total business, while non-Bengalis controlled 25%. The remaining control was in the hands of foreigners and government officials.

The political cause of the Liberation War was primarily a nation-building crisis in Pakistan. The lack of a sense of territorial nationality among the common people and political and economic elites was a fundamental problem. This lack stemmed from power discrimination between the two parts of Pakistan, where the central authority did not represent the majority of Pakistani people. In East Pakistan, where the majority lived, around 56% of the total population were Bengali.

The hopes and expectations of East Pakistani people, specifically the Bengalis, were disregarded by Pakistan’s central government in both policy and practice. Consequently, the perceived essence of Pakistan was deemed unreal for the East Pakistani population. The nation failed to create a basic agreement among its leaders and citizens, as their main focus was on personal positions and power rather than the welfare of the country. All Pakistani leaders adhered to a consistent policy throughout their political lives. Ultimately, Pakistan did not cultivate inclusive institutions and behaviors that would benefit all sub-national groups within the nation.

Leaders prioritized concentrating authority, maintaining law and order, and ensuring economic development at the center. However, they failed to promote unity among the various subnational and tribal groups. The leaders did not make an effort to replace primordial sentiments with civil sentiments, and as a result, they were unable to establish a nation state from diverse subordinate groups. Although leaders in Pakistan managed to build some state-building institutions, this came at the expense of national integration and the process of nation-building. The gap created by this failure ultimately led to the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971.

Pakistan faced challenges in its nation-building process, including a dual crisis. Firstly, there was a failure to establish a national ideology, create a national elite, and form national institutions. Secondly, there was an inability to integrate the various newly emerged groups into the national system.

Furthermore, geography and population played a role. Pakistan consisted of two uneven regions with East Pakistan covering 55,126 square miles and West Pakistan covering 310,403 square miles out of the total area of 365,529 square miles. The significant geographical separation between these two parts hindered communication and mobility of population and resources, making development of territorial unity difficult.

Military participation also highlighted discrimination between East and West Pakistan resulting in a sense of deprivation. The table below shows the disparity in defense forces’ participation in 1963:

28 .8%

In addition to these causes , chronological events occurred during the development of Paki stan .

These events are significant milestones in the liberation war of Bangladesh. They include the great language movement of 1952, which sparked a sense of unity among Bengalis based on their language and culture. Other events like the 21 point movement, anti-military government movement, education commission movement of 1962, 6 point movement of 1966, Granola Conspiracy Case, mass upsurge of 1969, election of 1970, and the operation Search Light on 25th March 1971 also played crucial roles. Together, these events created an environment that led to the historic liberation war. The war began on 25th March 1971 when the Pakistani military junta, under General Yah Khan, launched a military operation against Bengali nationalists, civilians, students, intellectuals, religious minorities, and armed personnel who were demanding self-determination and recognition of the 1970 election results.

The junta arrested Prime Minister-elect Sheikh Maximum Raman, banned major political parties, imposed strict press censorship, and extended martial law. To counter this, defecting Bengali military and paramilitary groups formed the Must Bambini, led by M. A. G. Samoan and eleven sector commanders. Together, they waged guerrilla warfare against Pakistani forces, liberating several towns and cities. However, the Pakistan Army temporarily regained momentum. On April 17th, the Provisional Government of Bangladesh was established in the free district of Improper and later relocated to Calcutta, India as a government in exile.

The Bangladesh movement received extensive support from the Indian government and military during the nine-month liberation war. The Bangladesh Forces gained control over large parts of the countryside. On 3 December 1971, India entered the war in response to preemptive air strikes by Pakistan on North India. The ensuing Indo-Pakistani War involved engagements on two fronts, as well as in the Bay of Bengal and the Arabian Sea. Bhutan, the Himalayan Kingdom, was the first country to officially recognize Bangladesh on 6 December 1971. Pakistan surrendered to the Allied Forces of Bangladesh and India in the East on 16 December 1971, resulting in 90,000 Pakistani soldiers being taken as prisoners of war under the Geneva Convention – the largest such capture since World War II.

The end of the war resulted in the emergence of Bangladesh, which was the world’s seventh-most populous country at that time. The majority of UN member states acknowledged the new country in 1972. The liberation war of 1971 was a severe conflict, and it can be analyzed through Johan Gallant’s BBC triangle theory. According to this theory, conflicts go through three phases: attitude, behavior, and contradiction. Each phase is used to analyze conflicts. In the first phase, contradiction, the underlying conflict situation is examined, which involves the actual or perceived incompatibility of goals between the conflict parties.

Figure 1: BBC conflict triangle (Gallant, 2000:1 3) In the context of the liberation war, this situation arose from the very beginning, meaning from the formation of West and East Pakistan, as the people of Pakistan were aware of their differences in language, culture, religion, etc., and the people of East Pakistan realized their need for autonomy or independence. Attitude encompasses the perceptions and misunderstandings that the parties have of each other and themselves. This was the situation in Bangladesh after the 1970 election. In the third phase, behavior may involve cooperation or coercion, as well as gestures indicating either conciliation or hostility.

Cite this page

https://graduateway.com/an-assignment-on-liberation-war/

You can get a custom paper by one of our expert writers

Benjamin Franklin
Latin America
North America
Middle East
Presidential Election

Check more samples on your topics

Liberation war of bangladesh.

Our release is the greatest accomplishment in our national life. The War of Liberation of Bangladesh took topographic point in the history in 1971. We had been under Pakistani regulation for 20 five old ages. The Pakistani swayers and their vested involvement group began to handle East Pakistan as a settlement gof West Pakistan. Therefore.

The Liberation of African Americans After World War II

Black Power Movement

Generally, African Americans were subjects to bona fide abuse and division from the bit of white Americans, who hold the major position in the American culture and utilized their capacity to hold African Americans under their control. The recorded movement of African American culture was joined by the constant conflict of African Americans for social

Speed Limits and Auto Liberation

Auto Liberation Driving is probably one of the most exhilarating and liberating things to do. It gives a person the control of the wheel and the opportunity to become the master of the car. However, due to speed limits, people’s experience with driving becomes limited. Although speed limit is necessary to avoid accidents, it also

Narcissism as Liberation

One aspiration that many women share is a desire to be beautiful inside and out. Often it is believed that with beauty come feelings of acceptance, confidence and even some forms of happiness. Unfortunately for the majority "a desirable woman doesn"t look lie a real woman looks; thus, one of the basic physical markers of

Womens Liberation in A Dolls House

A Doll's House

The Statement of the Liberation of Women as Shown in A Dolls HouseIn reading Ibsens A Dolls House today, a person could find it hard to imagine how daring it seemed when Ibsen wrote it over one hundred years ago. A main subject of this play is the emancipation of women from the restrictions that

The Palestine Liberation Organization

Organization

Functioning as a Palestinian government, the PalestineLiberation Organization (PLO) was founded in 1964 as a politicalbody representing the Palestinians in their efforts to reclaimtheir country from the Israelis. Originally an umbrella organization of refugee and militarygroups, it was ultimately joined by professional, labour andstudent associations and also by some individuals. The purpose of the PLO is to

The Liberation of Aunt Jemima Analysis

Book Review

Dwayne D. Moore Jr. Women In Visual Culture AD307I Angela Reinoehl Visual/Formal Analysis The Liberation of Aunt Jemima by Betye Saar When we look at this piece, we tend to see the differences in ways a subject can be organized and displayed. This assemblage by Betye Saar shows us how using different pieces of medium

The Liberation from Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and the Declaration of Independence of Texas

Declaration of Independence

The Mexican government was willing to settle Texas and promised a written constitution similar to that of the United States Constitution. After all, Houston's army did defeat the Mexican military at San Jacinto, gaining independence. However, Santa Ann disregarded the promise and defeat. Santa Anna was determined to get the people to leave Texas, or

The Liberation of Self: Exploring the Theme of Freedom in “The Story of an Hour”

The Story of an Hour

Kate Chopin's "The Story of an Hour" is a brief yet significant literary work that delves into the intricacies of human emotions and the quest for personal independence. The narrative follows Mrs. Louise Mallard as she absorbs the news of her husband's death and experiences a spectrum of contradictory emotions in the late nineteenth century.

Hi, my name is Amy 👋

In case you can't find a relevant example, our professional writers are ready to help you write a unique paper. Just talk to our smart assistant Amy and she'll connect you with the best match.

My Experience of the 1971 War for Freedom for Bangladesh

This article by network member Urmi Rahman is based on the paper she presented at the International Conference on Bangladesh: Revisiting Freedom and Independence organised by the Department of Comparative Literature, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, on 30 and 31 March, 2023. More than 100 people attended Urmi Rahman’s session, including former Member of Parliament Professor Malini Bhattacharya, and members of the Bengal chapter of the Network of Women in Media, India.

By Urmi Rahman

I am very proud and fortunate to have been a witness to the war for freedom for Bangladesh. I am one of the millions of people who have their personal stories about the war. This is my story.

We were then living in the coastal town of Khulna. My father was the Forest Manager of Khulna Newsprint Mill. I was doing my BA Honours in Bengali Literature. My sister, Tandra (Tonu), was just in kindergarten school. My youngest sister, Shoma, was born later. Khulna is a pleasant, peaceful town, culturally very rich. The Mill colony was located at the junction of two rivers – Bhairab and Rupsa. It was a nice colony with a park, swimmimg pool, club house, etc. A high wall separated the residential bungalows from the rivers. Behind that wall was the Naval Base.

In those days not every household used to have television sets; radio was more popular. Our club house had a TV and we used to go there to watch the news. The Awami League, a mainly East Pakistan based political party, had won the last election with a decisive majority, but the administration was not prepared to hand over rule to them. In protest against this, on 7 March 1971, the leader of the Awami League, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, launched a non-cooperation movement. The whole of what was then East Pakistan joined in that movement. Some paramilitary forces, known as the East Pakistan Rifles, also took part in the non-cooperation movement. However, soon they had to go into hiding at a secret camp in order to take shelter against the Pakistani Army.

Some of the ladies from our colony, including my mother, started sending cooked food to the camp. They had to do it secretly, hiding their activities from the West Pakistani officers who were posted in the Mill and lived in the colony. These officers were supportive of the Martial Law Regime imposed by General Yahiya Khan. We were very disappointed by the stand taken by these officers.

Dhaka TV was telecasting patriotic songs and news during the non-cooperation movement. Suddenly one day the telecast was off the air. Later we came to know about the terrible genocide that had taken place in Dhaka on 25 March 1971. Later, on 27 March, the Pakistani Army reached other towns and areas in the country, including Khulna.

They tried to attack the Khulna Newsprint Mill Colony. When they reached the Junior Colony they faced some resistance from the officers and staff. These people tried to resist that attack with whatever they had with them, and some of them were killed. An officer we used to call Alam Chacha was stabbed to death with a bayonet.

That day the Army left without doing much more harm, but the Newsprint Mill Colony was later attacked again by a group of miscreants. The group consisted of Biharis who had a big settlement outside the gate of the mill. They obviously supported the government of Pakistan. I am not saying that all the people in that settlement were hooligans, but some of them were and they raided and attacked our colony. Most of us had gathered at the General Manager’s Bungalow, which was on the bank of the river Bhairab. The group killed a number of people in the colony. Someone later told us that when he ventured to visit the scene where the killings had taken place after the hooligans had left, he saw a one-year-old baby lying on its mother’s blood-soaked, dead body and crying. It made us very sad.

For many days after this the officers and the rest of us did not dare to stay in the Newsprint Mills Colony. We left the mill and took shelter at the home of my father’s friend, whom we used to call Putul Mama. He lived in Khulna city and was the General Manager of the Pakistan Match Factory. Many of the other mill officers also left the colony and took shelter in the houses of friends or relatives. But such respite was short-lived.

The Khulna Newsprint Mill was Pakistan’s only newsprint factory – so the authorities were keen to keep it open. They went to Khulna city in search of all the officers and brought them back to the Mill along with their families. We all came back to our colony. After a few days, my father told us that, if the situation became worse, he might have to run away and hide somewhere. That would be easier for him to do if he was alone, without the rest of us to think about. So he decided to leave us with his elder brother.

We were to travel by river on a steamer service called `Rocket’. There was another reason for doing that. One of my classmates, Manju, was with us. After doing her Higher Secondary she had joined the famous Brojolal College to study towards an Honours in Chemistry. Her father had been transferred to Barisal and my parents had invited her to stay with us. During that crisis period my mother was more worried about her safety than about ourselves. Since Barisal was on the route of our steamer, we could drop her off there. So we took the steamer and dropped Manju at her father’s place in Barisal; she left us in tears. We carried on with our journey and finally reached Dhaka, the capital city of East Pakistan.

My Chacha-Chachi and cousins were very happy and relieved to see us. When we reached Chacha’s house, we came to know that the youngest two among Chacha-Chachi’s seven children (they were twin boys) had left home, leaving behind a small note saying that they were going to join the Liberation Army as freedom fighters. We were naturally very worried for them; at the same time we also felt very proud.

Chacha’s eldest daughter, Nina, and her husband, Mahmud, were both doctors; so was another daughter, Rini. They spent most of their time at the Dhaka Medical College Hospital, where they worked with the other doctors looking after many wounded victims of the Pakistan Army. At home, Chacha’s youngest daughter, Piu, six months older than me, and I were very depressed that we were not doing anything to be helpful.

One of my school friends, Miru, who was also a distant relative, lived nearby. We were allowed to visit their house. She was also depressed like us. Then, one day, she told us that if we were interested we could translate some leaflets from English into Bengali and her brother, Shaukat, could secretly send them across the border from inside East Pakistan. We were quite happy to do something.

At that time we were doing some embroidery to kill time. We used to go to Miru’s house taking a file full of designs for embroidery, hiding the leaflets among the designs. But one day I was almost caught. I was alone, returning from Miru’s house in a rickshaw, hiding a leaflet among my designs for embroidery. To return from their house, we had to pass Peel Khana. That day, I saw that para-military forces were checking all the vehicles – cars and rickshaws. I panicked; all my blood seemed to turn into water. I could not think of any way out. But when my turn came, the para-military soldier took one look at me and, for some reason, asked the rickshawala to carry on, showing no interest in me. I don’t know why he let me go. Maybe he had a sister of my age, or maybe he was a Bengali and forced against his will to work with the Pakistani military regime. But I thanked my luck and that unknown soldier.

However, that work was not enough for us and we were still depressed. Then came a family friend and my Chachi’s colleague, Dr Shafiullah – Shafi Mama to us – along with an intellectual and writer, Dr Borhanuddin Khan Jahangir. They asked us if we wanted to do some work for the Muktijuddha – Liberation War. We were very happy to say yes.

They asked us to do several things. First, we collected money and clothes for the freedom fighters, whom we called Muktijoddha. We only went to the houses of people we knew were supporters of the Muktijuddha. Then, one day, Shafi Mama and Dr Jahangir asked us to drop off a letter to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). When the India-Pakistan war broke out in December, they asked us to go to Sadar Ghat, on the banks of the river Buri Ganga, to check how many bunkers and trenches had been dug there. It was quite risky work. We were fairly young and Sadar Ghat was quite far from our home. We told our parents that we were going to Miru’s house and took a rickshaw to go to Sadar Ghat. Luckily we were able to finish counting the bunkers and trenches without raising anyone’s suspicions and returned home safely.

My Chacha’s second son was an exceptional person: kind-hearted and popular with friends. His name was Tubul; we called him Tubby. He had some contact with the guerilla freedom fighters. They occasionally came to the city to carry out some operation or other and had to stay somewhere. They could not stay with their families as there was constant surveillance on them. So they stayed whereever they could – like the house of a friend with whom they could not be readily connected. My Chacha’s house was one such shelter for them.

This particular group was named Crack Platoon. Some of their operations involved discouraging students who were still attending schools and colleges. They blasted bombs in educational institutions and in the vicinity of high-end hotels and guest houses, like the Hotel Intercontinental where foreign journalists usually stayed. We were very happy to do something for them, although we knew that it was risky business. We frequently cooked for them. One day one of them had tears in his eyes. He told us that they had forgotten that the colour of rice was white. The rice in their camp was mixed with soil and grit – so its colour was like dirt. Hearing that made us very sad; it also made us think that our twin brothers who were engaged in fighting for our country must be filling their bellies with dirty food.

Our eldest sister, Nina, and her husband, Mahmud, decided to cross the border. Some of Mahmud Dulabhali’s (brother-in-law’s) friends had started field hospitals on the other side of the border, and they wanted to join those serving there. Our parents decided that Piu and I should also go with them because it would be much safer than staying in the besieged city. We were ready to go with Nina and Dulabhai. Arrangements were made.

In the meantime, some guerilla fighters were captured by the Pakistan Army. And one among them must have given the army the address of our house while undergoing torture. One day before our departure, the Pakistan Army turned up at our house and searched the whole place. My Chachi’s father, Tamijuddin Khan, used to be the Speaker of the Pakistan Assembly at one point. There was a photo of him with US president John F. Kennedy in our drawing room. One of the Pakistani soldiers asked how that photo came to be there. Our brother, Tubby, told them that he was their Nana (maternal grandfather). The soldier commented that he could not understand how a relative of such a ‘Shariff’ (noble) person could be a ‘Gaddar’ (traitor) like this. They could not find anything incriminating in our house – yet they took Tubby away with them.

We had to give up the plan to leave the country. We were very upset. One day later, around dawn – 5am or so, the phone rang. It was the Officer in Charge of the Ramna Police Station. He told Chachi, “If you want to see your son, then come now, but you will have to leave before 7am, when they will be taken to MP Hostel.’ Later we came to know that those taken into custody were subjected to interrogation and torture. My mother and Chachi hurriedly took whatever cooked food there was in the house and went to see Tubby. Ma and Chachi went to meet him with some food every day, over several days.

Finally, Tubby was released. Our elder brother and sisters had tried in various ways to persuade influential people that Tubby was innocent. Maybe he was released because he happened to be Tamijuddin Khan’s grandson. When he returned home, he never took off his shirt in front of us. But one day, when he was about to go for a shower and took off his shirt unconsciously, we saw signs of torture all over his back. “I never changed my statement,” he told us with a half-smile. “I knew that if I did they would think I know more.”

Then, in December, war broke out between India and Pakistan. Before and during that time the Pakistani Army indiscriminately dropped bombs on people’s houses. Some of our relatives came to Chacha’s house for shelter. During the war there were frequent cockfights in the sky between Indian and Pakistani aircraft. We used to run up to the rooftop at all hours to watch the manoeuvres. The elders used to get very angry and always ordered us to come down. Of course, they were actually scared that we could be hit by stray bullets.

When the Indian Army finally called upon the Pakistani Army to lay down arms, the order was announced from the sky, from helicopters. Ultimately Pakistan had no choice but to surrender. It was on 16 December 1971 that Dhaka and the rest of East Pakistan became independent. The Pakistani Army was asked to surrender their weapons to the Indian and Bangladeshi Armies. The event was organised on the Race Course Ground.

Even on that occasion the Pakistani Army threatened to fire at the crowds, mostly Bengalis, standing on the sides of the streets and cheering. So while our elder brothers and male members of our immediate and extended families went to witness the surrender, we girls were not allowed to go out. We decided to use our time to prepare some posters to hang in different places in Dhaka the next day. But we did not have any paper or colours. Finally we used old newspapers and ‘Alta’ (lac-dye, which Bengali women use to anoint the soles of their feet).

That night we were too excited to go to bed. Quite late at night, we heard the sound of a jeep at the gate, followed by banging sounds. At first we were a little scared because, over the past nine months, we had become habituated to being badly startled by such sounds coming without warning. On 16 December we heard a similar sound again. At first we tried to ignore it but, since it was persistent, we had to open the gate.

To our delight, we found the Guerilla Muktijoddhas who had taken shelter in our house during operations in Dhaka city outside the compound. They were dressed in lungis, jubilantly waving firearms. Their faces split into broad smiles as they told us that they were just outside the city when the surrender was announced. They decided to come to our house to pay their respects to our family and thank Chachi for taking motherly care of them. All of them were animated and kept on talking. They asked Chachi for food, saying they were hungry. We did not have anything at home. So we decided to wake up our local shop keeper. He could only provide some biscuits and fluffed rice (‘murree’). The freedom fighters were happy with that.

The next day we told the elders that we were going out to join the Victory Day celebrations. Miru also came and joined us. First we went to the Language Martyrs Memorial or Shaheed Minar to put up posters. While we were doing that, two or three persons approached us and asked if they could interview us. We asked for their identity, and a very handsome person told us they were from All India Radio (AIR). I politely asked for his name because, during the previous nine months, we had become fans of some of the AIR broadcasters. He told us he was a journalist and his name was Chanchal Sircar. I felt very excited as I used to listen to his radio talk, called ‘Amar Mote’(In my opinion), with my father. Chanchalda interviewed us and, from that moment onwards, as long as he was alive, I enjoyed his affection.

After that we went to a few other places. Everywhere people had gathered to celebrate the victory. The crowds were full of joyous excitement but also very disciplined. They moved out of our way and made room for us to proceed. They kept telling each other, ‘Move away, our sisters have come.’ Some more freedom fighters entered the city and joined these gatherings. We greeted each other, spoke to them. Everyone was jubilant, happy and excited.

This is my personal account. What I was able to do during the freedom struggle was a drop in the ocean. But, overall, the women of Bangladesh made a huge and remarkable contribution to the war of independence. Some worked as guerilla fighters, some nursed the wounded or sick people, including the Muktijodhhas (freedom fighters). Some carried messages from one place to another. They hid weapons, they gave shelter to the guerilla workers. Groups of men and women went to different camps and refugee shelters to entertain people there by singing patriotic songs. Women were very active in every aspect of the struggle for independence. Many became Shaheed (martyrs), many others lost their near and dear ones.

Women political leaders went to different refugee camps and recruited female volunteers. One of these women freedom fighters was Shirin Banu Mitil, who joined the war face to face disguised as a man. Kakon Bibi was a freedom fighter who also worked as a secret agent during the liberation war. Apart from them, Ira Kar, Gita Kar, Laila Parveen Banu and 36 others also joined the liberation movement. Since there was a shortage of weapons, some of them worked in field hospitals and others joined the forces in different capacities.

Sufia Kamal was a writer, feminist leader and political activist who took part in Bengali nationalist movements even in 1950s. At one point she was the president of the biggest women’s group in the country, Bangladesh Mohila Parishad. Her two daughters, Sultana Kamal and Saeeda Kamal, left the country during the liberation struggle and joined the Mukti Bahini (guerilla resistance force). They worked in a field hospital set up by Bangladeshi doctors on the other side of the border. Dr Sitara Begum, Taramon Bibi, Rounak Mohal Dilruba Begum, Ferdousi Priyabhashini and Rokeya Begum also participated in the liberation movement.

Three of these women – Sitara Begum, Taramon Bibi and Kakon Bibi – received one of the highest national awards, Bir Protik, for their contributions to the war for freedom. However, all of them remain immortal in the annals of the glorious liberation war that led to the birth of Bangladesh as a nation.

Urmi Rahman is a journalist and author now based in Kolkata. After working for 12 years with a number of Bangladeshi newspapers/journals and the Bangladesh Press Institute, she joined the BBC World Service in London in 1985 as a producer-broadcaster. Urmi has a number of publications to her credit, both fiction and non-fiction. She is a member of the Bengal Chapter of the NWMI.

Read: NWMI Bengal meet with Bangladeshi journalist Urmi Rahman – NWM India

Make it Right: NWMI’s Guidelines for Safe Newsrooms

Nwmi expresses solidarity with tnm editor-in-chief dhanya rajendran, mexico’s first female president claudia sheinbaum faces many challenges, nwmi joins rsf and others to give new government 10 recommendations to guarantee press freedom.

The Pandemic through NWMI Fellow Akhila Easwaran’s Lens

The Emergency: Writing Back to the Future

Original articles may be reproduced for non-commercial purposes with due credit to nwmindia.org

English Composition

Tuesday, july 24, 2018, essay on the liberation war of bangladesh.

The Liberation War of Bangladesh

Bangladesh is a proud nation as it emerged through a glorious freedom fight. Though we have got the freedom the spirit of the freedom fight is yet to be established.

Previous history of freedom fight: Bangladesh lost her independence to the British when Nawab Serajuddola was defeated in the battle of Palassey in 1757. In 1947, the British divided India into two sovereign states, India and Pakistan. Pakistan was created but the people of Bangladesh were in majority in Pakistan, They were deprived of all the powers Bangladesh was made o colony of West Pakistan. As a result the people of Bangladesh could not tolerate this and started a strong movement for their release.

Background of the Liberation War: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some patriot of Bangladesh raised their voice of protest. In 1968, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and some other Bengalese were charged with a false case known as Agartola Conspiracy Case, but the people of Bangladesh started a strong movement against this case. Ayub Khan was compelled to release them. Then came Yahia Khan and he declared general election in 1970. The party of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman got absolute majority in the National assembly. But Yahia did not hand over the power and he stopped National Assembly. As a result, Sheikh Mujib started non-violent, non-co-operation movement. Yahia started a false dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and he began to increase the strength of army.

Freedom struggle of 1971: March 25 is a black day in the history of Bangladesh. On that night the army began to attack in the unarmed people of Bangladesh. Sheik Mujib was arrested and taken to West Pakistan. The independence of Bangladesh was declared. As the liberation war started, freedom fighters took birth overnight and faced the well-trained occupying forces to Pakistan fearlessly. At Mujib Nagar the government of the people republic of Bangladesh was formed on 17th April, 1971. But the Pakistan went on committing genocide to horror of the world. Women were raped and killed. The world press believed the atrocity of the of the occupying forces exceeded all limits. Millions of innocent Bengalese fled across the border in fear of their loves. So when their crimes were full, the Pakistanis came under direct attack of the combined forces of India and Bangladesh.

The 16th December: The final stage of the war took a couple of days only. On the glorious day of 16th December, the Pakistani army surrendered. Our victory day confirmed the birth of Bangladesh on the world map.

No comments:

Social Studies for LE SME

UNIT 5: THE 1990 LIBERATION WAR IN RWANDA

Key Unit competence: The student- teacher should be able to assess the causes and the consequences of the Liberation war of 1990-1994.

Introductory Activity

From October 1990 up to July 1994, Rwanda was undergoing the Liberation war started by Rwanda Patriotic Front. To which extent this war was inevitable?

5.1 The causes of the 1990–1994 Liberation War in Rwanda

Learning activity 5.1

Through the use of internet or by visiting your school library, examine the factors that have motivated Rwanda Patriotic Front (R.P.F) Inkotanyi to plan for the 1990 – 1994 Liberation War.

The long and hard life in exile

The events of 1959 have led to the exile of many Rwandans who left the country after the unrest period marked by violence and massacres of the members of the political party Union Nationale Rwandaise (UNAR) and against the Tutsi in general. In exile, refugees had different hard living conditions. But, in general, those living conditions in refugee camps and single young adults struggled to get a better life. Such bad living conditions coupled with lack of employment and good education in hosting countries pushed them to think of a solution to returning home.

The regionalism and ethnic based divisionism

Both, the First Republic (1962-1973) and the Second (1973-1994) Republic maintained and institutionalized “ethnic” labels (Hutu, Tutsi, Twa) in identity cards and the quota system.

As a result, ethnic and regional equilibrium had to be respected in different sectors such as administration, enrolment in secondary and tertiary schools and in the army.

Since the late 1960s the power was in the hands of few people from some communes of Gitarama. The same situation was observed under the Second Republic where again few people from some parts of the former Ruhengeri and Gisenyi préfectures occupied key positions in the country. As far as the political plan was concerned, both Republics were characterized by identitybased ideology.

During the First and Second Republics, hatred against the Tutsi was reinforced; very political crisis was blamed on Tutsi who were treated as scapegoats. This case was raised when refugees’ troops called Inyenzi attacked Rwanda in 1963 and later before the 1973 Habyarimana’s coup d’Etat against Kayibanda’s regime.

The refusal of return for Rwandan refugees

Since 1959 and under the First Republic, the Tutsi ran away from the violence and mass killing organized against them; they did so because they had to save their lives. Although the Government of Rwanda had since 1964 requested that refugees be settled in their countries of asylum, it did almost nothing to help them.

In 1973, the Second Republic put in place a joint ministerial commission between Rwanda and Uganda for the repatriation of Rwandan refugees living in Uganda. The refugees had to express in writing their desire to return home. The request had to be addressed to the country of origin through the High Commission for Refugees and the hosting governments. Any refugee whose request was rejected stayed in the country of exile or looked for another hosting country.

In addition, those who were displaced during the 1959 violence could not recuperate their properties. Most of the time, their properties were illegally taken by bourgmestres and their friends and this is why they were a source of trials. In 1966, President Kayibanda prevented refugees from claiming their properties.

In 1975, President Habyarimana put in place a decree stating that Tutsi refugees’ assets should become public properties. This decision was due to the refusal of political leaders who did not want to return the land to its owners.

The 1990 – 1994 Liberation War was inevitable insofar as the problem of the refugees was left pending, while the living conditions in the countries of refuge became unbearable. Many people were disillusioned by the attempts of integration in host countries.

The intimidation and killing of opponents

The Second Republic did not accept and tolerate any opposition. Any person who tried to oppose it was jailed. Even if political assassinations were not frequent, they existed. Thus, the 1990 – 1994 liberation war was organized in order to fight against such injustice in the country.

The increase of dictatorship in Rwanda

During the Second Republic, only a single political party, MRND was allowed to operate as it was stipulated by the 1978 constitution. In practice, the powers were concentrated in the hands of a small group of people from the President’s family and his family in-law called Akazu. No single important decision could be made without prior approval of the President and his MRND.

Application activity 5.1

Explain the role played by the following factors for the outbreak of the 1990 – 1994 liberation war in Rwanda:

• The regionalism and ethnic based divisionism

• The refusal of return for Rwandan refugees

5.2 The effects of the 1990 – 1994 Liberation War in Rwanda

Learning activity 5.2

From 1994 up to 1994, Rwanda was under the liberation war initiated by RPF Inkotanyi on the 1st October 1990. analyze the effects brought by that war in Rwanda.

The loss of lives and destruction of properties

Since the war started, there was increase of insecurity in Rwanda; in fighting areas some soldiers could shoot at people; ransack their houses and rape girls and women. In addition, due to the fighting, a number of people were killed and others wounded including soldiers and civilians. The killings led to the problem of orphans and widows.

In some areas, the reaction of the Habyarimana’s government was to attack and kill the Tutsi population of the interior of the country. For instance, from 1991 to 1993, there was massacre of Abagogwe social group in retaliation against an RPA attacks. The similar killings were also done in Kibirira, Bugesera, Kibuye, Murambi and in Umutara. These killings were also seen by some analysts as a strategy of strengthening the Habyarimana regime in difficult conditions and uniting all Hutu against a same enemy.

By this war, some public infrastructures like offices, roads and bridges, specifically in the northern regions of Rwanda were destroyed. Besides, the private properties were also destroyed like houses and shops.

The decline of the Rwandan economy

Due to the fighting during the 1990 – 1994 Liberation War; more than one million Rwandans fleeing the battle fields were displaced inside the country and they were not working. These Rwandans were in great need of shelter, food and other basic needs to use in their daily life. At the end of the war, Government officials, soldiers and militia fled to Zaïre, the then DRC, Tanzania and Burundi taking with them millions of civilians. Thousands of them died of water-borne diseases.

A picture of a Rwandan refugees’ camp at Goma in DRC

Source: https://www.sciencesource.com/archive/Rwandan-Refugee-Camp-SS2348665 . html

Apart from the negative effects brought by the Liberation War fought from 1990 to 1994, on the other side, this war also brought positive results to the Rwandan society.

Restoration of national unity: Thanks to the Liberation War won by RPF, many achievements were made in the matter of building the national unity like equal justice, peace and security, end of segregation, etc.

Fighting against the public malpractice: The RPF Inkotanyi aimed at fighting against the corruption, favoritism and embezzlement as they were the result of the Liberation War.

Improvement of the image of Rwanda: The 1990 - 1994 Liberation War contributed to the improvement of the righteous image of the country. Rwandans are well-known all over the world as a good example of reconciliation, people living together on the same land, victims and criminals, after the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi.

Promotion of good diplomatic relations with other countries: By the end of the 1990 – 1994 Liberation War, the country promoted international relations based on mutual respect, cooperation and mutual economic exchange. This helped the country to reduce economic and political dependency towards foreign countries.

Application activity 5.2

The Liberation War of 1990 – 1994 has positively and negatively affected the Rwandan society. Explain.

Analyze the roles played by Major General Fred Gisa Rwigema and other heroes in the 1990-1994 Liberation War in Rwanda and different activities that can be done to be a hero.

End unit assessment

1. Different factors justify the reasons which led to the outbreak of the 1990 – 1994 Liberation War in Rwanda. Identify and explain them.

2. Examine the negative and positive impacts of the Liberation War in Rwanda.

Connect with us:

My bookmarks

Privacy & Policy
Composition

The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition

Assalamu Alaikum Dear Students. Today's Topic is The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition. If you want to get The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition Well in Your Mind Then You Must Read Carefully. Let's know Today's Topic The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition.

Force name	East Pakistan	West Pakistan
Army	7.4%	2.6%
Air Force	28.7%	71.3%

The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition

Freedom is the birth-right of man. But freedom does not come down on a nation. A nation must rise itself to achieve it. Bangladesh experienced about. 190 years of long British colonial rule that ended up in 1947 with the partition of Indian subcontinent and birth of two independent states viz, India and Pakistan. Bangladesh became a province of Pakistan named East Pakistan. However, the • deprivation and exploitation of the Pakistani rulers created grievances and resentment among the people of East Pakistan. They rose again and revolted against the Pakistan oppressors. This time they rose for complete break up with Pakistan and voiced for an independent nation. The result is a nine month-long armed struggle against Pakistani occupation forces that culminated in the birth of Bangladesh as a free and sovereign nation in the world.

The causes of our liberation war are rooted in the social discrimination, political deprivation and economic exploitation. The people of this region had long been exploited by the Pakistani authorities like the colonial period. Development programmes were mainly taken up for the West Pakistan and mills and factories and infrastructural development were done there for which East Pakistan provided its earning from export. Moreover, when Pakistani authorities denied to recognise the electoral triumph of the Awami League under the leadership of Bangabandhu Shekih Mujibur Rahman in 1970, it became obvious that it was not possible then to co-exist as two provinces and it was time for liberation. These social and cultural, economic and political factors end to our liberation war.

On 7th March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman while addressing a huge crowd in the historic racecourse ground declared that the struggle of this time is struggle for freedom, the struggle of this time is struggle for independence. On 26 March, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared the independence of Bangladesh. From then, the students, farmers, labourers, all and sundry joined the liberation war and after taking guerrilla training, fought with the Pakistan occupation forces. Colonel M.A.G. Osmani was made the Chief commander of liberation forces and the country was divided into eleven sectors under eleven army officers to conduct the war.

The liberation forces comprised former EPR members, army personnel, police and freedom fighters. India provided gue.rrilla training and other support to the freedom .fighters. After nine months bloody struggle. the Pakistani army surrendered to the Allied forces at Race Course ground on 16 December 1971. Thus a new and free nation was born in the world map.

Thus, after a sea of blood and lots of sacrifices we achieved our liberation from Pakistan. Today we are proud as an independent and sovereign nation. Our liberation war has gone down to history. Our liberation war is our living memory, our greatest achievement, and our pride.

অনুবাদঃ স্বাধীনতা মানুষের জন্মগত অধিকার। কিন্তু স্বাধীনতা কোন জাতির উপর নেমে আসে না। এটি অর্জনের জন্য একটি জাতিকে নিজেকে উঠতে হবে। বাংলাদেশ সম্পর্কে অভিজ্ঞ। 190 বছরের দীর্ঘ ব্রিটিশ ঔপনিবেশিক শাসন যা 1947 সালে ভারতীয় উপমহাদেশের বিভক্তি এবং দুটি স্বাধীন রাষ্ট্র যেমন ভারত ও পাকিস্তানের জন্মের সাথে শেষ হয়েছিল। বাংলাদেশ পাকিস্তানের একটি প্রদেশে পরিণত হয় যার নাম পূর্ব পাকিস্তান। যাইহোক, পাকিস্তানি শাসকদের বঞ্চনা ও শোষণ পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের জনগণের মধ্যে ক্ষোভ ও অসন্তোষ সৃষ্টি করেছিল। তারা আবার জেগে ওঠে এবং পাকিস্তানি অত্যাচারীদের বিরুদ্ধে বিদ্রোহ করে। এবার তারা পাকিস্তানের সাথে সম্পূর্ণ বিচ্ছেদের জন্য উঠে দাঁড়ালো এবং একটি স্বাধীন জাতির জন্য সোচ্চার হলো। পাকিস্তানি দখলদার বাহিনীর বিরুদ্ধে নয় মাসব্যাপী সশস্ত্র সংগ্রামের ফলশ্রুতিতে বিশ্বে স্বাধীন ও সার্বভৌম জাতি হিসেবে বাংলাদেশের জন্ম হয়।

আমাদের মুক্তিযুদ্ধের কারণের মূলে রয়েছে সামাজিক বৈষম্য, রাজনৈতিক বঞ্চনা ও অর্থনৈতিক শোষণ। ঔপনিবেশিক আমলের মতো এ অঞ্চলের মানুষ দীর্ঘদিন ধরে পাকিস্তানি কর্তৃপক্ষের দ্বারা শোষিত ছিল। উন্নয়ন কর্মসূচী প্রধানত পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের জন্য গৃহীত হয়েছিল এবং সেখানে কল-কারখানা এবং অবকাঠামোগত উন্নয়ন করা হয়েছিল যার জন্য পূর্ব পাকিস্তান রপ্তানি থেকে আয় প্রদান করে। তদুপরি, পাকিস্তান কর্তৃপক্ষ যখন 1970 সালে বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের নেতৃত্বে আওয়ামী লীগের নির্বাচনী বিজয়কে স্বীকৃতি দিতে অস্বীকার করেছিল, তখন এটি স্পষ্ট হয়ে ওঠে যে তখন দুটি প্রদেশ হিসাবে সহাবস্থান করা সম্ভব ছিল না এবং এটি মুক্তির সময় ছিল। এই সামাজিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক, অর্থনৈতিক ও রাজনৈতিক কারণগুলো আমাদের মুক্তিযুদ্ধের অবসান ঘটায়।

১৯৭১ সালের ৭ মার্চ ঐতিহাসিক রেসকোর্স ময়দানে বিশাল জনসমাবেশে ভাষণ দিতে গিয়ে শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান ঘোষণা করেন, এবারের সংগ্রাম স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম, এবারের সংগ্রাম স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম। ২৬ মার্চ শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা ঘোষণা করেন। তখন থেকে ছাত্র, কৃষক, শ্রমিক, সকলেই মুক্তিযুদ্ধে যোগ দেয় এবং গেরিলা প্রশিক্ষণ নিয়ে পাকিস্তানি হানাদার বাহিনীর সাথে যুদ্ধ করে। কর্নেল এম.এ.জি. ওসমানীকে মুক্তিবাহিনীর প্রধান সেনাপতি করা হয় এবং যুদ্ধ পরিচালনার জন্য এগারোজন সেনা কর্মকর্তার অধীনে দেশকে এগারোটি সেক্টরে ভাগ করা হয়।

মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের মধ্যে ছিল সাবেক ইপিআর সদস্য, সেনাসদস্য, পুলিশ ও মুক্তিযোদ্ধা। ভারত মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের গেরিলা প্রশিক্ষণ এবং অন্যান্য সহায়তা প্রদান করে। নয় মাস রক্তক্ষয়ী সংগ্রামের পর। পাকিস্তান সেনাবাহিনী ১৯৭১ সালের ১৬ ডিসেম্বর রেসকোর্স ময়দানে মিত্রবাহিনীর কাছে আত্মসমর্পণ করে। এভাবে বিশ্বের মানচিত্রে একটি নতুন ও স্বাধীন জাতির জন্ম হয়।

এভাবে এক সাগর রক্ত ও অনেক ত্যাগের পর আমরা পাকিস্তান থেকে মুক্তি পেয়েছি। আজ আমরা একটি স্বাধীন ও সার্বভৌম জাতি হিসেবে গর্বিত। আমাদের মুক্তিযুদ্ধ ইতিহাসে নেমে গেছে। আমাদের মুক্তিযুদ্ধ আমাদের জীবন্ত স্মৃতি, আমাদের শ্রেষ্ঠ অর্জন এবং আমাদের অহংকার।

The End Of The Article: The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition

We Have Learned So Far liberation war of bangladesh essay in bengali. If You Like Today's liberation war of bangladesh essay in bangla, You Can Share it With Your Facebook Friends. And Stay With Our RK Raihan Website To Get Daily New Posts Like This. the liberation war of bangladesh composition, liberation war of bangladesh essay, liberation war of bangladesh essay in bengali, liberation war of bangladesh essay in bangla, liberation war of bangladesh essay in english, the liberation war of bangladesh essay, the spirit of liberation war of bangladesh essay

আরকে রায়হান Follow Me

আমি আরকে রায়হান। আমাদের টার্গেট হল ইন্টারনেটকে শেখার জায়গা বানানো। আরকে রায়হান বিশ্বাস করেন যে জ্ঞান শুধুমাত্র শেয়ার করার জন্য তাই কেউ যদি প্রযুক্তি সম্পর্কে কিছু জানে এবং শেয়ার করতে চায় তাহলে আরকে রায়হান পরিবার তাকে সর্বদা স্বাগত জানানো হবে।

Trump and Allies Forge Plans to Increase Presidential Power in 2025

The former president and his backers aim to strengthen the power of the White House and limit the independence of federal agencies.

Donald J. Trump intends to bring independent regulatory agencies under direct presidential control. Credit... Doug Mills/The New York Times

Supported by

Share full article

By Jonathan Swan Charlie Savage and Maggie Haberman

Published July 17, 2023 Updated July 18, 2023

Donald J. Trump and his allies are planning a sweeping expansion of presidential power over the machinery of government if voters return him to the White House in 2025, reshaping the structure of the executive branch to concentrate far greater authority directly in his hands.

Their plans to centralize more power in the Oval Office stretch far beyond the former president’s recent remarks that he would order a criminal investigation into his political rival, President Biden, signaling his intent to end the post-Watergate norm of Justice Department independence from White House political control.

Mr. Trump and his associates have a broader goal: to alter the balance of power by increasing the president’s authority over every part of the federal government that now operates, by either law or tradition, with any measure of independence from political interference by the White House, according to a review of his campaign policy proposals and interviews with people close to him.

Mr. Trump intends to bring independent agencies — like the Federal Communications Commission, which makes and enforces rules for television and internet companies, and the Federal Trade Commission, which enforces various antitrust and other consumer protection rules against businesses — under direct presidential control.

He wants to revive the practice of “impounding” funds, refusing to spend money Congress has appropriated for programs a president doesn’t like — a tactic that lawmakers banned under President Richard Nixon.

He intends to strip employment protections from tens of thousands of career civil servants, making it easier to replace them if they are deemed obstacles to his agenda. And he plans to scour the intelligence agencies, the State Department and the defense bureaucracies to remove officials he has vilified as “the sick political class that hates our country.”

We are having trouble retrieving the article content.

Please enable JavaScript in your browser settings.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times.

Thank you for your patience while we verify access.

Already a subscriber? Log in .

Want all of The Times? Subscribe .

Tim Walz's military record: What to know about potential VP's National Guard service

Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris selected Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate on Tuesday, choosing a progressive yet plain-spoken VP candidate from America’s heartland to help her win over rural, white voters.

“I’m pleased to share that I’ve made my decision: Minnesota Governor Tim Walz will join our campaign as my running mate,” Harris said via text to supporters. “Tim is a battle-tested leader who has an incredible track record of getting things done for Minnesota families. I know that he will bring that same principled leadership to our campaign, and to the office of the vice president.”

We look at Walz, a 60-year-old U.S. Army National Guard veteran, and his military career over the years.

More: Tim Walz is Kamala Harris' VP pick: Minnesota governor named running mate: Live updates

How long was Walz in the military?

Walz served in the military for 24 years, enlisting in the Nebraska National Guard at 17 in 1981 and then transferring to the Minnesota National Guard in 1996. He retired in 2005 to begin his successful run for the U.S. House, representing Minnesota as command sergeant major, among the highest ranks for enlisted soldiers. His battalion went on to deploy to Iraq shortly after Walz's retirement.

Walz specialized in heavy artillery and had proficiency ribbons in sharpshooting and hand grenades.

But during the 21 years that Walz spent working with large artillery pieces, he suffered hearing loss and tinnitus in both ears, Minnesota Public Radio reported. He was allowed to continue his service after undergoing surgery, which partially resolved his hearing loss.

Where did Walz serve, and what did he do in the National Guard?

During his service, Walz responded to natural disasters, including floods and tornadoes in Minnesota and Nebraska, and was deployed overseas for months at a time, according to MPR.

In 2003, he was sent to Italy, where he served with the European Security Force to support the war in Afghanistan. He was also stationed in Norway for joint training with other NATO militaries.

Walz told MPR that he reenlisted in the National Guard after the September 11 attacks but never saw active combat in his years in the military.

Stars and Stripes reported in 2020 that Walz credited his Army experience with helping him steer Minnesota through the COVID-19 pandemic as governor.

As governor of Minnesota, Walz is commander in chief of the 13,000-soldier Minnesota National Guard. “I’m certainly proud of my military service, but it’s one piece of me,” he told Minnesota Public Radio in 2018. “It doesn’t define me.”

Reuters and USA TODAY reporter Tom Vanden Brook contributed to this story.

IMAGES

Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition
Write A Essay On ‘Our Liberation War’, Short Essay On Our Liberation War,article On Our
Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition/Essay for SSC & HSC
Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition
Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition: Unveiling the Bloodstained Revolution
⇉An assignment on liberation war Essay Example

COMMENTS

THE LIBERATION WAR (Paragraph / Composition / Essay )
THE LIBERATION WAR (Paragraph / Composition / Essay ) The Bangladesh Liberation War, also known as the Bangladesh War of Independence, was a significant revolution and armed conflict that led to the creation of the People's Republic of Bangladesh. It was ignited by the rise of the Bengali nationalist and self-determination movement in East ...
Bangladesh Liberation War
The war changed the geopolitical landscape of South Asia, with the emergence of Bangladesh as the world's seventh-most populous country. Due to complex regional alliances, the war was a major episode in Cold War tensions involving the United States, the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China. The majority of member states in the United ...
The Bangladesh Liberation War
December 16, 1971 marked the end of the Bangladesh Liberation War, a short-lived conflict between India and Pakistan that established the People's Republic of Bangladesh from the territory of the former province of East Pakistan.. Although the war is best remembered for its dramatic alteration of South Asia's geopolitical landscape, it also bears a more complex and lesser-known set of ...
1971 Liberation war, birth of Bangladesh and comparison with ...
The Liberation War (March to December 1971) Following the massacre of the 25 th of March 1971, Bengalis started fighting against the Pakistani military with every resource they had. Ordinary Bengalis, especially young people, who had no knowledge or training to fight in a war, risked their lives and the lives of their family members for the ...
Liberation War of Bangladesh Free Essay Example
Essay, Pages 13 (3108 words) Views. 12458. Our liberation is the greatest achievement in our national life. The War of Liberation of Bangladesh took place in the history in 1971. We had been under Pakistani rule for twenty five years. The Pakistani rulers and their vested interest group began to treat East Pakistan as a colony gof West Pakistan.
Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition/Essay for SSC & HSC
This composition aims to provide an overview of the Liberation War of Bangladesh for SSC students. Background: The root causes of the Liberation War can be traced back to the partition of India in 1947, which led to the creation of two separate nations: India and Pakistan.
Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971: Narratives, Impacts and the Actors
Abstract. Both the Bangladesh state and society are yet to settle the questions over and narratives related to the Liberation War of 1971. Broadly, there are two groups with contradictory and conflicting interpretations of the events related to that war. This has also led to the mushrooming of militant groups in the country.
Composition on Liberation War of Bangladesh
Declaration of war: sheikh mujibur rahman roared up like a lion and made a clarion call to the people to stand up and fight to liberate Bangladesh from the grip of the Pakistani brutal. This declaration was made on the 7 th March, 1971 in the race course ground before an overwhelming crowd. He declared in a thundering like, this time's ...
Composition on The Victory Day of Bangladesh
Various social and cultural programmes are held throughout the country. The president of the prime minister receives the salute in the march past of the defence forces. Various theatre groups old street drama containing the themes of the liberation war. Some film clubs sow films made on the liberation war.
The Liberation War of Bangladesh: Emergence of Nationalism in the
The age of the Bengali liberation war has crossed almost five decades. The political, social, economic, and cultural background of the liberation war of 1971 and the emergence of independent ...
Bangladesh war: The article that changed history
By Mark Dummett. BBC News. On 13 June 1971, an article in the UK's Sunday Times exposed the brutality of Pakistan's suppression of the Bangladeshi uprising. It forced the reporter's family into ...
The Historic 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur ...
"The Historic 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman" was delivered by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 7th March, 1971 who led the people of Bangladesh to independence in 1971. At that time when the Pakistani military rulers refused to transfer power to the Bengali nationalist leader Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, whose party Awami League gained majority in the National ...
The Spirit of the Liberation War
This inspiration was what came to be known as the spirit which inspired the liberation war, what we popularly term Muktijuddher-chetona. This is a phrase which is used so frequently and so casually as to be rendered almost devoid of meaning. We invoke this spirit as a ritual incantation and rarely bother to ask ourselves what this spirit ...
Composition
Composition | The Liberation War Of Bangladesh. 1. Bangladesh is a proud nation as it emerged through a glorious freedom fight. Though we have got the freedom the spirit of the freedom fight is yet to be established. Bangladesh lost her independence to the British when Nawab Serajuddola was defeated in the battle of Palassey in 1757.
The Liberation War of Bangladesh: A History Free Essay Example
Essay Sample The Liberation War of Bangladesh was a conflict between the people of East Pakistan and the West Pakistan Army that lasted for nine months in 1971. +1 (585) 438 02 31 ... Free yourself up from research and writing! Hire an expert to write you a 100% unique paper aligned to your needs. Contact a pro.
The Declaration of Independence
The Declaration of Independence. The 7th March speech of Bangabandhu was the definitive commencement of Liberation war. The independence of Bangladesh was declared by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman through a message on 26 March 1971 just before he was arrested at about 1:30 a.m. This declaration of independence marks the beginning of the Liberation War.
An Essay on Liberation War Of Bangladesh ...
The independence of Bangladesh was declared. As the liberation war started, freedom fighters took birth overnight and faced the well-trained occupying forces to Pakistan fearlessly. At Mujib Nagar the government of the people republic of Bangladesh was formed on 17th April, 1971. But the Pakistan went on committing genocide to horror of the world.
⇉An assignment on liberation war Essay Example
By the liberation war in 1971, freedom-loving people were finally free from Pakistan's domination, marking the end of Bangladesh's long struggle for freedom. The liberation war played a significant role in establishing an independent identity for the people of Bangladesh and the Bengali nation. Various actors and factors contributed to this ...
Bangladesh War of Independence: A Moral Issue
The ed as criminals. ready to become modern nation state decided to keep col- After the crackdown its of 25 March 1971, East lective Bengal moral values away from the do- the crisis of Bangladesh opted became a moral knew main of public they affairs; however, it suc- issue. Until 25 March, would an individual could.
My Experience of the 1971 War for Freedom for Bangladesh
Women freedom fighters of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. Photo courtesy: Urmi Rahman. This article by network member Urmi Rahman is based on the paper she presented at the International Conference on Bangladesh: Revisiting Freedom and Independence organised by the Department of Comparative Literature, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, on 30 and 31 March, 2023.
English Composition: Essay on The Liberation War of Bangladesh
The Liberation War of Bangladesh. Bangladesh is a proud nation as it emerged through a glorious freedom fight. Though we have got the freedom the spirit of the freedom fight is yet to be established. Previous history of freedom fight: Bangladesh lost her independence to the British when Nawab Serajuddola was defeated in the battle of Palassey ...
Unit 5: the 1990 Liberation War in Rwanda
Application activity 5.1. Explain the role played by the following factors for the outbreak of the 1990 - 1994 liberation war in Rwanda: • The regionalism and ethnic based divisionism. • The refusal of return for Rwandan refugees. 5.2 The effects of the 1990 - 1994 Liberation War in Rwanda. Learning activity 5.2.
The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition
The End Of The Article: The Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition We Have Learned So Far liberation war of bangladesh essay in bengali. If You Like Today's liberation war of bangladesh essay in bangla, You Can Share it With Your Facebook Friends.
Trump and Allies Forge Plans to Increase Presidential Power in 2025
Donald J. Trump and his allies are planning a sweeping expansion of presidential power over the machinery of government if voters return him to the White House in 2025, reshaping the structure of ...
Tim Walz's military career: What to know about potential VP's service
In 2003, he was sent to Italy, where he served with the European Security Force to support the war in Afghanistan. He was also stationed in Norway for joint training with other NATO militaries.

Ohio State nav bar

The Bangladesh Liberation War

Publications Research Dossiers

The Partition of the Indian Subcontinent and Creation of Pakistan

Lahore Resolution

The Partition

Discrimination and Exploitation by West-Pakistan

Political Discrimination

Economic exploitation

Social Exploitation

Agartala Conspiracy Case

Operation Searchlight

The Liberation War (March to December 1971)

Refugee Crisis

Military Support from India

The Rajakars

Atrocities Committed by the Pakistani Army

International Support

The Surrender of Pakistani Army and victory of Bangladesh

Comparison between Present Day Bangladesh and Pakistan

Political Development of Bangladesh

Rule of Law

Accountability of Government

Political Stability

Control of Corruption

Social Development

Living Standard

Water and Sanitation

Food Security

Basic Health care

Women Empowerment

Social Cohesiveness

Economic Development

Unemployment

Population Density

Industrialization

Inflation (Consumer Prices) and Exchange Rates

Foreign Aid and External Debt

Sustainable Development

The European Foundation for South Asian Studies (EFSAS): Committed to providing excellent, genuine & authentic research and advice on South Asia.

Liberation War of Bangladesh

Genocide of Bangladesh

Liberation War of Bangladesh Composition/Essay for SSC & HSC

Background:

The Agitation and Repression:

Election of 1970 and the Liberation War:

The Struggle and Resistance:

International Support and Humanitarian Crisis:

The Birth of Bangladesh:

Conclusion:

Liberation War of Bangladesh for HSC Students

Agitation and Repression:

Struggle and Resistance:

Best 05 Folk Music Paragraph

Legacy and Impact:

For more Paragraphs, Click Here !

একটি মন্তব্য পোস্ট করুন

Responsive Ad

যোগাযোগ ফর্ম

Composition on The Victory Day of Bangladesh

Similar Posts:

Bangladesh war: The article that changed history

'Betrayal'

More on this story

Related Internet Links

The Historic 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Collection locations

Related items

The Spirit of the Liberation War

Quick Access

Subscribe Our Channel

Composition | The Liberation War Of Bangladesh

ইংরেজি কালেকশন

Dialogue | Between You And Your Friend Sohel About A Birthday Party

Dialogue | Between You And Your New Friend About Your School

The Liberation War of Bangladesh

Related essays

Tracing Nationalist Ideology across the Decades

Plato and Pericles

The Louisiana Purchase: One of the Most Significant Achievements of President Thomas Jefferson